June 8, 2025 - The Political Cesspool - James Edwards
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Radio Show Hour 2 – 2025/06/07
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You're listening to the Liberty News Radio Network, and this is the Political Cesspool.
The Political Cesspool, known across the South and worldwide as the South's foremost populist conservative radio program.
And here to guide you through the murky waters of the Political Cesspool is your host, James Edwards.
So once again, ladies and gentlemen, this Saturday evening, June the 7th, we are spending the entire night talking about what happened last Saturday at DPC's Will to Power conference.
And we gave you a pretty good broad overview in that first hour.
I want to thank, again, our friends at the Conservative Citizens Foundation, American Free Press, all the other people who helped sponsor this event for doing just that.
And also, one thing I should have said, and I meant to say it in the first hour, was that there were so many young mothers in the room, so many kids from newborns to toddlers to teenagers and everywhere in between, everywhere on the childhood spectrum of ages.
They were well represented.
I would say at least 10% of the room was teenage and under.
That is the sign of a healthy movement, ladies and gentlemen.
You know you are doing your job right when you are presenting our message in a way that attracts that kind of demographic.
Young families, young families, very strong.
The heart and soul of a healthy movement was represented at this conference as well.
Now, I do believe that God guides, that God guides us, especially if you seek that guidance.
And one thing that I want to say before we go to Lou Moore in the next segment was before Philip DeWinter spoke last Saturday night, I sat in a chair, in a tall chair at the center of the room, and I said, there's one man who's not here tonight that deserves to be mentioned, because if it was not for this man, none of us would be here.
And in more ways than one.
And with that said, an image of Pat Buchanan came on the projector screen, Pat holding a Confederate revolver sitting in front of a huge portrait of Robert E. Lee.
And you know why, of course.
I mean, number one, I've told this story so many times, but I'll never get tired of telling it.
I wouldn't be on the radio if it wasn't for Pat Buchanan.
If it wasn't for my father, when I was 11 years old, commenting and me just overhearing that he was going to be supporting Pat Buchanan.
My grandfather was dying of cancer, and my dad was taking him up to Vanderbilt University.
One of the days my granddad was up there getting chemo, Buchanan was at Vanderbilt.
What are the odds?
What are the odds?
My dad leaves the hospital to go over, walk over, and to hear him speak.
A couple of weeks later, we're on a spring break trip.
My family, I'm 11 years old at the time.
I overhear dad say he heard Pat Buchanan speak and he's going to support him.
There was no reason for that comment.
It didn't mean anything to my 11-year-old self.
I don't know.
It didn't mean anything to me in that moment.
But somehow, some way, when I was flipping through channels eight years later, I come across Crossfire.
And I said, Dad mentioned this guy when I was a kid.
And I started watching Buchanan.
Then he runs for the Reform Party nomination in 2000.
All I wanted to do was meet him.
Then we have that chance meeting that I've told you about at the Hermitage, completely blind luck, or was it?
And from that, I get enlisted as a volunteer, then get tapped to be a district captain, then a delegate to the Reform Party nominating convention in Long Beach, California, then a member of the Reform Party National Committee.
And at the end of it all, I was doing interviews on behalf of the campaign.
I can remember a guy named Randy Reed was the director of the campaign, the state director in Tennessee.
And somebody from the campaign headquarters named Tim Haley said, we need a local guy in Tennessee to do a TV interview and some newspaper interviews to speak on behalf of the campaign.
Randy calls me and says, we want you to do it.
I'm 20 years old.
By then, I'm 20.
I turned 20 in the summer of 2000.
I was 19 when it started.
It's me.
And that was it.
But I made those connections over that year, kept the band together in the region, at least, when I ran for state representative in 2002.
And I just want you to think about a few things.
I want you to think about a few things.
This is one thing I haven't really talked about before.
So yes, if it had not been that campaign, I wouldn't have gotten involved in politics.
If I'd have won that race that I desperately wanted to win in 2002, I'd be one of 99, assuming I was even still there, one of 99 members of the Tennessee state legislature.
I wouldn't have had nearly the impact on our cause as I'm doing in radio.
So thank God I lost.
Thank God I didn't get what I wanted in 2002.
And think about Buchanan himself.
Think about Buchanan himself.
Think about this.
As you know, it has been widely reported, but not nearly widely enough.
Donald Trump ran for president four times.
The last three cycles, you know, there was only one time he actually lost.
2000, he lost the Reform Party nomination to Pat Buchanan.
Now think about what I'm about to say, folks.
Listen to me closely.
Imagine that Trump had beaten Buchanan.
Trump would have gone on to get trounced in the general election as a third-party candidate and would have probably had his fill of politics.
But because he lost and because he lost to Buchanan, he recognized this underserved political demographic nationalists.
There was an energy there.
There was an energy there.
And of course, as you know, when Donald Trump came back as a repackaged candidate in 2015, he ran on Pat Buchanan's platform.
God's will be done.
And think about this.
Pat Buchanan got 1% of the vote.
1% of the vote in the general election in 2000.
If he doesn't beat Trump, Trump loses and is probably out of politics altogether.
If Pat Buchanan had done any better than 1%, Al Gore would have been president.
Al Gore would have been president, and so many conservatives, so many Republicans would still be thinking that, man, if we could have just elected a Republican, they wouldn't be thinking outside the box.
But because Pat only got 1%, George Bush, by the skin of his teeth, was able to win Florida.
The hanging Chads, Jews in South Florida voting for Buchanan, thinking they were voting for Gore.
Do you not see God's hand in all of this?
And we got George Bush.
What was good about getting George Bush?
Eight years of the most wretched policies known to man.
By that point, conservatives wanted something different.
Then, yes, you got Obama.
You got horrible candidates like John McCain and Mitt Romney.
Thank God they nominated such horrible people because it caused our people to want something more.
Enter Trump.
All of it, folks.
If you can't see God's hand in all of that, from my involvement in all of this and the involvement that would become the political cesspool, how my journey through the Buchanan campaign, these chance freak occurrences leading one step to the other, Buchanan beating Trump, but then doing so poorly that George Bush could still win and he didn't play the spoiler that Ross Barot did.
And I didn't care who won between Bush and Gore.
But God did.
And it, again, set into motion this chain of events that brought us to Trump, brought this energy out of the right that has evolved now to the point where anything seems possible.
Nobody's scared of being called a racist anymore.
Hell.
Conservatives solicit the attacks of the SPLC and the ADL now.
If you don't have that now, we've had it, you know, our entire run.
But if you don't have it now, you don't have any street cred on the right.
Everything has changed.
Anything is possible.
And I just look back, I hope that I was able to.
That was all just off the cuff right there.
I was just thinking about it during the last break.
You know, this chain of events that happened and just how all of that happened, just as much or just as little as it had to to get us to this point.
And nobody believes that Trump is the final answer.
I'm not going to say final solution, but nobody believes that.
But people do believe that through Trump, inadvertently, maybe, that this climate has changed to the point where we're here at this moment that we now are enjoying so much.
1% of the vote, my grandfather dying, my dad being in Vanderbilt three hours away from home to take him to get treatment.
Pat Buchanan's there.
My life changes that day forever, and I couldn't know it at the time.
I believe it was all destined and meant to be.
Maybe you don't.
But nevertheless, if it was just dumb luck, I'm glad.
I'm glad because it brought us all together.
It brought us together for the last 21 years on this program.
It brought us together in that room in Greenville, South Carolina last week, and things are happening now.
I believe it.
I believe it.
I do believe it.
And anyway, that's what I want to say about that.
When we come back, we're going to have Lou Moore, one of our principal speakers at the event we're talking about all night tonight.
What did Lou think about it?
This is a guy that was managing events for Ron Paul.
How did ours stack up?
Probably not as many people, but what about the potential?
We'll be right back.
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Well, ladies and gentlemen, thank you again for listening for the first hour and change about last weekend's event.
I've said pretty much all I want to say about it.
I mean, I could certainly say more, but I'd rather hear what some of the key participants thought about it.
Now, I am a little intimidated to ask Lou Moore his thoughts on it because, again, here you have Lou Moore, a man who organized events, the campaign manager for Ron Paul's historic 2008 campaign.
Thousands of people in arenas and in places, the Republican National Convention, you name it.
Lou has seen it on the biggest stages.
So when I ask Lou Moore what he thought about the event, I do it with a slight degree of trepidation.
Let's see what he has to say.
But let me first say to you, Lou, in all seriousness, thank you for being there.
Thank you for working with us and for adding so much wisdom and experience to those proceedings.
You were, as I said, at the top of the show tonight, and as I told you in person, you were very key to the vision of that thing and one that I had to have if we were going to move forward and do it when we were planning it back in January.
Lou, thank you for being here again tonight as well.
You bet, James.
It was totally and completely my pleasure to be there and to work with you and your team and all the wonderful family around the political cesspool.
It was just great.
Well, thank you so much.
What would you say, in your own words, about the topics that were tackled and the way that these issues were approached and the potential for things to develop as a result of this event that perhaps we can't even anticipate yet?
Well, I guess the first thing I want to say maybe is not a direct answer, but I was so encouraged, James, by the young people I met there.
Young people not just interested in running for office, something I really want to see, but young people who are smart enough that they're starting to figure out the political circuitry in the area where they live to where they can elect many people to public office.
I mean, real thinkers and of course of the highest integrity and pretty dang smart on the issues too.
So that's the first thing I want to say.
I was really impressed by that.
I was impressed by the diversity of opinion because we've been in this un-American censorship culture now for far, far too long.
And it is a breath of fresh air to come somewhere where people speak their minds and they don't all agree.
And so I thought that was great.
Of course, an overriding concern of everybody there is the imminent threat to Western civilization.
And I certainly feel that.
And, you know, these folks that came from Belgium, all the way from Belgium, who are, in my opinion, the two most courageous people probably in that gathering because of the communist nature of the police state oppression that these people feel throughout Europe when they're standing up for their culture, when they're standing up in the middle of an invasion.
I mean, Antwerp, Belgium, 25% Muslim.
I mean, it just ain't right.
It's not right.
And these people are standing up and expressing what millions of working people in those countries know isn't right, but trying to draw the courage of their people to oppose this.
So, you know, that was inspirational and just a great addition to what you put together.
Not to mention the two congressmen you had there, one of whom I consider a friend, and to be reminded of all the deep state activities undertaken against him.
And the other congressman, a great man, a leader who almost single-handedly stopped George Bush's immigration push toward George W. Bush's immigration push in his second term.
I mean, you had some great people there, James.
Great examples, articulate, smart, tactically orientated.
And, you know, in my opinion, a heart and gold, almost every one of them, all the ones I know at all.
I mean, just great people.
So I was very proud to be part of it and very pleased as to how it came off.
Well, you mentioned, well, thank you, first of all, Lou, for that assessment and that critique.
I mean, coming from you, that means a lot because you've played at a higher level than we've been able to operate on in years past, but certainly a level that we are striving to attain.
And I think that this conference was an important step further in the further evolution of the work of this program that has been working day in, day out for two decades plus now to help lead our people back into the mainstream where they deserve to be and certainly where our ideas deserve to be.
But yes, as a matter of fact, when you get off, when I get done with the show tonight, when you get off, I am going to flood you.
I'm going to text you a bunch of pictures.
I've already done it for Steve and Steve, King and Stockman, respectively.
And we just had a good time with that.
There's some great pictures, some candid stuff.
And it was definitely, certainly for me, an event worth remembering.
But you brought up something.
This is another thing.
When you have people on to talk about things, they cover something and it jogs your memory.
I did mention a moment ago the young people such as, I mean, the very young people, the young mothers and the children.
But you mentioned the young people in a different way.
And that is the young men and women in their 20s and in their 30s.
And let me tell you something.
Let me tell you something.
They are so sharp, Lou.
I mean, as you know, the ones that were there, they are so much further advanced than I was at that age.
And by that age, I was already on the radio.
I wasn't nearly as smart as them at that age.
It is just incredible to see the level of advancement in our young people and their ability to speak and communicate and understand issues and have a firm grasp of the issues and of history and have all this knowledge.
Yes, I mean, to have those people there was truly wonderful.
And then, as you mentioned, the diversity of opinion, just going back on some of your points, because there are differences of opinion on Trump in our movement, I thought that it was important to have that be on display from the podium.
I mean, certainly as the event organizer, I could have had everybody there, just handed selected people who think exactly as I do on Trump.
But that shouldn't be the case because when you have, I mean, steel sharpens steel.
And when you have people that are on the same team on the issues and certainly all pulling together, but have differences of opinion, we need to have that expressed so further solutions can present themselves.
And so anyway, you brought up some great observations there that I don't know if I actually touched on in the first hour.
So thank you for that.
And please continue.
You bet.
Yeah.
And I have to say, I was very pleased.
You know, I brought up the need, the pressing need we have to work at the local level politically.
You know, Trump has given us a little bit of cover.
He's put some of our enemies on a leash, at least.
He's not issuing the kind of justice I want to see happen, but he's putting some of our enemies on a leash, giving us a little bit of breathing room to organize.
And it's going to be so important to do that organizing at a local level and to elect, in particular, constitutional sheriffs.
So that's been on my heart, actually, before I even met Sam or Sheriff Mac, who I had the pleasure now of working with.
But it's a critical issue.
And I was very gratified that a lot of people and a lot of these young people were picking up on that right away.
So I was pleased by that on a personal level.
Well, so you know the youth of America from your work with Dr. Paul.
I mean, that was a grassroots movement that was supercharged by young people.
And as you continue to see them evolve and develop, I mean, certainly there wasn't as many at our meeting there as you came into contact with across the country in 2008.
But again, just a word about how you feel the future is forming with these people as the vanguard.
Well, I mean, I just see it on social media, James.
I mean, the world is opening up in many ways.
And, you know, I don't think the genie can go back in the bottle at this point on so many issues, including so many very controversial issues about foreign policy, about alien influences in our country, about the nature of this war on white people that has been being waged for generations now.
You know, I just see a lot of enlightenment out there.
And I just hope and I really believe it will translate into real on-the-ground political action because a lot of these young people are energetic, they are earnest.
As you said, the ones we were interacting with, very articulate, very dedicated.
Anyhow, that's the future.
I mean, we got to have this.
And I see it coming.
I'm very encouraged overall.
I am too.
And we know that there is a lot of work left to be done.
We've not arrived at the terminus.
There's still a lot of things that need to break our way.
But I am certainly more hopeful than ever before.
As I said earlier, it was positive, but not polyanish.
There were differences of opinion.
We talked about practical politics, metapolitics, abstract ideas.
Yes, still.
But I mean, look, these guys are liberalism, anti-whiteism, this whole system just seems so tired and played out.
It just looks like the door is opening and we're knocking at it for something new and something fresh and something energetic and powerful to take its place.
And you see the polls, the way young people are going.
I mean, the incoming generation that just turned voting age is more solidly for Trump, for example, than the generation after them and the one after that.
So I don't know.
I think it is going that way.
Louemoire.com is where you need to go to get Lou Moore's radio program, The Hour of Decision, this podcast, now also a radio program here on Liberty News Radio Network.
Check it out.
I mean, this is a guy, and I said, Lou has the ability to survey the political battlefield and just offer opinion and analysis.
He can see things before it happens.
It's very prescient.
And you'll want to get his insights at Lewemoore.com with the hour of decision.
Lou, we got about a minute remaining.
Anything else about your talk that you would like to convey to the audience, the wider audience who wasn't there to hear it in person?
Well, really, again, I'm just going to hit this again, Kate.
I'm telling you, I have seen the power of a constitutional sheriff in a local community, and we are going to need that kind of power on our side.
And again, I told the folks, it's about time we take power in every way we can.
It's great to articulate ideas, but this is our time, as you've articulated as well.
And it's time to take power now.
Hey, hey, ain't that a mic drop moment as we head into the break.
Thank you, Lou Moore, and God bless you.
We'll talk again very soon, my friends.
So much more to do together.
We'll be right back, folks.
Protecting your liberties.
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Breaking news this hour from Townhall.com.
I'm John Scott.
President Trump says his first conversation with Chinese leader Xi Jinping since returning to the White House had a very positive conclusion, announcing the two countries will be holding upcoming trade talks.
Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth says the U.S. is pushing a 5% spending target for all NATO nations.
We're here to continue the work that President Trump started, which is a commitment to 5% defense spending across this alliance, which we think will happen.
We think has to happen by the summit at The Hague later this month.
So that's our focus, 5%.
NATO defense ministers are meeting in Brussels.
Also at townhall.com in the wake of this week's flamethrower attack on peaceful Jewish marchers in Boulder, Colorado, there's heightened awareness of dangerous rhetoric being aimed at people of faith.
The popular national ministry, Focus on the Family, for example, was recently branded a so-called hate group by the left-leaning pro-LGBTQ website, the Southern Poverty Law Center.
Gary Schneiberger, assistant to the president for media relations at Focus on the Family, says his organization is just the latest Christian ministry to be smeared by the SPLC.
Is there something to be done?
Because you talked about the groups who are also on the list, FRC, ADF.
This has got to stop at some point because it is unconscionable and not just to us.
We're not outraged by it just because it's us.
We're outraged by it because of the blanket that they've thrown across people with biblical values who bring those biblical values into the public square.
That's what they don't like.
Schneeberger adds that anyone wanting to learn about the actual pro-family work of Focus on the Family can visit the ministry's website at focusonthefamily.org.
On Wall Street, stocks are lower.
The Dow is dropping 44 points now.
More at townhall.com.
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Welcome back, folks.
As we are doing this three-hour recap and review show of TPC's Will to Power conference held week ago tonight, a week ago right now.
We were in the throes of it at the highest point of the festivities and thankful for the people who were there.
Wish everyone could have been there, most especially my own parents.
But my wife was there, my kids were there, a lot of other wives and kids were there, and the great Jose Niño was there.
And it was my first time after these last few years of partnership and collaboration with Jose to meet him in person.
And I just want to say, Jose, that was indeed an honor to have you there, to meet you in person.
And as we were doing with so many people, just further solidifying and reinforcing existing relationships.
It was a pleasure.
Thank you for coming.
And how are you tonight?
I mean, I'd just like to say, James, thank you so much for the invitation.
I absolutely enjoyed the event and getting to meet you finally in meet space of all.
And yeah, I'm doing great, man.
Just been processing like the fantastic weekend I had and the interesting conversations and new relationships I established.
Think these type of events are great because I've been pretty reclusive in the last few years in terms of who I've been interacting with, like at political events.
But I think this event just reinforces the need for people to meet each other at least once a year and forge long-lasting relationships and potentially build new institutions and organizations because this is what's necessary to push back against the nefarious anti-white forces that lord over us.
He speaks as well as he writes, and believe me, that's a higher power indeed.
He is the star reporter for American Free Press, in my estimation.
And that I appreciate those words, Jose.
Yes, of course, we do need to be building institutions that can win.
And it was, as was mentioned earlier, a lot of difference of opinion in the room on not just Trump, but I mean, although certainly everybody was generally favorable, I think, in many ways, some more than others.
But there were a lot of different ideas espoused and a lot of different issues addressed.
And it was important to have that cross-section of our cause and of our activists, even amongst those who were being featured.
And that was something that added to the proceedings quite a bit.
So, speaking of the American Free Press, who were one of our sponsors, by the way, we want to be sure to mention that and thank the editorial team there for doing that and for helping send Travel Jose down so he could cover the event for the paper.
What's your coverage going to look like?
Can you give us a sneak peek?
What kind of write-up are you thinking?
And what are the key points that you want to focus on in that report that's going to be coming out, I guess, pretty soon?
Yeah, it should be coming out in like a week or two.
I'm still working on it.
It's going to just focus more on some of the main speakers and some of the themes they touched upon, which were definitely centered on identity issues and preserving the white European character of the U.S.
This it's going to focus basically on that and stress how this is a moment where the discourse is changing.
It's no longer talking about policy minutiae like tax cuts, cutting regulations or whatever.
We're talking about not even first principles, but almost first biological principles about the fact that this is a country that has a specific ethnic, racial, and religious identity that is under threat.
And the speakers that I'm going to talk about, especially the congressmen, touch upon these points.
And that's going to be like the basis of my coverage: how we're in the identitarian phase of our political struggle, of struggle of what it means to be an American.
And the speakers more or less laid out a template of where things should be going from here on out.
Well, you bring up a very important point there, my friend, and that is in the past, if you could get people to touch on it at all, which even that was very rare, it would be couched in terms like Western civilization and first world.
And those are not bad terms.
I mean, we know what we're talking about when they say that.
And those terms were certainly used very often last weekend, but always attendant to the word white, which is definitely something you did not see some years ago once you got up to a certain level of power and influence.
But that was not a word that people were shy to use last weekend from the podium or in private conversation.
Yes, it was absolutely now like a mainstream and it was very good, especially I was impressed by even speakers across the pond like Philippe DeWinter, who I thought was very good, not just in terms of framing the discussion in terms of Western versus Islamic civilization.
He actually explicitly said white European civilization.
I've always argued that European members of the so-called far-right, hard-right, identitarian, right, whatever you want to call it, I've always argued that on the issues of identity and race, they're miles ahead of the average Republican and even some so-called America First Republicans.
They generally just get it.
And it's an existential thing for them because there's no other place to run.
And in the United States, you still have like a vast territory where you could theoretically white flight your way out of a lot of things.
But in Europe, you've only got maybe one or two urban centers and that's it.
So it is like a very, very high stakes battle for them, man.
I think people like DeWinter grasp that quite well.
Well, there's no doubt about it.
And the fact that, and this was brought up as well at some point, I don't remember who and I don't remember when, if it was during the speech or just in conversation, but these are winning issues, remigration.
So that's the thing Philip was talking about.
And that was remigration.
And I do love that word.
I love that word.
It sounds better than deportation.
It is important how you sell your program to get the support of the general voting public.
And, you know, we're not deporting anyone.
We're remigrating them.
I mean, that just, that has a ring to it.
I mean, and words are powerful.
This is all part of how you get something done is how you present it.
And so that was, I mean, certainly he was talking, focusing on most intensely remigration, the remigration of Islam from Europe, how it is transforming not just Belgium, but all of Europe, and how it is utterly incompatible with Western civilization, with Christianity.
And how, of course, when you have people that share nothing in common, these invaders, these conquerors, and they are violent.
I mean, they are violent.
And they, you know, as it was always said about us, there's no room in society for, you know, certain ideas.
Well, there certainly shouldn't be any room in society for rapists and murderers and people who stab and blow things up.
So let's get to work on that.
How would you compare the two bookends?
The way we started it and the way we finished it.
Steve King and Philip DeWinter's speeches were certainly complimentary.
And they hit it off.
I don't know if they'd ever met before.
I don't think that they had.
They certainly hit it off and are making some plans together as well.
I thought that the speakers in general were pretty sharp.
They offered oftentimes unique perspectives and even sobering reality checks.
I felt that, for example, Sam Dixon provided a sobering reality of some of the unique challenges the United States is facing right now.
And I actually do think, too, that there are some differences between the European and American struggle where they're on this more or less the same spectrum, but there are differences in terms of the enemies they're facing and some logistical stuff as well.
Like, I think, for example, as I mentioned with DeWinter, there is a much stronger sense of general ethnic identity among these members of the European populace, right?
And a lot of that is by virtue of the fact that many of these people, if you go to Europe especially, they've lived in those cities or adjacent areas for centuries, sometimes even more than 500 years that can trace their ancestry.
Whereas in the United States, you do definitely have a lot more transient populations that move around the country.
But overall, you had a balance of perspectives that I think was able to create a good synthesis of how things in the United States are going in an identitarian direction, no matter how you slice it.
And I think you saw good discourse that, in my opinion, was a clear break from the neoliberal, neoconservative, Reaganite consensus of yesteryear.
Very well put.
I can't wait to read your review in American Free Press, but you are right.
These are winning issues.
Philip DeWinter has been in office for decades.
He just continues to get re-elected almost automatically.
And I think if Steve King, if that whole media-manufactured controversy that plagued King had happened now, instead of losing election, he might be Senator King now.
That's how much things are moving.
Thank you so much, Jose, for coming on with us.
We'll be right back.
Hey there, TPC family.
This is James Edwards, your host of the political cesspool.
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I have a question.
Can a nation conceived in liberty carry its head high if it denies protection to the youngest and most vulnerable of its citizens?
Can a country founded on God-given rights continue to thrive without understanding that life is a precious gift from our Creator?
I believe that great nations and great civilizations spring from a people who have a moral compass.
I don't think a civilization can long endure that does not have respect for all human life, born and not yet died.
I will be in earnest.
I will not equivocate and I will not excuse.
I will not retreat an inch and I will be heard.
One thing I promise you, I will always take a stand for life.
Well, welcome back again, ladies and gentlemen, as we continue to sort through the proceedings of last weekend.
As I said, as it has been repeated, not everybody agreed on everything, but everybody was on the same team.
And that is what's important.
You see, far too often in this movement, it has been a pet peeve of mine forever.
You agree with somebody on one thing, even if you agree with them on 99 other things.
It'll be the one thing that you dwell on, that you focus on.
We cannot do that.
We must not do that.
None of the speakers were courted because of the private nature of this event, although I do believe that Philip recorded his speech, and we'll see if he uses it, but we were able to accommodate that.
But we did have the video presentation of Nick Griffin.
So that's the one I can play for you, and it's just a short, really sort of welcoming introductory remarks to kick off the conference.
He spoke, and then I took the stage and gave the more lengthy welcoming address.
But since this clock's in at about 11 minutes, we're going to play it right now.
My good friends, it's an honor to have been invited to address you today.
I'm deeply saddened that I can't be there in person.
As you probably know, we first found out that I was banned when I tried to attend James's conference last year.
So we thought things may have changed.
But it turns out that having been banned, it's then impossible to apply for a visa except with a personal interview at the American Embassy.
And they say you need to bring with you the answers as to why the ban is wrong.
This I could do if I could find out why the ban was put against me in the first place.
So to find the answers to those questions, you're directed to a freedom of information request.
But without the right to have a visa to come into the United States, the system doesn't seem to allow you to submit the request for information.
The whole thing is Kafka-esque and very frustrating.
So here I am, not with you in person, but absolutely with you in spirit.
The more so, in fact, when James told me that the theme of this conference was, or is, positive realism and how to tap into the new cultural spirit, the zeitgeist in the air, that we all of us feel, I'm sure.
Sure, you feel it there right now.
Well, I've always striven throughout my political career to be realistic.
And I can tell you that I'm more positive now than ever before.
Now, not the possibility of reforms that will return things to normal.
You know, just we can do this, we can do that, it'll all be fine.
No.
That train left all our platforms at least a decade ago.
You can't get around that.
But that is not a black pill.
As I said, I'm more positive than ever.
So why?
I would say because there's two massive factors, enormous factors, which have come into play only or become really visible clearly, really, very recently.
The first is that we are very obviously now in a total new era of what you could call populist Caesars.
These are men or even women who to a degree look and sound like us.
You know, they're not us.
You know the difference.
But they are something also very different to the liberal elite which has gone before.
We're talking about people such as obviously Beauty, Orban, Farage in Britain, Maureen de Pen, Fico, and of course Donald Trump.
And I have no doubt there will be more.
What's the effect of these people?
Well, potentially, some of them do some good.
Not as much good as we would do, not as much good as we would hope, but far, far more good than the enemies of all of us would wish for.
So there's a positive there.
That's not the positive that I'm looking at.
The key thing here is that these populists, with their rhetoric rather like ours, will raise expectations.
They're essentially one end of a totalitarian system, which is now trying to reform itself.
There's elements of the system which don't want to be transformed reformed at all, but there's some who've seen it's necessary if they're to survive.
It's a little bit like the fall of the Soviet Union, the Glashnost era, right at the end with Gorbachev.
A totalitarian system is never more at risk than when it tries to reform, because it opens the floodgates to people wanting more.
It raises expectations.
And that is what these people, these men and women, are doing.
They're raising expectations, which if they're met, means we can all go home.
We don't have to do things if they do it for us.
But if they're not met, and I would submit to you that they will not be, if those expectations are met, then we enter a period of massively raised expectations, huge disappointment with the last of the people who were sort of, somehow or other, from the system, using the system, playing the system, and obeying some of the system's rules, and we enter a revolutionary period.
Basically, I would say very simply that to use the analogy of the Russian Revolution, the Bolshevik Revolution, I'm not a Bolshevik, you're not Bolsheviks, don't worry.
But just in technical terms of revolution, these people are not the revolutionaries.
These are the Kerensky's, Lenin, Trotsky, evil though they were, utterly evil, were the revolutionaries, as we must be.
But there was no Lenin without Kerensky.
No revolution, or rather coup d'état, in November 1917 without the revolutionary overthrow into a shambles of February 1917.
So to see these men now revolutionizing the system in a way which will not follow through, not deliver, nevertheless is a most remarkable thing and something to be really hopeful and really positive about.
And our job, therefore, is to help put the ideas out there and never easier, even despite all the media, the social media censorship, never easier to spread solid nationalist ideas.
Our job is to do that, to help to make the future nationalist Lenins and especially the huge numbers of committed revolutionary followers that they have to have to have a revolution.
And the good news on there is the second point that makes me feel so incredibly positive.
And that's something that the neocons and the Zionists are doing and have been doing now for some years.
If you go back to when various of us, including young James there, cut our teeth in politics, the whole of the opposition bloc, but particularly the people we would now call neocons, to wipe it out.
And you see, particularly, say, universities, the 68th generation, there was not to be a shred of nationalism, pride, patriotism, willingness to fight.
There wasn't to be any masculinity.
And that was the thing through the whole of the educational system from 1968 for decades, pure poison.
But this has changed.
It started to change in 2001 after the Twin Towers, but it's changed more and more.
It's now so obvious that instead of trying to destroy nationalism, they've switched completely.
They still hate our people.
They hate our faith.
They hate us.
But now they want to use us, especially they want to use our men and our young men and our young women to fight their wicked wars.
But to use nationalism, you have to allow it space to breathe.
You have to encourage it.
If you want young white men to go and fight your filthy, despicable wars, you have to put the backbone back into the young white man.
And they started doing this to start with, I think, with the working class, the ones who typically fight, whether on the streets of Britain and Holland and so on, France against Muslims, or on the streets of God knows where against Muslims or Chinese or whatever in their foreign wars.
They started trying to give the working class back their backbone.
And I think rapidly discovered, with the situation in Britain with Tommy Robinson and Co. being the classic example, they rapidly discovered that actually, if you want your people, if you want people to fight a war, you have to have young, educated, skilled, middle-class men to act as the officer class.
And that, well, the money they are pouring into that.
I'll just give you one example.
If you don't know of it, go and look at Prague U, which was going to be a serious, fake nationalist, fake patriotic university, funded by all the usual suspects.
And then they decided actually it would be far more effective to launch it online.
So it's just one tiny example of the vast sums of money and effort that these people are now pouring into radicalizing young white men especially to turn them into nationalists to go and fight their wars.
And what they're trying to do is to turn them nationalists to a certain point, to take them perhaps 85% of the way, and then stop the process.
So make them civic nationalists, but don't make them think about that.
Make them Christian.
Yes.
Here is like us are pushing, pushing, pushing on this vast number of young men that they're taking to that point.
And we're just pushing them that little bit more to tip them over to the edge.
So instead of being used by these monsters, they become the future Lenins and followers of the nationalist revolution.
There is a little bit more to that that I'll play when we come back.
One of the things that's so encouraging to see is that, yes, not everybody agreed.
Not everybody agreed with any one speaker, but everybody was together.
Nobody heard something they disagreed with and said, well, I can't work with this guy.
He said something I disagreed with.
Whether it be the effectiveness of Trump or whatever.
A spirit of together, togetherness and unity.
And that is something that TPC has been uniquely able to develop thanks to your kind considerations and God's will.