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June 6, 2023 - Sean Hannity Show
33:03
Newt Gingrich - June 6th, Hour 2
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So, with a lot of uncertainty in the air in terms of legal issues surrounding President Trump, we, you know, sources everywhere, you know, saying that an indictment is imminent by the special counsel as early as this week.
Interestingly, I'm also hearing that an indictment of Hunter Biden.
Now, don't you got to understand something here.
It's a big difference.
This special counsel was, I think, appointed sometime in what, October, November last year.
They had Hunter Biden's laptop from hell since December of 2019.
So, there's a big, big difference.
And then, who knows what Fulton County, Georgia is going to do.
To me, that cake is baked because it's so anti-Republican, anti-Trump, and anti-conservative.
I would imagine that they'll go for an arrest indictment there as well.
Does it have any impact on the race?
I don't know.
With the recent debt ceiling negotiations and agreement, some conservatives are mad.
Some people feel Kevin got a good deal.
Was it the best deal for the country?
And what is the process?
You know, I had in my life the blessing, the opportunity to live through one of what I would argue are the three big movements of conservatism.
Four, if you want to add the Tea Party.
I've watched Ronald Reagan's presidency, and that dramatically shifted the country towards conservatism.
For the first time in 40 years in 1994, Newt Gingrich put together the contract with America.
That would be the second leg of that table, if you will.
If you want to count 2010 as the Tea Party movement, that certainly would be applicable.
2016, Donald Trump.
And what do we learn every single time that conservatism and conservative policies are put in place?
Well, under Reagan, 21 million new jobs were created, the longest period of peacetime economic growth in history.
Under Newt Gingrich, and dealing with somebody like Bill Clinton, they balance four budgets.
It hasn't happened at any other point in our lifetime.
The success of Donald Trump, we have laid out in detail.
Certainly, the Tea Party's had an impact on the country.
So I think conservative principles work.
Anyway, Newt is out with a new book.
It's called March to the Majority, The Real Story of the Republican Revolution.
I had a front row seat as part of it.
I was the MC at the Cobb Galleria the night that he became Speaker.
This is him on the Capitol steps talking about his contract with America that brought Republicans to power for the first time in 40 years.
They've been in the wilderness.
We're here because we are taking the first steps, and we're taking them in a contract with the American people.
We've already told the incumbents and the candidates that if we have a majority, if the American people accept this contract, that they can expect to work five days a week in January, six days a week in February and March, and 24 hours a day around the clock towards the end if necessary.
But we are going to get to the final recorded votes in the first 100 days on every item.
You know, you would have thought with a positive contract with positive ideas, with eight reform steps in the opening day, and with 10 bills, that the press quote would have finally said, what a difference.
What a change from 30-second attack ads.
What a change from the usual lack of teamwork and lack of specificity.
But instead, we've had the usual carping, the usual complaining, the usual negativism from an all-too-cynical Washington Press Corps, which attacks us for term limits for balanced budget amendment.
One columnist called our contract an airball.
Now, I recognize, sadly, that the Washington Press Corps is all too often the Praetorian guard of the left.
But it tells you something.
It tells you something about how out of touch they are with the American people.
That every item in our contract is supported by 60% or more of the American people.
Some of the items are supported as much as 80% of the American people.
And outside Washington, this is a contract with Americans for America.
And Republicans, well, the rest is history.
Newt became the speaker.
Republicans had not been in the majority in 40 years.
Newt writes about this and how it's all applicable to where we are today as a country.
I don't think it's ever been this divided.
It's called March to the Majority by Newt Gingrich.
And he's already a number one best-selling author, The Real Story of the Republican Revolution.
Mr. Speaker, great to have you back, sir.
And you know what?
It brings back very fond memories for me.
I learned a lot in those years just watching you work.
Well, I have to say, I had not heard that speech in a long time, and I think I'm going to get it and turn it into a podcast.
It's scary how much of it's still relevant.
It's all relevant.
I mean, I would argue that all of it's relevant.
So part of the reason I wrote March the Majority is that I think all the lessons we learned really become applicable today in the process of helping the American people govern themselves, the process of getting back to sound conservative principles that work, is just as true today as it was for Ronald Reagan or as it was for us in 1994.
So I think you're on to something that, you know, we have really an interesting moment historically.
I just got a new poll from the Democracy Institute people, and they asked the question, which would matter more for America's future if Putin lost power or if Biden lost power?
And by something like 58 to 40, the American people chose getting rid of Biden.
Now, if you are seen as less desirable than Putin, you probably are in real trouble as a president.
Well, there's a lot of talk.
I think where we are politically heading into this election cycle is about as unpredictable as it could ever be.
And I'm specifically referring to the issue of legal matters that Democrats seem just hell-bent on indicting Trump for spitting on the sidewalk and anything they can get him on.
I've never seen one man persecuted to the extent that he is.
I believe these rumors are true.
Probably there is a pending indictment.
And it's probably, according to the lawyers I've spoken with, it's not going to be about classified information.
It's going to be about obstruction involving the investigation into the classified document scandal.
I mean, okay, so you have a non-crime, but we'll find a crime outside of the non-crime to charge a former president with.
Right.
I mean, this is the standard Department of Justice game.
They go through an investigation.
They can't find anything illegal, but you may have done or said something which can be construed as obstruction of justice.
Now, of course, if you applied that standard to the current Attorney General or you applied that standard to the current President of the United States, it would jump all over you.
I mean, the fact is that these guys have done everything they can.
You're having a big fight right now in the House with the head of the FBI, who I would argue is obstructing information.
But here's the only thing Americans need to know.
An indictment in the District of Columbia is an indictment of Donald Trump in a jurisdiction in which he got 5% of the vote.
5%.
That means that 19 out of 20 people in a potential jury pool would be people who were against Donald Trump.
Now, that's not judgment by your peers.
By the way, it's not any different in New York City or in Fulton County, Georgia.
Correct me if I'm wrong.
Well, the numbers aren't quite as bad.
They're only about 2 to 1 in New York and 3 to 1 in Fulton County.
But they're 19 to 1 in D.C.
I mean, the idea that this could in any way lead to a fair trial is an absurdity.
It's one more example of how corrupt the system is and how sick the system has become.
And the idea that your major political opponent, the person who in the polls right now, in this new Democracy Institute poll, Trump is beating Biden decisively.
Now, the idea that, you know, maybe in Venezuela or in Cuba, you know, or in Zimbabwe, I mean, there might be countries where it's okay to just lock up your opponent, or for that matter, in Russia where they try to kill their opponents.
But the idea that in the United States of America, a major candidate, a totally legitimate candidate who's already been president, they're going to take him out by legal means, this is just totally un-American.
So, I mean, there are questions I just don't have answers to.
Now, just following James Comer's investigation, we've had him on radio and TV regularly.
He's looking into things that are wide and deep.
He finally got a hold of, what, 170 SARS reports, suspicious activity reports, nine Biden family members, beneficiaries of monies transferred to them through what he is calling shell corporations.
In other words, not real businesses, but companies that were designed just to accept money to transfer around so that it looks like you're kind of washing the money clean and nobody knows where it really originated from.
That seems to be the more serious allegation and charges.
That's where his investigation is going.
But all we hear is, well, he might be hit with a tax violation and maybe a gun charge because he lied on a gun application.
That sounds like the low-hanging fruit to me that is irrelevant.
Well, yeah, I think this is an effort by the Justice Department to pretend to be doing something.
The truth is, and I think everybody who's paid any attention knows this, the amount of money which went to Hunter Biden from Russia, from Kazakhstan, from Ukraine, and from China, that money all related to the fact that his father was an important political figure.
None of that money went to him because he earned it.
And the fact is that his father knew it.
It's impossible to believe that Joe Biden did anything except lie when he said he didn't know.
I mean, how does your son?
We have evidence to prove otherwise.
We have photographic evidence.
We have dates and times of meetings with foreign business partners on Hunter.
Right.
So I think the tragedy of the current situation is that our national establishment is so corrupt and it is so desperately trying to defend itself and is so convinced that it is self-righteously correct and the rest of us are bad that you're really in a, I think, a crisis of the American system.
And frankly, that's part of why I wrote March the Majority, because when I thought about it, you know, I learned a great deal from Ronald Reagan.
And we applied all of that to win in 94 and to successfully negotiate with Bill Clinton.
And people need to remember that this was a Democratic president who signed welfare reform, signed the largest capital gains tax cut in history, signed a lot of deregulation, and ultimately worked with us to create four consecutive balanced budgets.
You can get this stuff done, but it's going to take a real brass knuckles fight because the other side is dug in.
They are sicker than they were 20 or 30 years ago.
I mean, you look at the more extreme wing of the Democratic Party, it's genuinely sick.
And I think that we're going to have a really difficult time rooting it out and getting back to a place that works.
I don't think anybody can accurately assess the presidential race where it is today and all of these potential mitigating factors, including where the investigation into Joe and Hunter goes, what indictments may or may not come down for Donald Trump.
Assuming that all of these rumors that are allowed are true, how do you see it playing out?
Well, first of all, I think that most of Trump's supporters are going to be enraged because it's just further confirmation that the system is rigged.
I don't think they're going to say, oh, gee, maybe I won't support him because after all, you know, an independent counsel in the Biden administration thinks he did something wrong.
I think they're going to say this is crazy.
And it's going to make them angrier.
And it puts all of his competitors in a really weird position.
You're running for president.
You go out there and somebody says to you, what do you think about President Trump being indicted?
Do you side with the left and say, oh, I think that's the right thing?
Or do you say, you know, and of course, this is something we watched happen with one of the trials in New York, where even Governor DeSantis came out in defense of Trump.
So what it does is it further polarizes the country into two groups.
This is the group that think that it's okay to be corrupt and to be weird and no matter what, you're for them.
And the group that thinks that this is all so bad and all so corrupt that you have to be against it.
And I think you'll further polarize the country.
I mean, it's and where do you see the Republican primary right now?
People are asking me about it all the time.
Why is the president Ron DeSantis battling each other so hard?
Well, I think.
You want to step in the middle of that?
Go ahead.
Sure.
No, I think Trump very early decided that DeSantis was his one major potential opponent.
And so he decided in classically Trump fashion to go right at him.
And he has managed, I think, to keep DeSantis so off balance.
You know, DeSantis is, let me be clear, I think he's a very good governor of Florida.
And I think he's done a very good job.
But this is a different business and a different game.
And I don't think he was quite ready for the ferocity with which he's been hit.
And the result is Trump's now about, in the last poll, he's about 30 points ahead.
So what's happening is, I think, I describe it as the two-lake theory of politics.
There's one lake, which currently was at 53% this morning, which is...
Well, I'll tell you what, hold on to the two lakes of politics, and we'll get back to this.
We have new for the full hour.
There's just too much to discuss today.
Anyway, his brand new book out, March to the Majority, the real story of the Republican Revolution, and not only his ascendancy to become Speaker of the House, but also the lessons learned that are applicable to today.
And those of you that are calling me every day so worried about the 2024 election, you know, what this means, how we can learn from the past in all the good ways, all the things that worked, and apply them.
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Newt Gingrich is with us.
His new book just released today.
It's called March to the Majority, The Real Story of the Republican Revolution, bookstores all around the country, and Amazon.com and Hannity.com.
And by the way, how can people get a first print signed edition?
I understand that you have a special place to look for that.
Sure.
If they will go to gingrich360.com, that is gingrich360.com, just to indicate they would like a signed edition.
I'd be delighted personally.
In fact, I'll also personalize it for them.
Oh, that's great.
All right.
So when we took a break, so we were talking about your ascension to become Speaker of the House.
Republicans have been out of power 40 years.
And it all started with an education process called Renewing American Civilization, which evolved into the contract with America.
And we were kind of taking the lessons that you learned from your own experience and applying it to today.
And I interrupted you when talking about the Republican primary and your two-lake theory.
And I want you to pick it up from there.
Sure.
Well, my two-lake theory is really simple.
There's a big lake that has right now about 53% of the Republican Party, and that's for Trump.
There's a smaller lake, which is about 40%, and that lake is now divided up between a lot of people.
Governor DeSantis had an opportunity, I think, to completely dominate that lake, in which case, the race would have been one of two candidates.
But he didn't dominate it.
And the result is you now have lots and lots of candidates.
As you know, I was on your TV show last night, and just before me, I got a chance to chat with Tim Scott, who is running.
You know, the fact that you have so many different candidates, I think that Vice President Pence has announced, I think Governor Christie's announcing.
And of course, down in Mar-a-Largo, they pop a champagne every time there's a new candidate because Trump would love nothing more than to have 15 or 20 candidates dividing up the smaller lake where he just gets to cheerfully continue to be a majority.
Do you think that whatever legally is going to happen to him, does that impact people's votes?
Now, there's two groups of people I'm talking about.
It makes them matter.
Okay, that's his base.
But to win a general election, you got to pick off, well, first you got to win Georgia, not as easy as it used to be.
You got to win North Carolina.
Also, not quite as easy as it used to be.
And then you've got to win Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, Michigan, one combination of these states, Arizona, Nevada.
And, you know, so there's another group of voters on the other side of the primary.
Well, I think Trump would have a hard time winning an election if the issue was Trump.
But the issue is not going to be Trump.
One of the things that the Democracy Institute poll just came out with is overwhelmingly, people felt that Trump's policies were better than Biden's.
And if you said, you know, were the four years of Trump better than the Biden years, there's overwhelming belief now that Trump delivered and Biden didn't.
And so I think that if Biden is the Democratic nominee, the issue is going to be, do you really want four more years of somebody who clearly is not in control of himself, whose policies are clearly a disaster?
And I think that that's a really heavy burden for the other side.
So it's not like it's going to be a referendum on Trump.
If Biden runs, it's going to be a referendum on Biden.
If Biden does not run, they're going to go to the left.
And you're going to have somebody who's even more clearly nuts in terms of strange policies.
And I think that just widens the opportunity.
Let's talk about another possibility.
I mean, it's being discussed everywhere.
You know, a Liz Cheney or somebody maybe like that.
I know Cornell West is talking about running third party, but maybe other third-party candidates.
Does that help or hurt Donald Trump?
No, it helps Trump because anybody who's for Trump is going to be for Trump.
The problem is going to be somebody who says, you know, I think Biden's too old.
I'm not sure that he cognitively has it anymore.
I don't actually like his policies.
The idea of Kamala Harris, and I thought Nikki Haley was very clever to say she's really running against Kamala Harris because Harris will be the president if Biden wins.
You know, I mean, if those are the choices, nobody who is for Trump's going to vote for Liz Cheney, period.
End of story.
And I think that that makes for a third-party candidate will take far more from the Democrat than they will from the Republican nominee.
I wonder how much more the country can take.
I mean, we talk about the disaster at the border.
We talk about a 40-year high of inflation, the economy.
We talk about the high cost of energy.
You may not know this, but under Donald Trump, at no point in his presidency, did the average cost of a gallon of gasoline go above $3 a gallon, not once.
And we were energy independent.
It helps to have a pro-energy president.
Yeah, it does.
It helps a lot, actually.
And somebody not believing this new Green Deal crap.
Look, this is probably not very comforting, but as a historian, I can assure you, this is an extraordinarily tough country.
We got through a Civil War.
We got through the Great Depression.
We got through World War II.
We're going to get through this.
It's not comfortable.
Some of it is dangerous.
I think when you combine our foreign enemies, you look at Russia, North Korea, Iran, China, and then you look at the domestic people who deeply dislike America, some of whom hate America, you could argue that we are, in some ways, collectively counting both of those in as great a danger as we were the night that Washington crossed to Delaware to save the revolution, because you really have an enormous problem.
And I think I personally believe as a country we will surmount it.
We will come back roaring in a way that we will once again be the leading country in the world.
But I do think it's a real fight, and I don't think anybody should kid themselves.
It is a fight.
So let me run through some of the things that worry me.
I talk a lot about the ability of Republicans to win these swing states.
And here's the problem we have: is we have been witnessing since the onset of COVID a mass accelerated migration out of states, not just New York, New Jersey, and California, but states like Pennsylvania and states like Michigan and states like Wisconsin.
And if anything, we're seeing in Arizona, more Californians are moving there.
Yeah, probably a lot of them are Democrats.
So my concern is as people flock to free states like Florida, Texas, the Carolinas, and Tennessee, it makes those swing states that much harder to win.
Does that concern you?
First of all, it doesn't concern me much about those states because if you look at Florida, for example, for the first time in my lifetime, there are far more Republicans than Democrats registered.
Well, I'm not worried about Florida.
I'm not worried about Ohio, but I am worried about Pennsylvania, Michigan, and Wisconsin.
I would look, I think this is an election that is going to be won by a much bigger margin than people think.
Because you go to a state like Pennsylvania or Wisconsin, and you just ask a simple question, are you better off than you were four years ago?
And virtually everybody's going to say no.
And I mean, maybe there's going to be some magic mystical turnaround, but I doubt it.
I think that the Biden policies and the current Federal Reserve are so wrong about the world that things are just going to keep getting worse.
And I think that that does lead to very profound changes.
I mean, you just had the NAACP in Maryland come out complaining about the school system and basically splitting with the teachers' union.
Now, when things get bad enough that a traditionally liberal organization says enough, we can't take it anymore, you know something profound is beginning to happen.
And you just had the California state legislature honor this group of vicious, anti-Catholic people who pretend to be nuns, engage in despicable behavior, who the Dodgers were going to honor one evening.
And, you know, the average American looks at that stuff and says, you know, I don't want those people in charge.
That's why Target, I think, has lost $13 billion in value.
It's why Bud Light has collapsed as a drink.
People are finally getting fed up and saying, you know, I'm sorry that all of these Harvard and Yale and Princeton people have these weird ideas, but I'm not going to pay for them.
Look, I don't know how to reconcile the issues of the day.
And I'm going to debate some Democrats about this because you either believe in the rule of law and you secure your borders or you believe in open borders and sanctuary cities and states.
You either believe in funding the police and getting rid of these insane no-bail laws or you support the defund movement and the no-bail law movement.
You either believe in energy independence or you don't.
You believe in a strong national defense that is vigorous, that would take on the threat that is now being posed by China, Russia, Iran, and North Korea, or you don't have such a president.
Right now, we don't have one that's challenging them.
And we see the consequences and the result of those consequences.
Look, it took me a minute to figure out the right analogy for you.
I just want to let you rest your heart a little bit.
Let not my heart be troubled.
Go ahead.
Right, okay.
I don't want your heart to be troubled.
This is D-Day, the 6th of June, the day that the Allies landed in Europe.
Now, you could have said that morning, this is really a giant gamble, because it was really a giant gamble.
But the fact is, it worked.
And the fact is, we beat the Nazis, we beat the fascists in Italy, we beat the Imperial Japanese, we turned around and waged a 40-year Cold War, and the Soviet Union collapsed.
So I would say to you, yeah, there are going to be some challenges.
There were some wonderful young men who died at Normandy.
But the truth is the American people, and interestingly, President Franklin D. Roosevelt went on radio, prayed with the American people.
I've actually played this prayer because it's so powerful.
You know, he prayed with the American people, and our podcast today is on D-Day at Newts World.
And then he said to the American people, I'm asking you to pray every single day until they come home.
Now, that's the spirit that'll do just fine.
And I believe this August is the 60th anniversary of Reverend Martin Luther King Jr.'s amazing speech where he said, I have a dream.
And the truth is, his dream is an American dream.
And he said, I worry about the content of our character, not the color of our skin.
And I just want to suggest to you, this is a country which can respond to every single weirdness of the left, every single challenge of incompetency, and we can get our act together again.
And 20 years from now, we will be the leading country on the planet.
And liberty and freedom will once again have proven that totalitarian systems, in the end, don't work.
And that crushing people's spirit is a terrible way to try to govern.
All right, quick break.
Board with Newt Gingrich's new book out today.
March to the majority, the real story of the Republican Revolution, all over the place.
Bookstores everywhere.
Amazon.com, Hannity.com as we continue.
Bringing you the people who make the news.
All right, more with Newt Gingrich.
Brand new book out today.
March to the majority, the real story of the Republican Revolution.
Bookstores all across the country as of today, Amazon.com, Hannity.com, and Gingrich 360, if you want to sign a copy of Newt's book.
Did you ever think the Democratic Party, as crazy as they could be at times, would ever go this hardcore left?
No, I think, you know, Theodore White warned about this in his making the president in 1972 when he said that George McGovern couldn't negotiate with the left because the liberal ideology had become a liberal theology.
And it's true, people don't remember, but we had 2,500 bombings in the United States in the late 60s.
We had the Black Panthers with an open campaign to assassinate police.
We had all sorts of weirdnesses.
And then it kind of died down because the American people organized themselves.
They said enough of this stuff.
And we had a long stretch of relatively conservative behavior.
But underneath it, on the campuses and particularly in the universities, it was kind of like a cancer.
It was metastasizing and it was getting worse and sicker and weirder.
And it spread into an anti-white racism.
It spread into an anti-normal sexual approach.
And it set into an anti-Christian and in particular, anti-Catholic approach that none of us could have predicted 25 years ago.
One of the most amazing things is when you go back to, remember, Republicans had not been in power since 1954.
This is election year 1994.
And how the world has changed in terms of how information is communicated to people.
You actually put your contract at America.
It was a TV guide ad.
I mean, I bet there are a lot of people listening that have no idea what TV Guide is at this point.
Trying to explain to younger people why TV Guide mattered is impossible because they live in a world of hundreds of channels.
But back then, 92 million copies were delivered every week.
And when Chairman, Republican National Committee Chairman Hilly Barber, who later became governor of Mississippi, when he pledged to me that if we would write a contract, and he wanted it to include litigation reform, which we did, he said, if you'll do that, the RNC will pay for a four-page ad and TV guide.
And that's what really made the contract drive home because all of a sudden, every, you know, almost every household in the country got in the same week.
It was remarkable.
The book is called March to the Majority, The Real Story of the Republican Revolution.
These lessons are as applicable today as they've ever been.
They're timeless principles.
This book is a roadmap to victory.
The book's phenomenal.
Thank you, Mr. Speaker.
We appreciate you being with us.
Take care.
All right.
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