Dec. 19, 2009 - The Political Cesspool - James Edwards
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Welcome to the Political Cesspool, known across the South and worldwide as the South's foremost populous conservative radio program.
Here to guide you through the murky waters of the Political Cesspool is your host for tonight, James Edwards.
Merry Christmas, everyone, and welcome to tonight's Christmas special, live broadcast of the Political Cesspool Radio Program.
Of course, it's not Christmas tonight.
It's Saturday evening, December 19th, although this will be our last broadcast before the Blessed Day of Christmas, which is coming up next Friday.
So we are going to be talking about Christmas a lot, especially during the third hour, where I'll be joined by fellow Political Cesspool co-hosts Winston Smith and Eddie the Bobadier-Miller.
And the three of us will talk about favorite Christmas memories, what the season means to us and where we go from here.
It's going to be a very exciting, laid-back, peaceful third hour, but that's a little bit later on tonight.
Also during that third hour, we are going to commit a hate crime live on the air for everyone to enjoy.
If you've wondered exactly what a hate crime is in this day and age, we're going to give you a perfect example.
And in fact, we're going to go a step further, not just give you the example.
As I mentioned before, we are going to commit the hate crime.
While we're on the air, we are going to read the Christmas story from the Gospel of Luke.
And I think you'll enjoy that for what it is and for what it isn't, according to the ADL and the Southern Poverty Law Center.
All that forthcoming a little later tonight.
During tonight's second hour, Joe McCutcheon, one of the greatest patriots in America, as far as I'm concerned, he heads up the website, arkansafreedom.com.
He has done so much to battle the illegal alien invasion of this sovereign republic.
Joe McCutcheon is going to be our featured guest tonight.
But all that is a little later on during tonight's broadcast.
First and foremost, joining me during tonight's first hour, my good friend and colleague, Keith Alexander.
Keith, how are you?
I haven't seen you in at least an hour.
I'm still basking in the afterglow of the good fellowship we had this afternoon with the Cesspool Christmas party.
If people don't know exactly what Keith is referring to, well, I guess he said it in so many words.
We had our annual Political Cesspool Christmas party this afternoon at a local barbecue restaurant.
We booked up and filled up, as it were, the private banquet area.
And it truly was, Keith, just a magical day, an afternoon that just kept on going.
People from Mississippi and, of course, some of our bigger supporters in the Memphis area were invited to join the hosting staff there for this annual Christmas confab.
And it was great friends, great food, even better fellowship.
And we're all better men because of it, I do believe.
It truly accentuated everything that this special season of faith and family is supposed to mean.
And I couldn't be more happier than or more uplifted than I am now as a result of that get-together we had.
And Keith, I'm still wearing that Santa Claus hat I wore to it.
Well, you need to keep that head warm in this cold weather.
And that's probably, you know, you don't have any hair there to do it.
Well, that's for sure.
You know, although we got an email last week from a listener in Canada who politely mocked us for complaining about the 30-degree weather here.
He said, you don't know cold until you come up here.
He said, as he listened to us complain about the cold weather last Saturday night, it was negative 40 where he was tuned in from.
So I guess, Keith, it could always be worse.
Yep, I'm not venturing up there, at least not in the winter time.
So, Keith, we got the message.
Well, this was another Keith.
His name's actually Keith as well.
And so, Keith, we're not going to complain about 30-degree weather.
We're going to have sympathy for you and your negative 40.
But a great show tonight, Keith.
I think we have lined up for everyone.
It's the Christmas show, as I mentioned, next week.
Next week, we'll be back the day after Christmas, Saturday, December 26th.
Obviously, our next live broadcast after tonight.
And we're going to have another very special show.
The holidays are upon us.
Christmas is upon us.
And so everything's a little bit more festive this time of year.
Next week, we're going to have our year-in review show.
And 2009 was certainly a remarkable year for this program.
Every year, we get a little bit bigger, a little more powerful, and this year was no exception.
And of course, you and the listening audience has been our enabling factor there.
You're the ones who has facilitated all the success that we've enjoyed here with this program that we work so hard to bring you each and every week.
And we're going to recap the year that was 2009 next week on the show.
So that's always an annual highlight to our broadcasting schedule.
And then tonight's the Christmas show.
So, Keith, I think a lot in store for our audience over the course of the next two weeks.
We're going to give them a couple of good shows or at least a very noble effort.
Yeah, we're never at a loss for things to say on the Cesspool.
We've, you know, the liberals just keep dishing it up for us.
And, you know, we really wish that we would have a difficult time finding something to complain about in our day-to-day lives, society, and culture in America and in Europe and the Western world today.
But, I mean, the liberals are in high gear and in high dudgeon right now.
So there's always plenty to talk about.
Never at a loss for words here during our three hours of airtime each week.
And we're going to begin the show in earnest after our first commercial break, which is coming up in a couple of minutes.
But before we shift gears and get into some political commentary, and of course, the first two hours, we're going to give you our standard fare.
We're going to have a special festive third hour, as I mentioned, when Eddie and Winston roll into the studios here at AM 1380, WLRM Radio, our flagship station here in Memphis.
Of course, we're going out to our affiliate stations of the Liberty News Radio Network as well.
But Keith, before we get off the topic of that special event we had today, the Political Cecil Christmas Party, obviously not everybody was able to come to that.
The listeners from around the world who tune in each and every Saturday night.
It was a private event.
We didn't publicize it.
It was just for, as I said, our family and friends and some of our biggest supporters here in the local area.
But what did you draw from that, Keith?
Great conversations.
Let the audience in a little bit on the facts and figures of where we just came from.
Well, I never ceased to be amazed and encouraged by the insight and intelligence of people who listen to the Cesspool.
And this was a perfect example.
We don't advertise these things broadly because, quite frankly, we don't want plants from the SPLC or the ADL or the ACLU or whoever showing up, either trying to disrupt it or trying to, you know, do espionage on us.
So that's the reason we don't announce them on the show.
But we will send, you know, we'll get in touch with people about this.
And we had just an all-star cast of people that were in the vicinity of Memphis.
You know, they're not, we certainly didn't have people come from far away, and we didn't intend to try to put that extra burden at the holiday season on everybody, you know, to come into Memphis from far away.
Christmas is a busy time of the year for everyone.
But, you know, we had some of the most insightful and incisive conversation at that table.
Very quiet, very orderly, and I mean, everybody had, you know, something to offer.
It was really amazing.
It's such an honor and a blessing to be able to commiserate with the people who are fans of this radio program.
And certainly the people in that room today were more than just fans.
They were friends.
Although we did sign a few autographs and gave away some copies of the book that we're promoting, Liberalism and Its Effect on American Society.
If you want a copy of that, if you want to walk away this Christmas season with the book that everybody at our Christmas party left with, you can go and join the Political Assess Pool's 2009 Christmas Fund Drive.
Donate before December 25th, and you'll get the autographed copy that we've made for you.
Go to thepolitical Cesspool.org for more information.
But you just left with such a warm feeling, a feeling of hope.
And that's what camaraderie can bring you.
That's what fellowship can bring you.
When you are together with other like-minded people, members of your family, members of your extended family, which are certainly our brothers and sisters in this cause, it just makes you feel as though maybe everything that we've done isn't in vain.
And certainly I feel that way, Keith, I always have, but you feel a heightened sense of the potential for our victories after leaving the table and after having broken bread with a great number of your compatriots.
And you just can't stress enough the importance of said fellowship.
Well, we consider everybody that listens to this show because they like what they're hearing on this show to be a member of our extended family.
And we want people to feel a sense of mutual support and fellowship along with us that comes from knowing that you're among friends, that you're among people of a like mind, and that you're not alone out there.
And I know there are people in a lot of the emails we get are from people that tell us what a God sends we are to them because they are in some place like this gentleman from Canada, for example, where we had one from Minnesota telling us about how he's beaten up all the time because of his viewpoint.
But we listen to them, we read their emails, and I can tell you I could count on one hand the crank emails that we get.
Most of the people that listen are right on target.
They know exactly what's going on in America.
They are like the rest of us.
They're confounded that this has happened.
It's like we've, you know, why has Western civilization in America in particular abandoned its inheritance for this mess of pottage we call liberalism?
Keith, set tight.
We're going to take a break.
We're going to pick up on that thread right after this.
Stay tuned, everybody.
Jump in, the political says.
Pull with James and the game.
Call us tonight at 1-866-986-6397.
And here's the host of the Political Cesspool, James Edwards.
All right, welcome back to the show.
It's Saturday, December 19th, a week before Christmas, and here we are, Santa Hatton all, bringing you another live installment of our award-winning program, The Political Cesspool.
I'm James Edwards, Keith Alexander, and with me for tonight's first hour.
We were talking during the last segment, the first segment of the night, about Christmas and the show we're going to give you this evening.
We were obviously talking about the Christmas party that we had today.
And I think sometimes it's nice just to have a nice private gathering, and certainly we do that from time to time as a way to reward the loyal supporters we have here in the Memphis area.
Although this program certainly engages in very public demonstrations as well.
One of our biggest claims to fame came back in 05 when we really came onto the scene like gangbusters in our very public and well-publicized defense of the Confederate parks here in town.
And we have national conferences that we attend that everyone is welcome to come to.
But from time to time, you just want a closed-door family gathering.
And that's what we had today.
It was great.
And I want to say this on the theme of Christmas.
I want to thank everyone from the bottom of my heart.
And with all sincerity, Keith, we have received Christmas cards this month from all over the world.
Well, you got to share those with me.
Yeah, absolutely.
I've got a whole stack of them there at the house now, but it's just amazing.
Bring them on with you when they get together for lunch this week.
We will.
We will.
I'll have to.
And we can all share in that.
But it's just such, it sounds like a broken record, but I want to stress how much I really feel this from my heart, how humbling it is to know that we have support from so many great, well-spoken, intelligent people from all around the world.
And for you to remember us by giving us a Christmas card is just very touching, very moving.
And it helps put the wind in ourselves to keep on this fight here that we do on the radio.
We're a band of brothers.
Yeah, going into our sixth year now.
And this support like that really sustains us.
And certainly the love that you've shown us is reciprocated.
We can say the audience is as much a part of this show as the staff.
Oh, there's no doubt about it.
I'm not saying that to be polite.
We really feel that.
No, and that's the truth.
And of course, all the staff is on hand today at that party.
Me and you, Keith, along with Eddie the Bombardier Miller and Bill Rowland.
Of course, Bill has had work conflicts, but they are being sorted out.
So for all the Bill Rowland fans who haven't heard of Bill in a couple of months on the show, he'll be coming back as a regular co-host in January, and we're excited about that.
The only member of the hosting staff who wasn't there today was Winston Smith, although he'll be calling in tonight during the third hour.
Winston is in Fort Lauderdale in sunny South Florida right now.
So I certainly am a little bit jealous of that, but nevertheless, he's calling in even from vacation to report in tonight and do his hosting duties.
But anyway, enough about all that.
I just wanted to convey to everyone, I wanted to let them be a part of what we had today, even if they couldn't be there in the flesh, because what we do, you're a part of.
But now, Keith, last week we had a very, I think, lively open mic program.
In fact, the bulk of the show last week, the last two hours, were open mic.
People were calling in, and it's just mesmerizing.
I mean, you know, we had a full line of callers the whole program.
We couldn't get to even, you know, a quarter of the people who were calling in.
So many people were trying to get through.
But one thing that was brought up at least twice, maybe three times, the question was asked, how did America devolve into its current state of affairs?
And what can we do to reverse these trends and reclaim America's destiny?
Now, those are very important questions, but they're very complex questions.
They're general questions, but they require in-depth answers.
And so I told those callers who asked those questions that I would assign you, Keith, with the task of sort of breaking it down to an extent during tonight's first hour.
And so I guess just to start, where did America go wrong?
You look at the America, and we won't go back to the war between the states.
Obviously, that was a big blow to the original intent of the Founding Fathers when the Confederacy lost.
But even all the way up until, I would say, Keith, the early to mid-1950s, America still was motherhood and apple pie.
It was geared, guided by a great faith in the Christian faith that our forefathers shared.
I think, for lack of a better word, conservative politics still kind of drove the nation, especially in the South.
And you have these groups of radical leftists, these Zionists, the Bolsheviks, call them what you will.
I think everyone knows who we're talking about.
They looked at America and they weren't daunted.
They weren't intimidated.
They laid out a specific plan that they knew would take decades to implement to its fullest extent.
And I would say to say that they were successful would be the greatest understatement that we could have.
So, Keith, they look at America in 1954 and they decided to go to work.
How did they begin to take over our institutions?
Well, you know, we talked about what was the advent, what was the beginning of modern liberalism.
And, of course, you can go back to the French Enlightenment in the 18th century, which led to the French Revolution.
The American Revolution was not based on Enlightenment principles.
And I can say that with confidence.
Then we had the second great wave of immigration from 1880 until 1920, in which the group that you're talking about, among others, immigrated for the first time in large numbers to the United States.
And the group that you're talking about, of course, the Jewish population from Central and Eastern Europe, brought with them two things that were foreign to America and had never existed here to any extent before, meaningful extent, and that was anarchism and Marxism.
And of course, in 1933, the election of the socialist Franklin Delano Roosevelt as president of the United States laid the groundwork for the transformation.
But as you pointed out, the real moment of transformation, the time when the left started to really gain traction and start upon the task of transforming America was May the 17th, 1954, black Monday, when the U.S. Supreme Court handed down Brown versus Board of Education, the decision that began the integration of the public school system,
which in turn started in motion the process of dismantling the old America, the traditional America.
Well, and as I said again, they were not intimidated by the very seemingly overwhelming task of changing a country so rooted in the Christian faith and so rooted in, I don't know, the tenets of a republic.
I mean, even though we've been dealt some severe blows by the mid-50s, you look at the America of 1950 compared with the America of 2009, it doesn't even seem like it could possibly be the same place.
So they implemented this plan.
It took decades to do.
What were kind of the step-by-step tactics that they employed there, Keith, in order to infest these institutions?
And by the institutions, I'm talking about academia, I'm talking about entertainment, business, government, so on and so forth, the church.
What did they do?
Well, the two basic sources were cultural Marxism, which is a variant form of applied Marxism, in which they focus on the culture, the transformation of culture, as opposed to traditional or classical Marxism, which focuses on seizing economic power.
After World War I, certain Marxists were disillusioned with the classical Marxist theory because they had predicted a widespread European war, which they certainly had in World War I.
But people did not flock to the standard of communism or Marxism in the West in particular.
You know, it happened in Russia.
They thought that all of these armed proletarians, the lower classes, would see that they had more in common with each other than they did with the bourgeoisie officer corps.
They'd turn their guns on the bourgeoisie officers and basically start the revolution.
And this is indeed what happened in Russia, but it didn't happen in Germany, France, Belgium, England, the United States.
So the question was, why?
And the cultural Marxists, which were kind of renegade Marxists, came up with the notion that it didn't happen because people in the West had been had their minds and their consciousness marinated for over two millennia.
And Keith, we're going to pick up right there.
We're going to pick up right there.
Hold that thought.
Push pause.
We're going to resume play right after this commercial.
My goodness.
The political cesspool continues right after this.
The political cesspool, guys.
We'll be back right after these messages.
On the show and express your opinion in the political cesspool, call us toll-free at 1-866-986-6397.
We got it out of this place.
All right, and we're back.
James Edwards and Keith Alexander here in the Political Cesspool this evening.
We are trying to answer a couple of questions that came in during last week's open mic hours.
And some of those questions posed to us were essentially, how did America fall so quickly over the course of the last 55 years?
So we're trying to answer as comprehensively as we can in the time that commercial radio allows those questions.
And Keith, essentially that question to pick up where you left off, what did happen to America in the past 55 years that changed things so drastically for the worse?
And as we write in our book, this change didn't happen as a coincidence or an accident or a random occurrence, but as the result of purposeful activism.
And Keith, to pick up where you were leaving off before the last break, where did this radical leftist transformation come from?
Well, we were talking about cultural Marxism and the Frankfurt School.
The Frankfurt School was a school of thought that was housed at the University of Frankfurt, established in 1923 by Friedrich Weil.
And what they intended to do, they were the authors of a new movement called cultural Marxism.
And getting back to what I was saying, they concluded that the reason Marxism did not occur in the midst of World War I in the Western nations like Germany, France, England,
the United States, and all the rest of Western Europe, as it actually did happen in Russia and for a brief period of time Hungary, was because Western people had had their minds and souls and their culture marinated for two millennia in Christian thought and in Western civilization.
So they decided that the only way that you could transform the West was to change the culture.
And they wanted to change the culture from one based on traditional values and Christian thought and traditional Western thought into one based on radical egalitarianism.
Now that's one of the sources of the methodology.
The second source was the thinking of Trotsky on race.
Trotsky was a Jewish Marxist who was involved in the Russian Revolution, the Bolshevik Revolution, and upon the death of Lenin, he and Stalin were the main contestants to see who was going to be the leader of Soviet Russia.
Stalin won.
Trotsky didn't.
Trotsky went into exile, eventually wound up being assassinated in Mexico in 1939, where he had fled for refuge.
Thank goodness they didn't let him into the United States.
You know, we let the cultural Marxists in, unfortunately, after 1933, and they really did a number on the United States as a result.
But Trotsky's views on race were these.
He thought that the key to a successful revolution was to mobilize the non-white people of the world.
He said this in two particular speeches and monographs that he did, one from Princopo, Turkey, in 1933, and the other at a world conference in New York City of Marxists in 1939, shortly before his death.
And what he said was this: whites make up only 25% of the world's population at that time.
Non-whites, then, were 75%.
The white working class and poor were not suited to be an appropriate proletariat or spearhead of the Marxist Revolution because they were too fat and sassy.
They were happy.
They wanted to be members of the bourgeoisie.
And they lacked what he called revolutionary zeal.
He said that the non-white population of the world all had a bone to pick and a chip on their shoulder about the white race because they'd been dispossessed either in war or economically by whites and that their grudge against the white world could easily be transformed into revolutionary zeal and that therefore they should be the real proletariat.
And the key to having a successful Marxist transformation of the world was to get the non-white populations in gear as a proletariat to attack the white world and the white power structure.
And that's exactly what he did.
And of course, both cultural Marxism and Trotsky, Trotsky was a Jew, the primary thinkers of the cultural Marxist Frankfurt School were Jews also.
Herbert Marcuse, Theodore Adorno, Wilhelm Reich, Eric Frong, George Lukox, Antonio Gramsci.
All these people shared that in common.
That's the source.
And that's how it happened.
Then, how did they do it, I guess, is the next question, right?
Yeah, moving from theory to practice, let's talk about the different tactics that they employed and how these tactics were applied.
Obviously, in the early 50s in America, these ideas that they were bringing to plant were going to be rejected right on their face.
So they knew they had to get around the voting public.
They had to get around the will of the people.
And as you mentioned, Keith, in 1954, that Black Monday during the Brown versus Board of Education decision, that was the first example of how they could get, as you say, the camel's nose in the tent by using the judiciary to push through these radical ideas that would never be accepted by the American people at that time.
Well, that's exactly right.
They had to find some autocratic, undemocratic means to enforce societal change upon an unwilling society because, as you said, the populace would never voted in.
And if they had legislative representatives that voted in, they would have promptly voted those representatives out.
Well, absolutely.
And this is something it worked so well during Brown versus Board that this has been something that has been used time and time and time again, countless times over the years, over the decades.
Well, and what they used was the so-called power of judicial review, which Hamilton and a few others thought was inherent in the constitutional Separation of powers, three-part government of judiciary, executive branch, and legislative branch in the United States.
But up until the point of Brown versus Board of Education, no American executive or the legislature had ever recognized the power of the U.S. Supreme Court to be the final arbiter of what was constitutional and what wasn't.
Essentially, rather than interpreting law, they began to write their own laws.
Well, what they did was they said, we're the final arbiter of what is constitutional.
We have ruled that the laws in Topeka, Kansas, and various other places, there are actually five school board cases that came up at one time under the rubric of Brown versus Board of Education.
They said they were unconstitutional.
Now, in Marbury versus Madison, the Supreme Court tried to tell Thomas Jefferson what to do, and he ignored them.
Then, in the case involving the Indian Removal Act, the Supreme Court tried to tell Andrew Jackson that the Indian Removal Act was unconstitutional, to which Andrew Jackson replied, John Marshall, then the Chief Justice, has made his decision.
Now let him enforce it.
In other words, he defied him.
Let's see, what happened to the nation that used to elect presidents like that?
Well, we got a Rockefeller Republican in, a guy named Dwight Eisenhower.
He was a country club Republican.
He was the country club Republican alternative to the real conservative Republican in the 52 nominated 1952 nominating convention, Robert Taft, Mr. Conservative of Ohio.
And once he got in, he was paying back a political favor to the then governor of California, which of course had the most electoral votes back then and still today.
And in return for his support, Dwight Eisenhower told him that I'll put you on the Supreme Court at the first opportunity, the first opening you'll get.
And the first opening was the death of Fred Vinson, then the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court.
And he put Earl Warren in.
Earl Warren was an old politico, not much of a legal theorist, and he didn't worry about matters like separation of church and I mean separation of powers and what were the proper prerogatives of the legislative versus the judicial versus executive branch.
He was a power player and he was going to grab all the power he could get.
Now they'd already had one decision or one hearing of the Brown case before Vinson's death and it looked like it was going to die.
So Felix Frankfurter, the Jewish member of the Supreme Court at that time, begged Southern gentleman Fred Vinson for rehearing so he could marshal his forces.
And Vinson, being a southern gentleman, again, nice guys finished last, agreed.
Then Vinson suddenly died of a heart attack in the interim.
And Frankfurter, who was scheming and conniving with a former law clerk who was then working for the Solicitor General of the United States office, Philip Ellman, another fellow son of Israel, told Ellman, I'm in shock.
He said, the death of Fred Vinson is the first real proof I've ever had of the existence of God.
Shows you the absolute mendacity and evil in the heart of Felix Frankfurter.
And then they got Earl Warren in, and they decided they put all sorts of pressure on several justices to get a unanimous decision, basically holding that segregated schools were unconstitutional.
And again, this is important for a number of reasons, not the least of which being this set the precedent for judicial review and writing laws from the bench.
We're going to be back right after this.
We're going to give you something positive when we come back.
Stay tuned.
The political cesspool, guys.
We'll be back right after these messages.
Welcome back.
To get on the political cesspool, call us on James's Dime, toll-free, at 1-866-986-6397.
And here's the host of the Political Cesspool, James Edwards.
During tonight's first hour, ladies and gentlemen, Keith Alexander and I are trying our best to break down for you how we lost the America we knew and what we can do.
We're going to be talking about that now, what we can do to take it back.
This is a subject so broad and so intricate that we could have a 12-hour seminar and still not come close to covering it all.
So trying to jam it into one hour of commercial radio is a pretty hard thing to do.
But Keith, we were talking about how through judicial review they began to have the power to change certain laws, and then that set the stage in effect for them to usher in certain egalitarian movements, which in turn changed culture itself.
Certainly in 1956, you wouldn't have imagined to turn on television, public television, and see two lesbians doing whatever they do.
The idea of something as abhorrent as homosexual marriage would have never been conceivable back then.
But through radical feminist movements, the so-called civil rights movement, and now you've got this radical homosexual movement.
These are all things that they have done to change the culture.
And they were able to change the culture because they targeted certain institutions that they knew could generate mass change quickly.
Hollywood, the media, magazines, newspapers, radio, even now, obviously churches, but business, government, academia.
And through their infiltration of these key institutions of American society, they were able and are able now to constantly bombard us.
Compare that with the fact that the paleoconservative movement, for what it is in this day and age, has a hard time keeping from running into each other long enough to plan a meeting, much less come up with a coherent effort that will produce tangible and positive results.
So Keith, when we say what can we do to take back the institutions, what can we do to reclaim America's destiny, you would say mimic the tactics of the left.
They've given us a great playbook, have they not?
Yeah, well, see, Brown versus Board of Education used judicial review, and then it was used along the line.
Just look at what the Warren Court did.
Criminal rights.
Then it went from criminal rights onto feminism into equal rights for women and whatnot.
It went to the sexual revolution, the drug culture.
It went to things like homosexual rights, now radical environmentalism, all based on a radical egalitarian agenda.
For example, blacks are the same as are just as good as whites.
That's the first thing.
They get their camel's nose in the tent.
Then criminals are the same or just as good as lawful citizens.
Illegal immigrants are the same or just as good as lawful citizens.
We go to women are the same as or just as good as men.
Then you go homosexuals are the same as just as good as heterosexuals.
And then you finally get to environmentalism.
Plants and animals are the same as are just as good as human beings.
They've done it.
Then in the process, they're transforming the minds of Americans.
See, Americans back in 1954, they said, well, we're good law-abiding Americans.
I don't agree with this desegregation order, but if the Supreme Court says it, I guess we have to do it.
And because of that compliance and that compliant attitude, these ruthless people who had no respect for American traditions and American lifestyle came in and transformed America to basically destroy the old order.
That's what they've done.
And the way we can get it back, like you said, is to use these cultural Marxist techniques.
The cultural Marxists believed one thing first and foremost.
They thought that lies and deceit were better weapons than guns and bullets.
And that's proven to be correct.
They have taken over America without firing a shot.
Well, I think, Keith, their victory has been so thorough that now, I mean, you're talking about, would it have ever been imaginable that Christmas would be offensive or that reading the Bible could be considered to be a hate crime?
And we're going to commit a hate crime tonight when we read the Christmas story.
But this is what I'm talking about.
That's how thorough their rout of our culture has been.
Even the so-called Republican president, the conservative president, so-called, George Walker Bush, allowed a menorah to be displayed on the White House lawn, but not a nativity scene.
Well, absolutely.
And these are the things we have to put up with.
But again, back in 1954, when these Bolsheviks were starting to infiltrate the institutions, they didn't go and put in their application for a chancellorship at a college by telling them what a radical Marxist they were.
They hid their kennel under a bushel.
And that's something our people need to do.
If you go in and try to get a job in the movie industry today and you tell them what a good conservative you are and you're a fan of the political system, I can tell you, it's not going to work for you.
You have got to go in there.
And this is what has to happen.
Unfortunately, you have to fight fire with fire.
You know, Leo DeRosher said, nice guys finish last.
The problem with being a conservative is that you're an honorable person and a straightforward person.
You tell a college that you're a conservative, you're just not going to get hired.
You tell the news media that you're a conservative.
You will not get hired.
You tell the movie industry you're a conservative.
You not only won't get hired, but if you're already a star like Mel Gibson, suddenly you're going to fade like the Cheshire Cat smile from the scene and you're never going to be heard of unless you finance your own movies as he's done now.
That's the way that they operate.
They exclude, they only, once they reach critical mass in any institution, they call it the long march through the institutions, they take it over and they only hire or employ like-minded individuals and they keep giving us the same drumbeat.
And there are so many people in America that are, again, asleep at the switch, they think, well, if it's on the movies or it's in the TV, this must be good.
They don't understand, for example, in the movie industry that there are eight major movie studios.
All are run by Jews.
What's wrong with Jews?
The only thing that's wrong with Jews is that they are the most liberal segment of the white population.
They vote 80% on average for the Democratic candidate in a presidential election.
And out of the 20 that don't, probably half of them vote for even more liberal candidates like Ralph Nader or John Anderson.
Well, and Keith, all this is key.
And certainly, as I said, there's much more to this than we're going to have the time to cover during tonight's first hour.
But I want this to at least give you a broad perspective of what we're talking about, how it was lost, what we can do.
And you mentioned critical mass, Keith.
That's right.
They didn't show their true colors or let their true ideas come to the forefront until they had a certain number of their people in these institutions and they made them filibuster proof, so to speak.
And that's what we need to do.
We need to fight fire with fire, as you said, Keith.
Don't go in there saying you're a conservative.
Oh, my God.
Obama?
Oh, yes, yes, sir.
Absolutely.
All the ways.
And then you get in there.
And then that's the only way you're going to be able to get your camel's nose in the tent.
And that's what we need to do.
But I do believe this, and I've said it before, what one man can do, another can do.
We have certain advantages now in 2009 that they didn't have in 1954.
One of the things is we still have a majority.
The majority of this nation is still fundamentally conservative, for lack of a better word.
And white Gentiles.
And white Gentiles.
And so with that, our task, as daunting as it may seem, is far less daunting than what their task was in 1954.
They were able to do it with discipline and consistency.
And duplicity.
Longevity.
Well, there was a lot of that, obviously, too.
But they made a plan that made sense and they stuck with it.
We tend to fall off the wagon.
If our candidate loses an election, we'll go gung-ho for a candidate and we'll burn out and then we'll never be active again.
I mean, they work day and night for their lifetimes.
Well, what do they do too, James?
Just let me mention this.
They take over conservative institutions.
Conservatives being straightforward, they say, well, this college is bad.
We're going to create a conservative college.
Well, the next thing you know, that conservative college that conservatives have put millions upon millions of dollars in blood, sweat, and tears into has now been transformed secretly into a left-wing institution.
The good part of that is that virtually every institution that embraces liberalism sickens and dies, like mainline Protestant churches like the Episcopal Church, things like this.
They're all diminishing.
And the newspapers, the newspapers are dying.
The newspapers are dying.
So they will eventually, their own disease that they bring will kill themselves eventually, but we ain't got the time to wait them out.
And so we've got to begin to mimic their tactics.
He's just too much.
We want it to be preserved.
And see, you look around, like we said, it's amazing how quickly this transformation has taken place.
I drive through Memphis and I see the ruins of the old America.
I see the edifices, the buildings that were so well-built and whatnot that are now, you know, kind of down at the mouth because of years of neglect under this liberal leadership that we have in America.
To tell you, Keith, how quickly it happened, I would dare say a great percentage of the people tuning in tonight around the world to this program were alive and well when it began in the mid-50s.
And so if it could happen within the course of a lifetime, that is a very quick transformation when you're talking about something so radically changed.
And again, that's another reason that I have hope that we can turn it back, but we have got to begin.
Listen, they couldn't give us a better playbook.
What they did worked.
If it worked, why don't we try it for ourselves?
And you know, their ideas were so radical and so bad.
For example, Herbert Marcuse, one of the primary popularizers of cultural Marxism, who coined the phrase, make love, not war, and things like that.
He wrote in a book called Eros and Civilization that monogamy was a scheme and a plan to enslave women and children and that to avoid that and to be truly free and empowered, women should reject monogamy and live sexual lives of polymorphous perversity.
This came out, polymorphous perversity is sex, not for procreation, but for pleasure.
And, you know, that's so radical.
Can you imagine the Leave It to Beaver generation hearing that?
Yeah, but the generation now not only hears it but embraces it.
Period apparently has quite a following.
Well, Keith, we've got to shut it off with that.
We've got two more hours left in the program, but no more time left during this first hour.
So hopefully we've enlightened the people who called in last week as to what happened and what we can do to take it back.
It was sort of broad, but I think we covered certainly the highlights, and we're always more than happy to revisit this at a later date in another show.
But Keith, thanks for coming on tonight.
As always, my friend, and a Merry Christmas to you, and I'll see you the day after Christmas when we come back for the year in review show next week.
And Merry Christmas to all of our listeners out there.
Merry Christmas and a happy and prosperous new year.
We'll be back with more of the political cesspool tonight right after this.
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And Harr thought he had a weed eater loose in his proof of loons.
He fell to his knees to plead and beg, and the squirrel ran out of his britch's leg unobserved to the other side of the room.