The White Man's Library: Hayti; or, The Black Republic
Paul Kersey and Sam Dixon dissect "Haiti or the Black Republic" by Sir Spencer St. John, a 1884 refutation of victimology detailing the revolution's voodoo roots and genocide of whites. They contrast Jefferson's initial support for black rebels with his later isolationism, noting how modern activists fail to secure freedom compared to antebellum slaves suing under French decrees. The hosts link Haiti's decline to post-colonial atrocities in Congo and Zimbabwe, critique the "magic dirt theory" of welfare transforming black populations, and analyze Trump's "shithole" comment alongside the impending expiration of Temporary Protected Status for 400,000 Haitians. Ultimately, the episode argues that removing white influence leads to societal dysfunction rather than blossoming, challenging liberal narratives of progress. [Automatically generated summary]
Transcriber: CohereLabs/cohere-transcribe-03-2026, sat-12l-sm, and large-v3-turbo
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Diffusion of Knowledge00:08:49
Well, good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen.
It is Good Friday.
So happy Good Friday to all of our listeners.
This will not be up on Good Friday, but we hope you all had a wonderful Easter weekend.
You are once again tuning into the White Man's Library.
I am Paul Kersey, and I have the honor of once again being joined by Mr. Sam Dixon.
Sir, how are you?
I'm fine.
How are you, Paul?
Well, I am, like I said, getting ready for the Easter Bunny to show up and have a fun Easter weekend.
But we are about to open up some Easter eggs.
In what might be your favorite subject.
I've known you for over two decades, and there's not a moment that goes by in our conversation that you don't whimsically talk about your desire to visit Port au Prince, Haiti, to see the future as it will be.
And we are going to talk about a book that I think you consider one of those classics that a first edition is going to be hard to find, but we're going to talk about a book called Haiti or the Black Flag.
By a British diplomat.
It's actually Haiti or the Black Republic.
You're right.
Haiti or the Black Republic.
There's another book of that title, Haiti or the Black Republic, by Sir Spencer St. John.
How are we going to enunciate his name as we move forward?
Well, the British aristocracy, as I learned in England, pronounce the name St. John, Sinjin.
But we're not British aristocrats.
We can be plain American and just say Spencer St. John.
Spencer St. John.
Well, before we get started with this book and a deep dive, Into Haiti.
I do want to bring up the fact that we have had some fantastic emails come in from our listeners and we appreciate each and every one of you.
I'm not sure how this program is disseminated because we're not on YouTube, but make sure you're subscribed.
Make sure that you're sharing it.
We appreciate, like I said, each and every one of you.
And one of our listeners' name will be withheld, but he wrote this.
I've been listening to AR's new series, The White Man's Library.
What a great idea.
As a host, as in the first episode, people don't read anymore, hence AR's podcasts and videos and live streams.
I hear Kevin Deanna say Death of the West has been highly influential to him, and I know I should read it, but somehow I don't know.
Maybe I'm just judging a book by its title, but it doesn't seem like a fun beach read.
When Thomas Sowell writes a new book and is interviewed on Uncommon Knowledge, or Heather McDonald is interviewed on Any YouTube channel, they explained the essence of their new book, the facts, statistics, stories, and often how the leftists have been lying to the country.
The authors realized that few people will ever voluntarily, for pleasure, read a book of sociology and statistics, but want their ideas known to the world.
As a listener, I learned something.
When I talk to my leftist friends, he's in California, I have facts and logical arguments.
I can buy their book.
And in fact, after listening to Jeremy Carl, I bought his book on the attack on whites called The Unprotected Class, which, Mr. Dixon, that's a fantastic book.
AR doesn't have the benefit of talking to authors who passed away.
However, I write the report disappointingly after spending hours listening about key books of white identity.
I know very little about the content of the books.
Sometimes a couple censors are read for the books, but I hear more about when a copy was checked out of a college library and that story.
I'm sure that people who have read the books and then listened to AR's discussion enjoy it more, but how many people is that?
I think the white man's library would have more impact if its mission were to communicate the arguments from the Key thinkers.
I wouldn't mind if it was so didactic as to say, okay, chapter one, Pat Buchanan argues.
He gives evidence.
Now, 25 years later, he wrote those words.
We have updated stats.
And guess what?
He was absolutely right.
The host's anecdotes can be interesting and amusing, but should be secondary.
Also, he says this, and I think you'd agree with this.
I think a key target audience for AR should be college students.
They've been brainwashed by leftists in government schools for 15 years.
Many have not the means to purchase a first edition for $100 on eBay and may have already had a Tall stack of required reading for class.
But he can load up the white man's library, listen to it while commuting to or walking to class, hear the arguments and facts of key thinkers in our movement, and the next generation Stephen Miller is born.
Mr. Dixon, thoughts?
Well, that's high praise.
I kind of wince at his put down of our anecdotes.
I enjoy telling the anecdotes, but yeah, people are brainwashed, and very few people read books at all, and very rarely does someone read a book.
That contradicts what he already thinks.
And that's our job is to get people to rethink things since they haven't really been educated.
We should stop talking about education in America because there is no education to speak of.
Education in America functions the way my catechism class did in the Presbyterian Church.
The catechism teacher read the question out and you recited from memory the church's answer to the question exactly word for word.
And that's really how.
Education in America works.
It's not education, it's catechization.
No, that's such an important point.
I mean, reading is something that's lost.
And in fact, just a crazy little anecdote.
You don't pay attention to this, but I do.
I have young children, and they love the Harry Potter series.
And there was a famous author who, at the end of the 20th century, when those books were really becoming popular, Sir Harold Bloom attacked all these books and said, Oh, this is slop.
Kids shouldn't be reading this.
They should be reading E.B. White, Charlotte's Web.
And these books have been instrumental in getting.
Individuals interested in reading again.
And there's this air of sophistication that people have when it comes to reading.
And I think picking up any book, especially any of the quote unquote racial classics we're discussing, or even something as simple as Jeremy Carl's book on the unprotected class, which I'm not sure if you've looked at, that's absolutely vital to just beginning the journey of opening a book and having a conversation with someone alive, or as you can do, someone who's dead, which I think is such a profound opportunity to step back into a different time period and realize that.
Hey, these ideas, they didn't go away.
They've just been suppressed and censored.
Well, the suppression is really something.
And, you know, jogging people and convincing them is very important.
And we have to, in some senses, it's been often remarked the uneducated man who hasn't learned something that's untrue has an advantage over someone that has learned something that's false.
When someone's learned something that's false, you have to just launch that, just get them to retract it.
And that's hard to do.
Well, I'll tell you what, we appreciate that comment.
We had a couple more.
We'll save those for next week because we do want to jump into a subject that I know Mr. Dixon could discuss for hours.
So if you would like to get in touch with us and recommend books that we should consider for future discussion, shoot me an email because we live here at protonmail.com.
Once again, that email is.
Because we live here at protonmail.com and you can get in touch with Mr. Dixon by email March, like the month, bloom, like a flower bloom, ling, like year ling, 36 at gmail.com.
And you can also head over to the contact us tab at American Renaissance and you can leave a message there.
Join the newsletter, which comes out once a week.
And as we discussed last week, I know some of you are still doing your taxes.
And guess what?
You can make a tax deductible donation to the New Century Foundation.
You can even earmark it to the white man's library so that you can offset some of the costs that would otherwise go to helping resettle and pay for all those Haitians who were still protected by temporary protective status here.
I think, Mr. Dixon, there are close to 400,000 Haitians in not just Springfield, Ohio, but all across this great, great nation.
I'm sure there are three or four times that number.
There was one point I wanted to make, which isn't pertinent to our racial thing, but it's something that thoughtful people, people who are interested in books, should realize.
Fear of Dissent00:08:42
And that is to ask a rhetorical question of you, Mr. Kersey What is the one thing that intellectuals fear the most?
Dissent?
No.
It's the diffusion of knowledge.
It takes away all of their feeling of being special.
There's a book called, I think by Durant, called The Story of Philosophy.
Maybe it's by Dewey.
But I read that when I was a kid.
And they hate that book.
All philosophy professors will sneer at it.
And it's just held in contempt and derision.
But the reason they do that is that the author enables a reasonably intelligent brick mason to understand what etymology is.
And so it can understand what Hegel thought and what Nietzsche thought and what Schopenhauer thought.
Well, that's terrifying intellectuals.
All their feeling of superiority and snottiness is undone.
So, yeah, these books, like Spencer St. John's book, which they're going to be held in contempt mainly because they dissent, but also because the intellectuals don't want knowledge disseminated.
Well, what's fascinating is this book, which was published in 1884, the first edition, it was met with unbelievable contentment the moment it was published.
And this is in the author himself, in his preface, he says that he's sorry, but he said this book will upset many people because he said, I really don't believe that the Haitians can ever achieve and maintain a civilization.
So already, you know, what's that?
That's 152 years, 142, 143 years ago.
He already had to pull his punches and apologize because the leftists, the proto leftists, had already established this idea that it was bad to look at racial differences.
So, before we even get started on St. John's book, sir, I'm going to ask you a question that I think will lead the conversation.
And that is why do we need to research and understand the history of Haiti and the consequences of the revolution that, of course, Lothrop Stoddard dissected in his dissertation, which is the revolution in San Domingo?
I think that it's important to understand it because, and to study the Haitian revolution and the history of Haiti, because it is a living refutation.
Of the victimology, history, and philosophy that's taught in America.
There was a black graduate student when I was a history major in undergraduate school who would sometimes teach our classes at the University of Georgia.
And it was just an endless diatribe of hatred of white people and complaints that whites had segregated blacks, they had lynched blacks, they'd done all these things.
And I was always tempted to say, well, you know, I know of a country that's.
There hadn't been any whites to segregate you, no whites to run segregated schools, no whites to do all the awful things you say they did.
It's called Haiti.
Maybe you should move there and see what a world without whites is like.
But the idea is with these woke people is that if you just got rid of whites, got rid of their discrimination, that all the peoples of the world would come forward and blossom.
Well, Haiti is the living refutation of that.
And so you see how this plays out that the divisions among whites lead to this revolution, like the slave revolution.
And once a country becomes predominantly third world or run by third world people, the destination is set.
It's not what people think it's going to be or what they want it to be.
Gosh, go back to the late 18th century where the egalitarian notions of the French Revolution and their twin ideas of freedom, of Locke, and all these Anglo Saxon ideas, which were inspiring the American Revolution.
Of course, the French Revolution was far different, and that inspired the slave revolution and the horror that befell San Domingo, what is now Haiti.
Just give us a quick 40,000 foot overview of the.
The black uprising, the slave uprising, one of the only successful slave uprisings in the Western Hemisphere?
Well, the groundwork was that they imported so many of them that over half the slaves in 1791, when the slave revolt took place, were actually directly imported from Africa.
And so there had been no period of culturization.
The famous black woman author, whose name now leaves my memory being increasingly over.
What was her name?
Oh, you know her name.
She's the most famous black writer, female writer, the first novelist.
Wrote Their Eyes Were Watching God and so forth.
Ida Wells?
Sorry?
Was it Ida Wells?
No, no, it's another one.
It'll come to me.
She was a sensible black woman and with all the She opposed the Brown v. Topeka Board decision, and she said of slavery that slavery was the school where we learned civilization.
Zora Hurston, I suppose.
The slaves in Haiti had not had that school.
And so it was very unstable.
Also, racially, it was lopsided.
95% of the population consisted of black slaves, and 5% of the poorer whites and the Great plantation owners.
And so demographics predestined a very unhappy ending to all of this, just as demographics predestined an unhappy conclusion of what's happening now in America.
But the words of the thinking on equality began infiltrating the colony.
When the French Revolution came along, it of course was seized quickly by the woke people of their times, the Jacobins.
And became the bloodbath that we now know as the Reign of Terror.
But these people were thinking about race and they set up a group called Les Ame des Noirs, the Friends of the Blacks.
And they were putting out pamphlets and distributing them in Haiti to those blacks who could read or have them read to them, which were arguing for racial equality and abolition of slavery.
It percolated in through the free blacks and the mulattoes.
Who were free.
And it set off an insurrection, an initial insurrection headed by a mulatto named Orger.
And that was put down, but then the northern plain of Haiti, which was the great plantation area, erupted in one night in a bloody uprising that was organized by the voodoo priests.
And the whites were essentially wiped out.
Some of them were able to escape to Cape Haitian, but basically, white control of the northern third of Haiti came to an end.
And it set in motion about 13 years of violent conflict.
That finally ended with the destruction of Napoleon's army that had been sent to reconquer Haiti and the declaration of Haitian independence by Dessalines, the most radical of the black leaders, and the ensuing genocide of all remaining whites on the island.
Haiti in 202600:05:07
Lovely place, lovely place.
It's interesting because one of the first things that St. John discusses is when he arrives in.
In Port au Prince, and he wrote this to describe it at the time.
This is in 1877.
Port au Prince was, quote, the most foul smelling, dirty, and consequently fever stricken city in the world, with human waste collected in fetid pools on the streets that in other countries is carried off by the sewers.
That type of descriptive language is throughout his experience on the.
In Haiti.
Of course, he's there.
And you're right, the introduction to the book is really incredible because he's using language that, if you don't mind, I'm just going to read something because I think it actually could probably speak of Haiti in 2026.
And it's the very first paragraph of the book.
He writes this While living in Port au Prince, Don Morano Alvarez, my Spanish colleague, remarked to me, Monami, if we could return to Haiti 50 years hence, We should find the Negresses cooking their bananas on the site of these warehouses.
This judgment is severe, yet, from what we saw passing under the Solomon administration, it is more than probable, unless in the meantime influenced by some higher civilization, that this prophecy will come true.
In fact, the Negresses are already cooking their bananas amid the ruins of the best houses of the capital.
My own impression, after personally knowing the Haitian Republic above 25 years, is that it is a country in a state of rapid decadence.
The revolution of 1843 that upset President Boyer commenced the era of troubles which have continued to the present day, and the people have been steadily falling to the rear in the race of civilization.
That's pretty much an introduction into what you're going to find because the rest of the book, which we'll discuss, is a chronicle of his 25 years in Haiti.
And of course, he was Queen Victoria's charge d'affaires, or equivalently, essentially, he fulfilled the role of an ambassador, the British ambassador.
And he's obviously a very intelligent person, and I think clearly a person of benevolent motivations.
He was not some racial hater.
Absolutely not.
Randy, when you read it, you realize that this is a guy that's the product of old fashioned 19th century upper class education, that he's a thoughtful person, a considerate, a fair minded person.
And that's what makes his assessment of Haiti and his anecdotes and recollections of his life there as the Queen's ambassador to the government so compelling.
You know, it's very interesting because we're going to jump around a little bit.
Because if you do the math 50 years after, that would put the country squarely into when the United States, the Marines, occupied Haiti from 1915 to 1934.
We basically saw the, and of course, for those who don't know, the United States military was segregated at the time.
So it was all white Marines down in Haiti, and they were basically building port de presse and the infrastructure and creating a sewer system.
And it is fascinating to think that that would all fall into disrepute.
A decade after the Marines left, as we were getting ready to storm Normandy in 1944.
It's just astonishing, like you said, because there were two editions to this book.
And why this book has such a controversial air surrounding it is the chapter on voodoo.
And I actually thought I had a first edition, Sam.
I was able to purchase a copy of this book about two years ago.
I got it for a steal for about 50 bucks.
And I thought it was a first edition, but as I was reading it last night, I realized I have the second edition, which I told you about.
You didn't know that when I told you that there would have been an actual second edition.
And if you would permit me, I'd like to read from St. John and what he said about the controversy and the blowback that he received for his first edition.
This is in the introduction.
He wrote this As my chapters on voodoo worship and cannibalism excited considerable attention both in Europe and the United States and unmitigated abuse in Haiti, I decided again to look into the question with greatest care.
The result has been to convince me that I underrated its fearful manifestations.
I have therefore rewritten these chapters and introduced many new facts which have come to my knowledge.
Once again, this was a guy who did not set out to write a book like.
Jefferson Acknowledges Revolt00:10:11
You know, somebody who just had an intense hatred and dislike for the Haitians, but who was simply trying to document what was, what is, and what will be in Haiti, unless he advocated for whites to be brought back.
But of course, that's and to be able to buy land and have rights underneath the Haitian constitution, which, sir, as you know, their constitution forbids that.
Well, in that sense, I think they're desolating the more radical or the most radical of the black leaders in Haiti in the struggle for independence and overthrow of the whites.
He wrote their new constitution after they ran the French out.
And I like to tell people his IQ was higher than Washington's and the others at the Pennsylvania Constitutional Convention because he did what they did not do.
And he made race an explicit part of Haitian government that no one could ever be a citizen of Haiti who did not have what he called the blood of Guinea.
That you had to be a pure blood black or at least a mulatto.
And if you weren't, you were not a citizen and you were not permitted to own anything, to buy a square inch of property or anything.
And that remained, I think, the case until the American occupation and until Franklin Roosevelt rewrote a constitution and sent it down to Haiti.
Here again, a lesson for white people there, which runs contrary to our own racial weaknesses, is that.
Paper constitutions don't matter.
You have a lot of people that are friendly to us who talk about that the answer to America's problems is to go back to the Constitution.
Or, as one Protestant minister used to call it when I was a child, the God given Constitution.
It was like another book of the Bible that God had handed, He had inspired the members of the Constitutional Convention, and it was God inspired.
But, you know, no, these paper constitutions don't really mean very much.
And you can have a fine constitution and give it to a country like Haiti, and it doesn't mean anything.
And our constitution doesn't mean, didn't mean what it ought to have meant.
It was not an A plus job.
It was a good solid B, but it wasn't God inspired.
It wasn't the acme of all human brilliance.
And it was written for an American of Anglo Saxon farmers.
In 1791, and it can never function now that we don't have even an American population where we have the American biomass.
The Constitution is not going to solve any problems of the American biomass.
The demographics mean that the Constitution is an interesting historical document like the 12 tables in the Roman Forum or something, but it's of no use to us today.
Well, don't tell that's John Roberts as they're discussing the birthright decision case.
He talked about a living constitution that was just the same as it was when it was written as it is now, allowing Chinese birth tourism to take place.
I'm not sure if you saw the news that a couple of inker babies, Chinese guys, just tried to blow up a military base in the United States.
And of course, they are American citizens because of the interpretation of the 14th Amendment granting birthright citizenship.
So you're right.
It's antiquated notions of a paper constitution.
I like that concept.
And of course, the.
The beautiful poetry of the Declaration of Independence, which so many people misattribute to the Constitution, life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, which are also.
You have to head to Lincoln.
Lincoln very clearly saw the distinction between the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution.
And when he gave his speech at Independence Hall in Philadelphia on his way to his inauguration, he very clearly, expressly told the people there that there was a radical difference between the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution.
And that he very strongly preferred the Declaration of Independence to the Constitution.
So that he at least gave forewarning of the fact that the radical principles that he saw in the Declaration were what really motivated him, and that he would not be very scrupulous about the Constitution and its guarantees and protection.
You know, we will probably get into a book on Lincoln and the Civil War, the War of Northern Aggression, in a later white man's library.
But let's get back to Haiti and its early.
Time as a nation, because again, St. John is writing in his experience there in the 1870s and 1880s.
But the early history of Haiti is important for Americans because America is not far from Haiti.
And our top thinkers, the statesmen of the time, were paying close attention to what was happening with the slave, with the African Revolution, because America had a sizable black population that in many counties across.
The burgeoning United States outnumbered the whites in those places.
And one man, Thomas Jefferson in particular, took great interest in Haiti, and his government, his administration, refused to recognize the independence of Haiti.
Talk about that.
Well, I don't know a great deal about that.
I know that the preceding president to Jefferson Adams supported the blacks against the whites in Haiti.
And they actually, the United States, the newly formed United States, actually sent arms to arm the blacks against the whites.
And they sent down an ambassador to Haiti, an old New England family.
I can't remember the name.
But I believe that he actually married a black woman in Haiti.
And when Jefferson came in, for all of Jefferson's silliness and nonsense of his Declaration of Independence, he was close enough to the real problems and the reality on the facts on the ground that he immediately ceased all support of the Haitian Revolution and fired the people of the State Department that were pushing this.
But this white sickness has very deep taproots, as I've said before.
A lot of young people in America think that the Eisenhower era was some sort of a utopian period in which everybody understood race.
No, no, no, by no means.
And this stuff goes back centuries.
This ability of whites to believe in fantasies and to engage in what I call fact free thinking is profoundly deep.
No, it is extraordinary because Jefferson, of course, he's reading and acknowledging what's happening, reports that he's getting.
This is in the late 18th, early 19th century.
And he would talk about the cannibals of the terrible republic.
And historians, of course, have argued that these quote unquote racist views influenced his isolationist policies toward Haiti.
But of course, he's looking at slave rebellions that are happening throughout.
Throughout the South, there was one in Virginia in the early 1800s that thankfully was put down that would have seen whites murdered because this influenced blacks all throughout.
You know, Nat Turner, this influenced Denmark Vesey, who in 1822 wanted to slaughter all of the whites.
This was a free black man in Charleston, South Carolina.
And in 1822, influenced by what happened in Haiti, sir, he wanted to lead a slave rebellion and kill all free whites in Charleston.
And If you guys want to know how anti white the world we live in is, in 2013, a statue was erected to Denmark Vesey that is currently standing in Charleston, South Carolina.
To me, that represents all you need to know about what woke means.
We're going to honor a guy whose goal in life was to murder all the whites in Charleston, South Carolina.
There are two interesting books about the influence of the Haitian slave revolt on Annabelle America.
They're very radically, by two very radically different writers.
One of them is called The Common Wind.
I can't think of the name of the author, The Common Wind.
And he's basically a communist, a black communist.
And he documents how the news of the black revolt, the slave revolt in Haiti, was disseminated throughout America, that blacks on ships would tell blacks in the poor cities about it.
It would percolate from there inland.
Of course, he's all in favor of this.
Another book, which is also leftist, but has more information of use to us ourselves, is by Alfred Hunt.
It's called Hades' Influence on Antebellum America.
And I learned a lot of interesting facts in Hunt's book, Haiti's Influence on Annabelle America.
You have to read this stuff and you look for the kernels of fact.
One of the things I learned in that book was that the majority of refugees who fled the newly declared Black Republic in Haiti were black people.
Cuba and Emancipation00:04:00
There were more black people that fled than white people.
And the smarter blacks.
Who had a closer connection to the whites and probably were children or grandchildren or great grandchildren of slaves and therefore more civilized, they chose to leave Haiti with their white owners.
And there's another chapter of that.
You'll never hear that, the standard Marxist histories of Haiti.
But the other thing was that a lot of these people went through Cuba on their way to America.
France had abolished slavery, and also Spain had abolished it.
And so the argument was that they had become emancipated by the stay in Cuba.
And by the fact that they had been emancipated in Haiti itself by the French.
And when these people came to America, a lot of the blacks decided they didn't want to be slaves in places like New Orleans and South Carolina and Virginia.
And so the book relates, without any astonishment by the author, he just sets it out that the slaves filed lawsuits against their masters, demanding that the courts recognize their freedom.
They were emancipated people by virtue of what had happened in Cuba and Haiti.
And these suits went before the all white judges in the white man's judicial system, and the decisions were made that they were correct.
And the slaves prevailed in their lawsuits against their masters.
Contrast that today, in which people like us, people who are loyal to whites and who are white activists, we cannot get justice in a court of law in America.
No.
Yeah, there is no court of law in America.
It's what the whimsy of the judges want, what furthers their careers.
And, you know, we see shocking things.
There was a case recently in Washington, D.C., in which a black church sued the Proud Boys and Russo, who is head of the Proud Boys, because in the course of a Proud Boy demonstration in Washington, someone had stolen a Black Lives Matter sign off of the lawn.
Of the black church.
And so, anyway, the motion was made to dismiss the lawsuit based on the fact that the statute of limitations for such a suit is four years.
And the suit was filed five years after the events that gave rise to the suit.
The statute of limitations is a very definite thing that's supposed to be all controlling.
A statute of limitations sets out the time limitations.
In which a suit must be filed or is considered too far in the past to be concerned with.
Well, the lawyer representing the Proud Boys asked that the case be dismissed because it was untimely.
And the judge denied the motion.
Now, that's what the system of just us means in America.
And we know there are so many examples of this kind of decision all over the country.
That we are not accorded justice.
But the slaves suing their masters were slaves who had no influence suing rich white people in front of other rich white people were given justice.
No, it's interesting because St. John's book was considered the most influential book during the Victorian period on Haiti.
Nations Fall Apart00:14:22
And one of the reasons we're discussing this is because, sir, we're talking about a country that was born, I don't think it's wrong to say, in white genocide and its black self rule.
It's one of the reasons why people like Dubois, W.E.B. Dubois, and black leaders of the NAACP look so disprovingly on the occupation by U.S. Marines, a white nation sending our troops down to occupy a black, quote unquote, republic.
The ultimate lesson is what is the consequence of black self rule, which is one of the things that Spencer St. John is discussing because, again, there are very quote unquote controversial chapters on cannibalism, which he documents in the first edition.
Hey, guys, guess what?
I was wrong with how awful it actually is.
And he goes into some great details, which I'll read from later in this podcast about the practice of cannibalism.
And of course, I need to get that second edition.
I must have read the first edition because.
I didn't, I didn't, what you read was not in the book when I read it.
That's interesting.
Oh, like I said, you and I both have a passion for white antiquities when it comes to great books.
And I dare say that over the past couple of years, I've tried to collect some of these titles that, again, you'd haven't even heard of because I just started going through the bibliographies of books that were written in the 1960s and 70s by, I guess we'll just call them gay race communists, Bolsheviks by editors.
At radically anti white leftists.
And I just found within the bibliography of a book, it was called Jim Crow's Defense, Anti Negro Thought in America, 1900 to 1930.
I found like 30 titles I had never heard of.
And I remember when I called you, I said, Hey, have you ever heard of a book called Can the White Race Survive?
And you're like, No, no.
Have you ever heard of a book called The Negro, which came out in 1907?
You're like, No, no, I haven't heard of that either.
It's astonishing what has come out.
And what has been documented by men, learned white men in various fields who then took an interest in studying the consequence of.
Our failure to see the American Colonization Society finish its goal of repatriating freed and the slaves throughout our nation's history, which I am an unabashed supporter of seeing that come to fruition, which I know it's something that a lot of people have a hard time hearing.
That's what so many of the great men in both the North and unfortunately not enough in the South understood.
And if you wouldn't mind, you told me recently you were rereading the Notes on Virginia by Thomas Jefferson.
And would you discuss?
One of the things that he noted about what was going to happen if we didn't do some form of repatriation and the costs, the exorbitant costs that would befall the country.
I'm not sure.
It was in notes in Virginia, but if you read a book by Nathaniel Weyl, W E H W E Y L, called The Negro and American Civilization, he deals with this.
And I think it was in the 1820s.
Jefferson became concerned about the growing anti slavery agitation and probably about the direction it was taking in America, which I'll probably talk about that later also.
But he made a public statement that this slavery issue is going to lead to a civil war.
Unless it's solved, it will lead to a civil war.
And we've got to solve it.
And he said the way to solve it is to compensate.
The slave owners, because they did invest their money in what was a constitutionally allowed form of investment, and the Fifth Amendment requires that you can't take private property without compensation.
You compensate the people that own the slaves, and then you would have them resettle in a country of their own, sort of a much vaster Liberia project, and give them a free country in Africa.
And this was denounced as.
Fanatical and sort of a goofball idea.
And there was an editor, Wiles mentions, in New York, who said that it's financially impossible to implement Jefferson's ideas.
Jefferson wrote to the editor and said, If we do not implement my proposal, this will lead to a civil war.
And in the first year of that civil war, we will spend more money.
On the military alone, not counting damage to civilian property, that would be required to fund my program.
And Wild points out that to be exactly right.
The first year of the four years of the Civil War carried with it military expenditures that could have been used for a humane and sensible resolution of the slavery problem and the problem of having divergent races living in the same neighborhoods.
Yeah, no, of course, it's interesting.
I haven't been to Monticello in a while.
I understand that they basically, it's a monument to his purported relationship with Sally Hemings, but I would love to take a look at his library and see how many volumes he has on the history and the revolution of Haiti at that point.
It would be fascinating to see what literature he was reading, what history he was reading.
And I'm not sure if you've been to Monticello or even Mount Vernon recently, but again, it's basically deconstructing these great white men, these dead white males.
To the historical language we have to speak in now.
And of course, they're evil for being slave owners and the way that they treated their slaves, et cetera, et cetera.
Or in the case of Jefferson, his purported relationship with Sally Hemings.
So it's almost not even worth going to these houses, sadly.
Well, it's useful to see the degree to which they hate us.
Not so much blacks hate us, but also the people who really hate us.
Are these strange people, the white ethno masochists, that they have some sort of psychological problem in that they hate their own and love the alien?
No, it's what is that Greek term for that?
Gosh, I always forget that.
I know the term, but I can't think of it.
And by the way, I did ascertain the black author that you were referring to who wrote Their Eyes Were Watching God, Zora Neale Hurston.
That's, of course, always important.
It's always important that we get our facts right.
And again, going back to why we're talking about St. John's book, again, Haiti or the Black Republic, all he's documenting is what happens when a Black nation sets up explicitly for the interest of Blacks.
And it's fascinating because this dovetails into our discussion of Africa.
Adio, sir, because as the decolonization of the European powers and their time in Africa transpired, you have the lesson of Haiti.
As a guide to what was going to befall those nations once blacks were in charge of the fate of those nations, whether it's, you know, the Congo or, you know, Sierra Leone, Liberia.
Of course, those weren't set up specifically as nations that were never colonized, they were specifically set up for blacks to rule and to govern.
We know what happened to both those nations.
It's basically Haiti light.
It's like Coca Cola and a Kroger having Dr. K or their version of Coca Cola.
The exact same thing happened, just as we're seeing the exact same thing happen in the former Rhodesia, Zimbabwe, and in South Africa, 32 years after apartheid was strangely voted by the whites to hand it over and to create a racial democracy with blacks outnumbering whites at the time seven to one.
And we see what's happened to those nations.
I mean, that's.
If you wanted to still down what St. John is writing, he's just documenting what a black governed society, what a black governed nation is going to look like in the absence of whites.
Am I wrong?
No, you're not wrong at all.
They say the definition of insanity is to keep doing the same thing over and over again, expecting different results from the results that consistently come up.
And we have pursued this myth.
That mixing the races is going to solve the problem, it's going to enable the blacks to close the gap in achievement between the average black and the average white.
And there's no evidence for that.
We've been doing that for three generations.
It was Dr. King's solution that he's ballyhooed for, that he broke down Jim Crow and he brought integration.
And the assumption is that this accomplished something.
Well, as you and I have discussed before, and most of our audience, Being people that are supporters or interested in American Renaissance, we probably know there's no scientific evidence, no reliable evidence that shows that mixing the races ever brought about any significant improvement in black academic ability.
It's like the fair housing law, that great expense has been used to prosecute whites and all this stuff and to blame residential segregation upon white racism.
And therefore, also the cause of white or black problems.
The home ownership rate today among black people is lower than it was before they passed the Fair Housing Act in the 1960s.
But having spoken of King, I have a challenge to our audience to help me.
When I was a young person and Congo got its independence, there was an immediate bloodbath.
The blacks, once the Belgians pulled out, The blacks rose up and began attacking white people.
And in Stanleyville, which was the second most important city in the Congo, after Leopoldville, they imprisoned hundreds of whites and were slowly killing them off.
Among those imprisoned was the most famous missionary at that time to Africa, a guy named Carlson, who was a medical missionary trying to help blacks and dedicating his whole life to them.
He was ultimately killed by the blacks.
And the Belgians sent in a paratrooper group that were able to land at the airport, jump into jeeps that they unloaded from the planes, and race into town and rescue the whites before they were massacred.
The blacks started trying to kill them all when they found that the whites were on the way, but the whites were so quick, the paratroopers were such effective soldiers.
They were able to save most of the whites and arrive at the buildings where they were being held captive and stop the murders and get them on the planes and get them out.
The question, the thing that I would like help on is when I was a kid, it was widely noted that Martin Luther King sent a telegram to the United Nations condemning Belgium for rescuing the white people.
And I'm very certain that took place, but you can't find anything on it today.
It's been completely airbrushed out.
Somebody out there must have the information on that.
If it's false, we can lay it to rest.
But I'm very sure it's true.
And if anybody can find documentation that King opposed the rescue of the whites, I'd love to see it.
You know, it's funny you even mention any of this.
I'm reading a book right now called The Troubled Heart of Africa History of the Congo by Robert B. Edgerton.
And I just happened to go to the index.
And I'm quickly, as you were talking, I'm reading the chapter about the rescue of the whites that the Belgians did in Stanleyville.
And I believe there's actually a book called 111 Days in Stanleyville.
It's a racial classic as well.
Very good book, yeah.
That might be one we need to discuss because it goes into great detail of what the whites encountered there.
And it's not the gentleman that you mentioned, but the first to be killed, one of the European hostages, was an American missionary named Joseph Tucker, who was tortured by gleeful Simbas for 45 minutes before a stake was driven through his head.
I mean, the horror of what befell those whites who were left behind as.
Racial emancipation took place once whites acquiesced and surrendered the country to black rule.
It's just extraordinary.
I mean, talk about Africa Adio and the image and the video that we discussed.
Apparently, the two Italian directors have of the Congolese eating 13 Italian airmen, which they said, oh, yeah, we have that on film, but we're not going to show that because it's only going to enrage people.
And you go back 100 years.
And that's what St. John is writing about.
That's what got him in so much hot water by saying, hey guys, these Haitians eat people.
Cannibalism is replete.
It happens all across that nation.
Sublimated Racism00:12:18
And guess what?
I wrote a second edition to try and disprove what I wrote.
And oh my gosh, guys, it's even worse than what I wrote.
And that's what his second edition is all about, which we'll get into.
This hour is flying by as I knew it would because, again, this is a This is a topic that is so near and dear to your heart, sir.
And I mean, you've always said you want to go see what Port au Prince looks like.
You want to experience Haiti in a way that.
I've been reading about Haiti for decades.
I have two cousins who are doctors, and they would.
My family, as you know, are very, very, on both sides, extremely deeply religious people of a sect in Christianity called Calvinism.
Only 2% of all Christians are Calvinists, but they're.
They're a very unusual group of people.
And they would go for a month every year, they would go to Haiti and treat the Haitians free.
But they had very realistic views on race.
But they were very religious and they were concerned about their souls and their bodies as part of their Christian duty.
But I've been interested in Haiti for a long, long time.
I would enjoy taking a trip through Haiti.
I know the cities I like to see, the place I like to go.
Various people have said that they would also be interested in making a trip, but every year it gets worse, it becomes more violent.
So I guess I'm so old now that soon I will be dead and I will never.
Achieves my desired trip through Haiti, but I would certainly like to go there.
I've read a lot of travelogues and accounts by people.
Graham Greene wrote his book, The Comedians, based in Haiti.
I've read that and I've seen the movie.
The movie is another thing that's worth seeing because it kind of makes fun of liberal do gooders.
But yeah.
Well, speaking of making fun of liberal do gooders, you go back to 2018 and when President. Trump said that Haiti is a shithole country.
Why are we taking people from that nation?
There are low IQ people.
You saw liberal do gooders, Susan Sarandon, Conan O'Brien, Bill Maher, they don t shirts saying Haiti is already great.
And there's a hilarious photo of Conan O'Brien drinking out of a coconut when he's purportedly in the waters of Haiti, relaxing.
I'm not sure where that vacation spot is near Port au Prince, but the waters looked very pristine and clean, which Contradict what St. John said about the waters and the climate that had been created by the Haitians.
So I don't know.
I don't know if you can land right now in Port au Prince after the earthquake in 2010 and the consequent.
Well, now it has just degenerated, and the writ of authority of the government hardly extends beyond the lawn of the presidential palace.
And most of the country's in the hand of gangs, and they're stealing most of the aid that's set in and reselling it.
Abroad, or they sell it to the starving inhabitants for greatly inflated prices.
It's now just dissolved.
And it's interesting, you don't hear any more talk about sending in the military like we did with Sidras and the mulatto that we overthrew to put Aristide in.
So, anyway, it's something to see and something to think about.
And Suspense of St. John's book is just magnificent.
But also, Haiti's influence on Annabelle America, that's another one that people should read.
The one that I mentioned, where the black slaves were suing their masters in American courts in the South, and the white judges were agreeing that their emancipation by France and Spain was effective, and they were no longer slaves.
They didn't get re enslaved by their masters bringing them to America.
I'd also recommend that people take a look, and if you can find it, Where Black Rules White by Hesketh Pritchard, which is also a fantastic book.
That's rare, difficult to find.
There was a very good review of that in the Barnes Review, the latest issue of the Barnes Review.
Again, we go back to St. John's book because he took it, it was an instant bestseller in Victorian England.
This was a book that people looked at immensely because of his status within the aristocracy of England.
And again, it caused such a controversy that people said, hey, this story of voodoo and cannibalism can't be true.
And this is one of the fascinating aspects about Haiti because so, such a large percentage of the Haitian population is now.
In the United States.
I mean, if you go back to the 2024 election and the story of Haitians eating the animals in Springfield, Ohio, in many ways, as silly as it sounds, that created a firestorm of, I think, correct xenophobia.
I use that term not derogatory in a derogatory nature about Americans.
We should stop being nice.
We should look at what's happening and say, what are these people here for?
Why are they here except explicitly to make life worse for Americans?
And again, right now, There was TPS was supposed to end for Haitians, protecting about 400,000 Haitians that had been instituted after the earthquake, Mr. Dixon, in 2010.
It's like, God, they're still here 16 years later.
And of course, there are Democrat, primarily non white public officials who are advocating that it would be, you can't send them back.
There is no functioning government.
It's a sentence worse than death to send Haitians back to Haiti, which I find uniquely funny because.
It's like, well, Haiti is nothing more than the collective result of individual Haitians.
And that's all St. John is documenting back in 1877 to 1884, when the book, the first edition was published.
All he's doing is telling you the consequences of what black rule, self rule created.
And I bring this to light because there's a story that a reader of mine at SPPDL just sent over.
He said, Hey, have you heard about what happened at the Jubilee in Selma?
And you know, sir, that every march in Selma, which is now an 80% black city in Alabama where the famous Edmund Pettus Bridge is, blacks gather to march across the bridge to celebrate what happened in 1965, to push for the Voting Rights Act.
Selma is now very much like Port au Prince.
And it turns out that during the Jubilee Festival for the March Across the Bridge, Mr. Dixon, eight people were shot, forcing the Jubilee to close.
This should have been national news.
I didn't even know about it until two days ago.
And I've been watching some of the local stories as a son of the South and a proud Alabamian and Georgian.
I know that's sort of a contradiction, but I have deep roots in both states.
I was watching WSFA out of Montgomery, and you could just see how exasperated the white journalists having to report this news of yet another sign of just decline and dysfunction.
And it's like, oh, yeah, in Selma, eight people were shot at the Jubilee Festival, forcing the Jubilee Festival.
In Selma.
But before we laugh at black people, Jared once asked me why I thought that whites in the South had not talked about science in the struggle to preserve segregation.
And I said, because they didn't want to hurt blacks' feelings.
And I can understand that.
I mean, I don't want to hurt blacks' feelings.
I know a lot of black people that I like, but I can't deny the truth of the matter.
And I'm a loyal white person, and I think about my own.
We should look at ourselves first.
What about the millions of delusional whites that believe that bringing Haitians to America will magically transform Haitians instead of downgrade America?
There are a lot of things we sell about the psychology of these people.
They seem, as the young fellows have come up with an even better term than I ever came up with when I would talk about this, but they talk about the magic dirt theory.
And you see this domestically as well as in terms of immigration.
I'll read in the New York Times, to which I subscribe, and they'll talk in terms of Atlanta.
They've had several articles which they mentioned that blacks are trapped in neighborhoods of high crime, and they need to be moved into the leafy northern area of Atlanta in Buckhead where there isn't any crime.
And what these people seem to think is that crime is detached from humans.
That is some sort of a topographical feature, like a creek or a beachfront or a hill or something.
They just move them away from the bad dirt where they're living and put them on the good dirt.
They'll just all become like Americans.
Another dimension of that is that it's a sublimated form of racism.
These whites, they don't really like black people.
They don't find black culture attractive.
The idea is that, and you saw this was very much in the air in 1964, 65, 66, in the era of the Great Society under Lyndon Johnson.
The idea was that through things like food stamps and Section 8 housing vouchers and things like that, you would cure these people.
And that the ultimate goal of all these people is to become white people, preferably Harvard faculty.
Because behind all of the talk about equality, there's a real snobbery among white liberals.
And the idea is that to really be somebody, you have to be a professor at Harvard.
But the idea is that other people want to become like us.
You see this in the Iranian War.
A lot of the Americans that support that war, they have this idea that.
That Iranians are all longing for America to liberate them so they can become like us.
No, I think the Iranians are quite happy being what they are.
They're very happy being Muslims.
They don't want to become Southern Baptists or Roman Catholics.
They're very happy being Muslims.
They're very happy with the way they organize their society sexually and the fact that men are heads of the household.
They don't want to be Americans.
And it's a stubborn form of racism for these white liberals to assume that all these people want to become white people.
Well, I will tell you after reading Haiti or the Black Republic by Sir Spencer St. John, again, we recommend you get a copy of it.
I think you'll understand why we do not want one Haitian to be in the United States of America.
And it basically is a book that could be written today and it would still be denounced as racist because you're not supposed to notice it.
It would not be published today except by some sort of marginalized, obscure publisher like Antelope Hill.
I don't know, with the bar.
And they published some great works.
I love Antelope Hill.
I do too, but they're keeping the flickering candle of truth, the light alive in a darkened house.
And no, today, Spencer St. John's book, it would not even be allowed to be published.
And if it were published, it would be silenced by no one taking note of it.
There'd be nothing said about it, it would just be ignored.
Keeping the Candle Alive00:01:10
Exactly.
The other books would be books by people like, what's his name, Franz Fanon, the black communist from Martinique.
His books would be ballyhooed and promoted, but Haiti, the black republic, would be suppressed.
Well, I'll tell you what, we aren't going to suppress any of these books, and we're going to throw everything that the gay race communists have tried to construct onto the funeral pyre of.
That will help lighten that flickering candle of civilization that we try and keep alive here at the White Man's Library.
Mr. Dixon, we've come to the end of our discussion on Haiti.
Well, Mr. Kersey, since you will not use my first name, I'll say, well, thank you, Mr. Kersey.
And thank you.
It's who else?
I'll tell you what, Sam, we're going to drop that.
I'll leave that for Mr. Taylor because that's a courtesy that he requests.