March 11, 2024 - Rubin Report - Dave Rubin
27:59
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| Speaker | Time | Text |
|---|---|---|
| They're not shooting at America, they're shooting at Israel. | ||
| It's Israel's problem, if you will. | ||
| But Israel is a great friend of ours, and we're going to help them, and we're going to support them. | ||
| So we'll give them whatever they need to defend themselves, and we're not going to micromanage their response. | ||
| So they should do whatever they think they need to do. | ||
| We trust them, they're a good friend. | ||
| We think their morals are in the right place, their values are in the right place. | ||
| Do what you gotta do to end this and protect your citizens as quickly and decisively as possible. | ||
| That was the message. | ||
| Now, if Biden had just given that message here and acted upon it, I think this war would probably be over by now and the hostages might very well be back. | ||
| Because that is the calibration, if you will. | ||
| No one is watching Biden more carefully. | ||
| Then Hamas, then Sinwar, because that's how he calibrates his ability. | ||
| He's not going to win militarily. | ||
| He knows he can't defeat Israel. | ||
| But what his question is, OK, I attacked Israel. | ||
| Can I survive? | ||
| Can I get out of this with my life? | ||
| Can I get out of this still being in power? | ||
| Can I keep a few battalions still in Gaza? | ||
| And the only way I can get there is if America stops Israel from finishing the job. | ||
| And so everything that he's doing is calibrating it based upon America's reaction. | ||
| And that's why whenever America uses words like You know, you got to have a ceasefire. | ||
| You're using indiscriminate force. | ||
| Your efforts are over the top. | ||
| Everything. | ||
| Every time Biden does that, he makes it less likely that the hostages will be released. | ||
| It makes it more expensive for Israel to make a deal. | ||
| All right, Ambassador David Friedman, I feel this is a little bittersweet seeing you here | ||
| because I saw you in May in Jerusalem and I think we ended the interview by me saying | ||
| something to the effect of this was one of the most peaceful days of my life. | ||
| Subsequently, I saw you a few months later, post-October 7th, in the Free State of Florida, but here we are now in March, back in Israel. | ||
| Give me the temperature. | ||
| I did not expect to be back this quickly, so that's the bittersweet part of this. | ||
| Well, Dave, look, it's great to be with you, and great to be with you again. | ||
| I was here in October. | ||
| October through sometime in November. | ||
| So the first month of the war I was here, it was horrible. | ||
| Absolutely horrible. | ||
| I think the trauma, the, you know, the country was afraid. | ||
| I mean, this is not a country that really reveals fear, or frankly, feels that emotion. | ||
| I mean, it's a country with a tremendous amount of self-confidence and assurance. | ||
| People were scared. | ||
| Really scared, I think, in the first month. | ||
| vulnerable, in tremendous pain and trauma. I'd never seen it before and I've been | ||
| here so many times. Came back in January and I thought that it had changed a lot. | ||
| Okay and now I think it's, you know, if you walk around Tel Aviv or Jerusalem or | ||
| one of the major cities and you just, you know, came out of a coma, you | ||
| You wouldn't know anything really had happened. | ||
| But the trauma, you know, underneath is still there. | ||
| In other words, you know, and it's not just the military issue, because Israel's winning the war in Gaza overwhelmingly. | ||
| And I think they'll find a solution to the north one way or the other, but they certainly are strong enough to find a solution there. | ||
| But the pain of so many people who've been lost, who've been injured, I mean, this is a small country. | ||
| I was just talking to my driver earlier. | ||
| I said, is there anybody in this country, is there a single person in this country who doesn't have a close friend or a relative who hasn't either lost their life or been injured or been kidnapped or suffered in some way? | ||
| The answer is no, nobody. | ||
| So everybody in this country is feeling, in a very direct and profound way, the pain and trauma. | ||
| But it is a country of survivors with deep resilience. | ||
| And I think we're... I think I see the country coming out of it in the sense they do see a light at the end of the tunnel and they do see a good outcome. | ||
| Does the resilience surprise even you? | ||
| I mean, Israelis have been through a lot over the years. | ||
| Stabbings and bombings, and we can do the whole game there. | ||
| But this is very different, and there still are, how many people held hostage right now? | ||
|
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Over 100. | |
| Yeah, there's about 130 nominally, but we don't know how many are alive. | ||
| But does that resilience, and even just walking around this morning, I got here very early, but I'm walking along the beach, and there's people out, and there's commerce. | ||
| I mean, things are happening. | ||
| Well, you know, there's this expression that, you know, translates from Hebrew, you know, we have no other country, you know, we have no place to go. | ||
| And I think that's the way people feel here. | ||
| You know, this is the last place on earth where Jews are safe and we have no choice but to continue to live our lives and build our country and make this place livable and attractive for our children, our grandchildren. | ||
| So there's a certain You know, people are just kind of resolute about that. | ||
| Yeah, it doesn't mean they're not in pain, but they've been through enough already. | ||
| I mean, this is a country who's had trauma after trauma after trauma. | ||
| Unfortunately, they've gotten pretty good at dealing with it. | ||
| So as former U.S. | ||
| ambassador to Israel, if you were an ambassador from Israel right now, is there anything you would be doing differently to win the PR front? | ||
| Personally, I don't think there's anything Israel can do other than win the war and survive. | ||
| But that's always one of the criticisms. | ||
| The PR is not right somehow. | ||
| It's awfully hard because, you know, if I were the ambassador from Israel to America, I'd probably get shouted down, you know, at any campus. | ||
| I might not even be allowed to enter, you know, half of the university. | ||
| Not probably, assuredly. | ||
| So it's kind of hard to be influential when you can't even, you know, attend the event. | ||
| What about in the diplomatic circles? | ||
| Look, I think the diplomatic circles are complicated because to the extent that the world perceives daylight between Israel and America, to the extent that Israel's enemies in particular perceive that daylight, it makes it harder for Israel to negotiate an end to this battle, to get the hostages back. | ||
| And so, to a certain extent, they kind of have to put on a good public face with the current administration. | ||
| It's getting harder and harder to do that. | ||
| But part of the strategic assessment by Israel of its defense is to have a good relationship with the United States, at least publicly. | ||
| So Biden's doing everything he can to create daylight, and Israel's trying to shut that down, shut down that daylight wherever they can. | ||
| So, I mean, I think if you probably got, and I'm only guessing this, but if you got one of the, you know, Israeli officials, you know, got him aside in a private moment and asked him what they think, they would, they would lament that this is, you know, an unprecedented, you know, betrayal by America. | ||
| But you'll never hear him say that publicly because that's just not good for the country or good for its defense. | ||
| How much of that do you think has to do with it's just a reversal of your guy, that you worked under? | ||
| It's just a reversal of the good things that Trump did. | ||
| Well, you know, those reversals, some of them would have happened anyway, with or without a war. | ||
| The parts that are really difficult here are, you know, we had these skirmishes when I was in office, you know, nothing like October 7th, but there were three or four times when rockets would all of a sudden start firing out of Gaza at population centers. | ||
| And we just gave a very simple message, you know, so look, They're not shooting at America, they're shooting at Israel. | ||
| It's Israel's problem, if you will. | ||
| But Israel is a great friend of ours, and we're going to help them and we're going to support them. | ||
| So we'll give them whatever they need to defend themselves, and we're not going to micromanage their response. | ||
| So they should do whatever they think they need to do. | ||
| We trust them, they're a good friend. | ||
| We think their morals are in the right place, their values are in the right place. | ||
| Do what you gotta do to end this and protect your citizens as quickly and decisively as possible. | ||
| That was the message. | ||
| Now, if Biden had just given that message here and acted upon it, I think this war would probably be over by now and the hostages might very well be back. | ||
| Because that is the calibration, if you will. | ||
| No one is watching Biden more carefully. | ||
| Then Hamas, then Sinwar. | ||
| Because that's how he calibrates his ability. | ||
| He's not going to win militarily. | ||
| He knows he can't defeat Israel. | ||
| But what his question is, OK, I attacked Israel. | ||
| Can I survive? | ||
| Can I get out of this with my life? | ||
| Can I get out of this still being in power? | ||
| Can I keep a few battalions still in Gaza? | ||
| And the only way I can get there is if America stops Israel from finishing the job. | ||
| And so everything that he's doing is calibrating it based upon America's reaction. | ||
| And that's why whenever America uses words like You know, you got to have a ceasefire, you're using indiscriminate force, your efforts are over the top. | ||
| Everything, every time Biden does that, he makes it less likely that the hostages will be released. | ||
| It makes it more expensive for Israel to make a deal. | ||
| I don't think he believes it either. | ||
| I mean, sometimes I think he's just saying things off the cuff. | ||
| And then sometimes I think it's a little bit of placating the base. | ||
| But I don't think that the Joe Biden that we knew, I suppose, for 40 years actually believes it, which is part of the problem. | ||
| I don't think he knows one or the other. | ||
| I mean, he makes these comments in an ice cream shop with an ice cream cone and says, yeah, there'll be a deal in a couple of days. | ||
| And as soon as he does that, you know, the Hamas leaders, they lick their lips because they say, wow, this is great. | ||
| We are now in power to either make Joe Biden look like a liar or like a hero. | ||
| He's given us this power. | ||
| Yeah. | ||
| And, of course, again, they raise the price. | ||
| They ask for the release of, you know, a thousand terrorists with blood on their hands. | ||
| Of course, Israel's not going to agree to that. | ||
| They ask for Israel to immediately leave the Gaza Strip. | ||
| They're not going to agree to that. | ||
| These are asks that come out of Hamas because they perceive weakness in Israel, which comes from this American pressure. | ||
| Has there ever been a situation like this where the leadership of the terror group that's running the place lives in another country in Qatar? | ||
| We've, as far as I can tell, we've done no diplomatic pressure on Qatar. | ||
| I mean, they're still all living in the Mandarin Oriental or whatever it is over there. | ||
| And that they profit the more that, or they benefit the more that their own people are killed. | ||
| I mean, this is really almost like the most intractable thing you can imagine. | ||
| No, there's nothing. | ||
| Look, this is their game plan. | ||
| Kill a bunch of Jews. | ||
| Then get as much sympathy from the world as possible by putting civilians in harm's way. | ||
| Commandeer the humanitarian aid. | ||
| Make them starve. | ||
| Make sure that they suffer as greatly as possible. | ||
| Take those pictures. | ||
| Place them across the Guardian or the New York Times. | ||
| And maximize the pressure upon Israel from the people Israel cares about. | ||
| Israel doesn't care about Hamas, but they do care what the United States has to say or what the Brits have to say. | ||
| And that's the game plan. | ||
| Everyone knows that's the game plan. | ||
| And Biden's falling for it. | ||
| He falls for it every time. | ||
| We talked about this a bit when I saw you in Florida, but are you shocked at all about the media reaction or have you just completely let the ship sail when it comes to the New York Times and some of these other organizations? | ||
| This one was... I had retained some level of hope, I suppose, in the general goodwill of man. | ||
| That in the aftermath of October 7th, there'll be a recognition that these people are really evil. | ||
| They're not underprivileged, they're not mistreated, they're just bad people. | ||
| Bad, malign, brutal, cruel people. | ||
| From that lens, Israel would be given, I think, more of a runway to defend itself. | ||
| Okay, it lasted about a day, and then it reverted back to the norm. | ||
| Yeah. | ||
| What do you do on that front, on the media front, to change things? | ||
| Can that be changed if the diplomatic front's pretty screwy? | ||
| Yeah, look, I don't know that it can be changed. | ||
| I think that it's in academia. | ||
| It's kind of in the water. | ||
| I think that is the real source here of the anti-Zionism, which is really just a repackaged form of anti-Semitism. | ||
| I think it's in academia. | ||
| I went to Columbia. | ||
| I know people there. | ||
| I know kids who go there. | ||
| Same is true of Harvard or MIT. | ||
| You know, you're seeing it everywhere. | ||
| But these are the future leaders of the country. | ||
| And these places, I mean, anti-Zionism is the mother's milk of elite universities. | ||
| I mean, you cannot get tenure at an American university if you're pro-Israel. | ||
| And these places are funded overwhelmingly by think tanks and by nations that just fundamentally hate Israel. | ||
| So unless you fix that, You know, I don't know. | ||
| I don't know what the answer is. | ||
| You know, I was kind of depressed about it, and I remember a couple weeks ago I got a call from Mike Pence, who's still a good friend of mine, and I was lamenting it, and he said to me, well, David, I'll just tell you one thing. | ||
| He says, you know New York. | ||
| You know LA. | ||
| Okay, what you don't really know as well as I do is everything in the middle. | ||
|
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Yeah. | |
| And I'm telling you, everything in the middle, they still love Israel. | ||
| It's okay. | ||
| It's okay. | ||
| So that's sort of the silver lining. | ||
| Right. | ||
| You talked about the resilience of the Israeli people, but I'm wondering if you're seeing also a generational shift here. | ||
| That's one of the things I'm really looking forward to talking to people about. | ||
| That you guys have some version, not quite as bad, of what we have in America with a certain set of people holding on forever. | ||
| But I'm hearing a lot that the soldiers that are going into Gaza, they're coming back and that this is sort of birthing a new generation of leaders. | ||
| Is that like really felt here? | ||
| Yeah, well look, I think even before the war, I think Israel was one of the few countries in the world Where the younger generation is more conservative than the older generation. | ||
| Right? | ||
| It's really kind of unheard of anywhere else. | ||
| Because the founders of Israel were, in large part, socialists. | ||
| I mean, they were very far left. | ||
| Secular socialists. | ||
| Did a great job building the country. | ||
| I mean, we owe them a tremendous debt of gratitude, but the younger generation... Well, it can work in the most micro level with a, you know, ethnically similar group, perhaps, for a little while. | ||
| Yeah, listen, I think the challenges were so great in those early days that you probably did have to subordinate your individual needs to the collective. | ||
| I mean, you know, again, we owe them a great debt of gratitude for building this country, but the younger generation, right? | ||
| They're capitalists, right? | ||
| They believe in personal accountability. | ||
| They believe that everybody You know, should go out and get a job and work and, you know, there is some safety net. | ||
| There's a bigger safety net in Israel than in almost any other country. | ||
| People still, they still believe in the safety net, but they believe strongly in personal accountability. | ||
| And that's, I think, there already, and I think it's coming out of this war. | ||
| I think younger people are, I think, very much have their heads on straight here. | ||
| The distinction between, you know, people, you know, 30-ish in America versus, or 20-ish in America versus Israel is stark. | ||
| It's dramatic. | ||
| So I have, you know, a lot of confidence in the future of Israel, notwithstanding these challenges. | ||
| I worry more about America. | ||
| Yeah, well, let's talk about America for a moment because we're watching our southern border basically be open. | ||
| Seven million people, three plus years. | ||
| It does not seem that far-fetched that I don't think something quite as barbaric or horrific would happen in the States, but something, it feels that something's brewing. | ||
| I think a lot of people feel that right now. | ||
| Are you shocked at what has gone on in our country in the last three years? | ||
| Yeah, I mean, look, you know, I don't feel safe. | ||
| You know, when I see that, you know, there's so many gotaways, so many people who are unvetted. | ||
| You know, people are coming from the South, but they're not from Mexico, right? | ||
| They're not from Guatemala. | ||
| They're not from Honduras. | ||
| They're from China or from Pakistan or from And even if they were, you still can't just walk in. | ||
| Still can't just walk in. | ||
| So, yeah, the number of people coming in, it's shocking. | ||
| It's complete malpractice from a perspective of security. | ||
| I understand the politics of it, why you might want to harvest Democratic voters, but short of that, it's complete malpractice from a security perspective. | ||
| And look, the one thing, Dave, that I think is important to recognize is that the people who hate Israel in America, They hate America as well. | ||
| I mean, you know, this anti-Israel, anti-Zionism movement, they're just a micron away from hating America and the American values that made America a great nation. | ||
| So, you know, Israel's almost the tip of the spear, you know, fighting this fight. | ||
| But, you know, ideologically, you know, the same people who are Running around Harvard and Yale and MIT, you know, yelling, you know, from the river to the sea, Palestine will be free. | ||
| Notwithstanding, they don't know the river or the sea. | ||
| Notwithstanding their ignorance. | ||
| But their basic view is that... The sea's right there. | ||
| Yeah, that is the sea. | ||
| Oh, there, there. | ||
| Sorry, it's over there. | ||
| That is the sea. | ||
| The river, you can't say from here, but that is the sea. | ||
| But, you know, they are people who, you know, when the next opportunity arises to stand against America, in American interest, they will. | ||
| because all their ideologies gravitate towards a weaker, less prosperous America that will... | ||
|
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...of its 200 years as an empire. But... | |
| ...again, I think there are people in America who have a very strong sense of what it means to be a leader. | ||
| And I think that's a very important thing to remember. | ||
| Again, I think there are people in America who love this country and love what it stands for. | ||
| But look, if our military is going to be focused on pronouns, if that's going to be the most important issue, | ||
| if we're letting people into the country who hate us, if we're elevating social engineering over hard economic | ||
| issues, if we're not valuing excellence anymore and we're giving | ||
| everybody a participation trophy, we're going to become a second-rate country. | ||
| It's inevitable. | ||
| Is that also directly connected to the fact that it seems to be one of our parties, you can figure out which one for yourself, has really gone off the deep end as it relates to Israel. | ||
| So Israel and America are best when there's some kind of sane middle and we've just kind of watched our middle disappear at this point. | ||
| Yeah, I think that's far more the case in America. | ||
| I mean, look, Israel is suffering. | ||
| I don't think Israel has lost its way. | ||
| You know, I mean, you know, you remember back before the war, there were huge, huge debates over the future of Israel and its judiciary. | ||
| OK, I mean, but those were those were actually, you know, pretty kind of high level, highbrow debates that reasonable people could differ on. | ||
| Like, you know, I had a view on that, you know, but I couldn't look at anybody other than, you know, at the very far extremes. | ||
| I thought people, you know, were able to articulate good arguments on both sides and it was a healthy debate, although it wasn't always a healthy, you know, manifestation of the debate. | ||
| But both sides loved the country, that was obvious to me. | ||
| They loved the country, they loved the country, they wanted to, their vision of the country they thought was the right vision, and they made those arguments as forcefully as they could. | ||
| The viewpoint on the left for America is not a viewpoint that will serve America. | ||
| I mean, and I'm not sure they do love the country either. | ||
| I think there's this desire to bring America kind of down to the lowest common denominator. | ||
| There's a guilt about American greatness. | ||
| I'm sure they don't. | ||
| You're being generous. | ||
| I'm pretty sure they don't at this point when they want to burn it down. | ||
| It was interesting because when I was in Tel Aviv, In May, during the protest, there was a left-wing protest that went by, and they were singing Hatikvah, so they were singing the National Anthem. | ||
| There's no left-wing protest in America where they would sing our National Anthem, and that's a fundamental difference. | ||
| You know, there was one really big protest in Jerusalem that I was there for, and they were coming in by train, and they were leaving by train, and there were two different protests. | ||
| One was right, one was left, and one's going up the escalator, one's going down the escalator, and they're two different sides, right? | ||
| And all they were doing was shaking hands and saying, going like this to each other, There is, at the baseline, a love of the country and a love of the people, and a lot of it is born of the fact that these people have to sit in the same tank. | ||
| You know, they have to sit in the same platoon. | ||
| You know, they have to sit there in the freezing cold in a ditch defending their country. | ||
| And when you do that, you develop a bond that is far more transcendent than, you know, how you happen, which party you happen to vote for. | ||
| You know, we have, what, 5% of Americans serve in the military. | ||
| You know, Memorial Day is a day to go to the mall to go shopping. | ||
| I mean, we've lost that Those kind of elements of cohesion in America that I think are very important. | ||
| Listen, the idea of public service in America is not a value. | ||
| I mean, all these people that run around and protest and scream on these left-wing ideologies, they don't care a whit about our soldiers. | ||
| You know, these people who sacrificed their lives, and I'm not sure that the highest echelons in the military really care that much about our soldiers anymore. | ||
| They're looking also, they've become far too politicized. | ||
| So, yeah, we have a long way to go and we have a party, you know, that I strongly believe is bringing our country to depths of the likes of which we haven't seen in our lifetime. | ||
| So, speaking of politicized, if Trump Yeah. | ||
| So I think there's a good argument that it wouldn't have happened, and I'll tell you why. | ||
| A couple of reasons. | ||
| Number one, the head of the snake here is Iran. | ||
| Iran funds all this malign activity from the Houthis to Iraq, Hezbollah, Hamas. | ||
| And they were broke when we left office. | ||
| Completely broke. | ||
| We were enforcing sanctions incredibly aggressively and their head military sponsor of terrorism, Qasem Soleimani, had been killed. | ||
| Now the only thing that Biden hasn't done is bring Soleimani back to life. | ||
| I'm sure they're working on it. | ||
| If he could, he would, but I don't think even he could do that. | ||
| But they don't enforce the sanctions anymore. | ||
| And so Iran has become a very, very wealthy country. | ||
| They're taking all this money. | ||
| They're not building schools or hospitals, right? | ||
| They're funding all this malign terror activity. | ||
| That's number one. | ||
| Number two, we cut off the funding to the Palestinian Authority and to UNRWA, right? | ||
| And Biden turned it all back on again. | ||
| So, to the extent that all this malign activity, you know, had money as a lubricant, which it always does, right? | ||
| You can't do this stuff without money. | ||
| I think that Biden funded it. | ||
| You know, a lot of American tax dollars has gone to fund this war. | ||
| And, you know, we always seem to, you know, fund both sides of the war, right? | ||
| I mean, that's what, this is what Democrats do. | ||
| I mean, you know, give money, give money to Ukraine. | ||
| At the same time, relieve sanctions of Iran, which then sells oil to Russia. | ||
| So this is this way that you never win. | ||
| This is why we don't win anything. | ||
| I take it you're not a fan of this idea to build this port off Gaza, | ||
| which somehow everyone blames Israel for Gaza not having a port, but there was never a port ever, ever. | ||
| Look, here's- Way before Israel. | ||
| Apart from the fact that it's going to cost a lot of money, it's probably going to put... | ||
| And you're going to put Americans here. | ||
| I think you're going to put Americans at risk, which I don't think Israel ever wants to put | ||
| Americans at risk for Israel's own defense. | ||
| But here's the problem. | ||
| The problem is not that there's no food in Gaza. | ||
| There's plenty of food in Gaza. | ||
| There are 20 bakeries in Gaza that work 24-7. | ||
| You should see how much food there is. | ||
| The problem is the last mile, if you will. | ||
| It's getting the food to the people. | ||
| And what's standing in the way is Hamas. | ||
| They commandeer all the trucks. | ||
| So you can bring this massive ship to the port, okay? | ||
| But when it gets to the port, you've got to put it on a truck. | ||
| Just like you've got to put it in a truck at the southern border. | ||
| So once it goes onto a truck, okay, and it's just getting driven, the Hamas guys come with their machine guns, they commandeer it, and then what they do is they sell it on the black market to everybody else because they need money. | ||
| Right? | ||
| So the people in Gaza who are starving, it's not because there's no food, it's because they can't afford to buy the food from Hamas, which has taken it over. | ||
| So how the port fixes any of this, I have no idea. | ||
| Yeah, so do you have any idea what a recon... well, not reconstruction, I don't think that's even the right word, but for whoever is going to live there after this, who the hell is going to be in charge? | ||
| Look, the only people that can assure that Gaza will not be militarized again are the Israelis, right? | ||
| Let's take the easiest example. | ||
| After the war in Lebanon in 2005, they brought in UNIFIL to make sure that Hezbollah never re-armed. | ||
| The UN is basically a terrorist organization. | ||
| They are, they are. | ||
| UNRWA in particular is a terrorist organization. | ||
| They literally have employees who are terrorists. | ||
| And since this, if there's ever been an event that caused me to not be skeptical about the UN, but to be convinced now that it's just an absolute waste of money. | ||
| You know, there's 195 countries in the UN. | ||
| We should belong and pay one 195th of the expenses. | ||
| Instead, we're paying like 25% of the expenses. | ||
| Why? | ||
| They never side with us, right? | ||
| We have to, you know, either we, we're always the only one vetoing the Security Council resolutions. | ||
| The General Assembly votes against America routinely, and they support terrorists around the world. | ||
| So what is the value of the UN? | ||
| This guy who runs it, Guterres, is, from day one, he basically said that the, you know, the attack against Israel, you know, didn't happen in a vacuum. | ||
| What does that mean? | ||
| Raping? | ||
| Burning? | ||
| Killing? | ||
| Kidnapping? | ||
| Didn't happen in a vacuum? | ||
| Who cares what the context is? | ||
| There is no context. | ||
| If you have to find a context for that, there's something wrong with you. | ||
| Everyone's got their reason to do something horrible. | ||
| And once you start excusing it, it's just going to keep happening. | ||
| Last time I saw you, this is the last thing I got for you. | ||
| Last time I saw you, you gave me a beautiful soliloquy at the end about freedom and American values and Israeli values. | ||
| Well, look, I think I might have mentioned this the last time around, but there is a reason why the Bible still sells 2,000 copies every hour, right? | ||
| There are important lessons there. | ||
| something similar. | ||
| Well, look, I think I might have mentioned this the last time around, but there is a | ||
| reason why the Bible still sells 2,000 copies every hour. | ||
| Right. | ||
| There are important lessons there. | ||
| There are lessons in the Bible that have been taught to us. | ||
| I mean, the path back really is, I think, we need to read the Bible. | ||
| It doesn't mean we need to believe and not believe. | ||
| It doesn't mean we need to observe and not observe. | ||
| But we need to, I think, get closer to the kind of fundamental principles that made great civilizations. | ||
| And we're far from it right now. | ||
| And I find great comfort when I go back and read the Bible, read the prophets, read their hopes and values and dreams. | ||
| And I think They're still as valid today as they were thousands of years ago when they were written. | ||
| Two guys from Long Island who, well, one lives part-time in Florida, now in Israel. | ||
| That's the big triangle, I think. | ||
| It's some sort of Seinfeldian triangle. | ||
| It's the golden triangle. | ||
| New York, Florida, and Israel. | ||
| It's good to see you, my friend. | ||
| Good to see you, Dave. |
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