Mike Baker warns younger generations face unprecedented instability—thermonuclear risks, Afghanistan’s collapse, and inflation—while Western intelligence misjudged Putin’s Ukraine invasion, overestimating restraint after Crimea and Chechnia. State propaganda, like Russia’s staged rallies near Crimea’s 8th anniversary, masks his paranoia, including alleged poisonings of foes like Navalny. Sanctions on oligarchs prove ineffective, and NATO’s no-fly zone risks escalation; Baker doubts Putin will retreat soon, citing Ukraine’s defiance under Zelensky. Media’s focus on opinion over facts deepens division, leaving threats like hypersonic weapons or cyberattacks unaddressed—highlighting how disinformation and misplaced trust in narratives undermine global security. [Automatically generated summary]
I did have a thought, which was, I talked to my daughter the other day.
She's just turned...
28. And I thought, after I hung up, she was talking about it, and she was kind of basically saying, what the fuck, right?
And so people that age, if you think about those, the folks in that age group, she was born, you know, she was old enough to understand 9-11, right, in a sense, from a child's perspective.
And then through the Iraq or Afghanistan, you know, bullshit, that whole time with the war on terrorism, a couple of recessions, right?
Global pandemic.
Now, you know, approaching Cold War 2.0, getting close to thermonuclear war.
Look, if you step back, everybody's thinking, okay, how did this fucked up situation happen?
Well, it's been building, obviously, right?
I mean, how much news coverage did we have of, well, they're adding more troops to the border with Ukraine.
I wonder what they're doing.
Could it be military exercises?
So there was a tremendous amount of speculation leading up to, what the fuck is going on?
Which, in a sense, points to how lacking the intelligence is on Putin, on plans and intentions, right?
And that's a heavy lift, right, to come up with that sort of intel, because ideally you're going to want a human source.
You know, you can gather intelligence from a variety of sources, but you really want human access, people who can tell you, you know what, I had a meeting with him, and boy, I tell you what, he was pissed off, or this is what he said, or this is how he looked.
Without that, without knowing what plans and intentions are, or being able to gather intel on, say, the command staff, Everybody was kind of speculating.
Will he?
Won't he?
What's he going to do?
Well, stepping back, if you look at what he's done, he's been pretty damn consistent, right, over the years.
And so I guess, you know, in a part, a lot of it was optimistic thinking.
Okay, he just wants the eastern part of the country.
He's just going to go in there and take that because, you know, maybe he's already got it.
He's declared those two republics legit.
Maybe that's all he wants.
He's already taken Crimea.
And so I think that was optimistic thinking, hoping that, you know, the guy's not going to lose his shit and go all the way through the country.
Well, that's what he's done.
And in part, because again, if you look at what he did in Chechnya, if you look at what he did helping Assad in Syria, if you look at what he did annexing Crimea, if you look at Georgia, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, every step of the way, he's been following in his mind this stated desire that he's made very public over the years.
To rebuild his sphere of influence, right?
So, in part, you could argue we kind of missed the obvious, right?
We didn't see the obvious in front of us because we were all kind of hoping and mirroring our values onto Putin, who doesn't deserve to have our values mirrored onto him, because we're thinking maybe he just wants a little bit.
Maybe he's just trying to make a point.
Maybe he just wants them to sign a charter saying they won't be part of NATO. So anyway, my point being twofold, I guess.
We missed the boat on that.
We missed it in part because we're always trying to be optimistic and trying to think, okay, well, maybe they think like we do.
The higher they go up the food chain, because the smaller your pool of potential access points are, right?
So, you know, you've got some mid-level person floating around, you Right.
Do they have a driver?
Can I recruit the driver?
There's things like that.
Right?
Sometimes it's very simple.
But Putin's had an increasingly small circle of close advisors and of people that he counts on and trusts.
And part of that may be, you know, the fact that that was accelerated through the two-year pandemic where he decidedly was shutting himself off because he was, you know, paranoid like a lot of people were about COVID. Do you remember when there was a guy who suicide drove into Putin's car and Putin wasn't in it?
And that assessment was clear during the course of the pandemic.
He was isolating himself.
He was being very, very cautious.
And so maybe that had something to do with it.
But anyway, point being is it's tough to...
When you've got a small potential well of targets you can go after, when you're talking about recruiting somebody who's got access to a high-priority target, that's probably one of the heaviest lifts we've got.
Because what you're looking to do, this is not to fall into...
Spy talk.
Spy talk and recruitment 101, but...
The movies and beach books and everything will have you believe that the best way to hook somebody to recruit somebody is blackmail or a honey trap or something.
Usually, you're working on something else.
You're not necessarily working on the ideology, but you don't want to start from a negative basis, right?
Because even in normal terms, in the best of circumstances, when somebody's recruited to spy on their country, to spy on their organization, whatever it may be, A clock starts ticking, you know, because things start to decay, right?
The person starts to decay.
It's very wearing on a human, right?
And for a variety of reasons.
And so you know that window is going to close at some point.
It may not end well.
So you're trying to optimize that.
And if you start from a negative perspective, if you've got someone cooperating with you because they're blackmailing, they're under the gun here, and they hate you and they hate what they're doing, that's not what you're looking for.
You're looking for a more, and it sounds weird, but you're looking for a more positive approach.
Well, there's a recruitment process, a cycle that you go through, but I hope everyone's taking notes.
First of all, you got to know what information you're looking for, right?
And so that tasking gets set outside the building.
If you're talking about the agency or really any intel service, theoretically, the administration of power is setting priority tasking.
So they send over this and they say, hey, we need this.
This is a priority target for us, this information.
So you look around and you go, okay, well, who's got access to the information?
All right.
You build up that world.
Then you figure out who might be accessible, right?
Because maybe you...
You're interested in a target here, but he never leaves that country.
It's a denied area.
So then you find out who's got access to the information, who might be accessible, why might they be minded to talk to you, can you create a scenario where you can get next to them, and then you're looking for points of leverage.
That doesn't necessarily mean you're looking to find a negative.
You're looking for something that drives them.
Are their kids the most important thing to them, right?
Do they have a kid who, you know, needs medical attention?
Do they have a kid who they desperately want to send away to college, but they don't have the money?
You know, so you're looking for something like that, that may, again, it sounds strange because you're talking about recruiting somebody for espionage, but it's a positive rather than a negative.
And that creates then a longer shelf life in a sense for that asset, if that makes sense.
It does make sense, but I would imagine that when you're dealing with someone like, say, Kim Jong-un or Putin or some dictator, they have to be prepared for things like this, right?
So they probably are very cautious on who gets into their inner circle.
Now, interestingly, going back to Putin, he served in East Germany, I think, for about half a dozen years.
Never really had any exposure to the West.
So that's also something, when you're talking about trying to assess his mindset, understand where he's coming from, part of it is, look, if he had been exposed to the West in a much bigger way, maybe he served in New York, you know, or he served in wherever, you know, London, someplace where he had more exposure.
But you look at that guy and you go, he doesn't really understand how we think, right?
And so that's an important thing.
You got to tick that box and put that in there when you're doing an assessment of his personality and trying to – because that's part of understanding why he's doing what he's doing.
Well, fundamentally, I mean, look, if you live in an environment, right?
If you go to China, you live in wherever, Shenzhen or Shanghai or Beijing, and you're there for a few years, you're going to understand the culture, the mindset much better than somebody who's never lived there and is just sitting in Washington in a think tank talking about what the Chinese regime may do next.
So it's that immersion.
It's that exposure.
It's dealing with those people.
It's the contact that you have.
Look, I'm old enough that I remember when the wall started to fall, when the Soviet Union was collapsing.
From our perspective, as a government, as an intel service, we saw that as an opportunity.
There's chaos there, right?
And what did you have?
You had intel officers like Putin, KGB, GRU officers who saw their world collapsing around them because At the time, before the Soviet Union collapsed, they were living the good life, right?
They were the elite in a sense, right?
They were pampered.
Their kids were going to get the best education.
They were set for life.
Their kids were set for life.
All of a sudden, the Soviet Union starts going to shit, right?
And you could see it.
And, you know, so what did we do?
Well, we were out there busy, right, working over whatever targets we might have access to, trying to see if Maybe they think, you know, maybe there's another option here.
Maybe there's an alternative.
Maybe I can, you know, save myself and my family, you know, perhaps put aside some money by working for the other side.
And that's a natural thing to do, right?
Every service is going to do that if there's chaos on the other side.
So, I remember you could see the confusion and the humiliation, right, and the fear in some of these guys.
As this was happening.
And so Putin went through that same process.
Again, it's one of those things that you do.
You put all that together to try to create this profile of this individual, right?
Because I'm not buying the talk when people get on TV and go, oh, he's going crazy.
He's losing his mind.
I'm not buying that.
There's a reason why he's driving the way he is.
And again, he's being somewhat consistent.
He's never given a shit about civilian casualties, right?
Never bothered him before.
I mean, that situation in Chechnya, when they went in there, right?
And I mean, that was, yeah, I have to argue, the other side was different as well.
Some of the Chechen separatists were, and some of the shit that they were pulling.
But at the same time, he didn't care whether he was killing civilians or, you know, separatists and, you know, members of their militia and military.
So, I don't know.
I think it's one of those things where I think with Putin, we've got to...
We've got to be really pragmatic here.
We've got to understand.
He's not crazy.
He's not going to say, okay, I'm in a corner.
I'm going to push the button and fire off a couple of tactical nukes.
I think what he's gotten to the point is, you guys have disrespected me.
This is how he thinks.
You've disrespected me.
Fuck you all.
I told you I want my sphere of influence, and I don't care whether I have to break it.
So they went in and the assumption was, and now again, this is where our intel is lacking, was he given bad intel or was he given intel and he just chose to ignore it?
But it appears as if what he believed and what the top military commanders, some of whom have also been let go, Or possibly reassigned.
I don't think that's a good thing in Russia.
Is that they were going to get in there, maybe within 48 hours.
They were going to have control of Kyiv.
They would be welcomed by the population in Ukraine.
And they would be able to establish a puppet regime, a new government.
I mean, they moved the previous president that was Russian-backed.
They moved him from Russia to Minsk.
In preparation, it appeared, to move him down to take over the government, which is, in a sense, batshit crazy because he was kicked out during the last revolution by the people.
And they're willing to ignore facts to push that narrative.
That's what scares me.
What scares me is, I mean, I think there are objective journalists that work for the Washington Post and the New York Times, and there's real solid journalists out there.
But I don't necessarily know if you're getting all the information.
I think...
I think it's safe to say that some fuckery is afoot.
I mean, the New York Times just now is admitting that the Hunter Biden laptop is real.
And, you know, we remember from the debates with Trump bringing it up to Biden and Biden saying it's bullshit and it's a lie.
A flat-out lie.
Everybody knew it was a lie.
The New York Post had that story that was banned from Twitter, which was just outright crazy, that one of the oldest newspapers in the country Yeah, I don't think anybody's going to go back and apologize to them.
But there's a dynamic here that, I mean, I love this topic in a sense, not so much because of, you know, whatever the fuck Hunter was up to, but in part because now when you look at the liberal Dems and the progressives, it doesn't matter to them.
If you read some of the narrative that is out there now, the social media in the past day or so, ever since the New York Times came out with this, They're just dismissive of it.
And they don't care or they're willing to overlook it, which is the same thing they accuse the right of doing.
Both sides, we've talked about this before, but both sides are just so fucked up.
Which does leave you with the question of, well, where do we go with that?
But the Russia-Ukraine situation has created an interesting dynamic in D.C. where you've got sort of this weird bipartisan support for, you know, let's give them the MIGs, you know, let's push back, and you think...
I tell you what, we could get into a whole different rabbit hole there talking about the Grey Arms Market, because we worked at Grey Arms Market for a while.
But when the MiGs showed up over the skies of Korea during the Korean conflict, we had no idea what the hell we were doing, right?
It literally changed.
We actually had some prop fighters still up in the air flying from World War II. Propeller fighters in the 50s?
Yes, we were still fighting.
That's where we were at that point.
So the MiG shows up.
I guess the point being is that for a long time it was...
And one of the things they were able to do was produce them rapidly.
It's basically a couple of tiny wings and a big rocket.
And the funny thing is there's no safety protocols, right?
I mean, it's not like they were concerned about their pilots.
And so there's no ejection seats.
In fact, when we strapped in and were taxiing, I was talking to the pilot and he says, yeah, he says, okay, so if things go sideways here and we're up there, what you have to do is you have to You have to use both hands to pull your canopy back.
It's a mechanical canopy.
You have to pull it back.
He says it's tight.
So you have to force this thing back.
You have to undo your seat harness.
And don't get fucked up and undo your parachute, which you're sitting on.
People are going to say, well, of course you're going to say it's the US. I think they, in terms of technology, it's moving very quickly because what's developing fast is material science, right?
And so material science has been developing because the holy grail of all of this is speed, right?
And speed can defeat a lot of things, including air defense systems.
So, you know, I would argue, from everything I've seen, the U.S., I mean, China is right there, in part because they're very good at stealing whatever we're developing.
I had to get that in.
But in terms of development of new materials, and that's going to allow for that breakthrough eventually, probably not in our lifetime, but of manned hypersonic flight, which is going to be insane.
So one way that seems very unobtrusive and logical is they have people out attending all the various academic events, conferences, and so they do that.
They'll hoover up whatever they can in that regard.
That's very low-key, right?
And that's always done, and oftentimes it's done in cooperation with U.S. academic institutions, right?
They love that cooperation.
They also love the money.
That comes into their institutions here in the U.S. from China.
One way they do it is they put students here, right?
And, you know, people are going to say, oh, my God, that sounds xenophobic or whatever.
No, but a portion of students, you know, come to the States are cooperative assets or working on behalf of, because sometimes, you know, that's just what they're going to have to do with the PLA. Well, if they want to go back to China, right?
You know, you can have someone show up here, go to undergrad, go to grad, end up working in Raytheon or wherever over a period of 30, 40 years, right, essentially as an asset of Chinese intel, gathering information all along the way, answering specific questions.
Sometimes it's...
It's straight up appealing to the homeland, basically.
And they're very successful at targeting people who could be second, third generation even, China, Chinese.
And that's an appeal that they'll work on constantly because they believe it works, and at times it has worked.
They're very adept at...
Just identifying potential targets who may eventually be in a position of access and they're willing over years and years to work on that.
We have a much shorter time frame, right?
So we look at an asset, you know, in a very short period of time, right?
And in part it's, I don't know what it is, but it's the nature of kind of our intel collection operations, right?
We send people overseas to work and You know, maybe they're going to be someplace for two or three years.
And so they know, if I'm going to get promoted, I got to recruit.
I got to get some recruits.
I got to do that.
So there's this, whereas sometimes China is much more patient in that regard, right?
They don't think about it that way.
They're not going to base it on, okay, did you get two recruits?
They're going to base it on, did you develop somebody?
Did you push them a little further down the path?
That's a good thing if you did, because maybe that path is going to take another five years, six, ten years, twenty years.
They don't care.
They're willing to invest the time where sometimes we get very impatient, because in part, you know, I don't know why.
We're Americans.
We have a short attention span.
So, I mean, I don't mean that in a glib way, but there is that decided difference between the services.
Yeah, I would say it's much more difficult for us.
We have an open society.
They don't.
So if you think about it, our ability to have, say, a student, if we're going to go that route, apply to a university in China, that's a much more rigorous process, right?
They start from the perspective of, there's something wrong here.
Why is this person applying to our university?
So immediately they're flagged as a potential counterintelligence issue.
Whereas we have, I don't even know at this point, maybe 300,000 more Chinese students here in various academic institutions going to school, probably more than that.
Like when you have 300,000, do we have enough federal agents to go, hey, let's make sure this guy isn't stealing information and sending it back to the CCP? No, but every day, literally every day, the FBI, as an example, is opening up a new case on a Chinese intelligence issue here in the States.
I was having a conversation with a friend of mine about this.
I was saying, you know, what's kind of fucked is that what we do in America is every four years we have an election where it's a popularity contest for the most important job in the country.
And so if you got the most important job in the country, every four years someone's new at it.
It's crazy.
Imagine if you had to do any other job, whether it's brain surgery or whatever the fuck it is, building cars, and you've never done it before.
I guess it is a good thing, but when you look at what they're able to do in China, and this is not me advocating for totalitarian control by the government, but what I'm saying is it is a massive advantage that they have in that they don't have that restriction.
They get to be really good at their job and they understand it deeply.
So, like, one of the things that, you know, the tinfoil hat brigade likes to talk about is the deep state, right?
And what I was saying is, like, what if we didn't have a deep state?
Do you know how fucked we would be if we didn't have career politicians and career intelligence agencies and people who are there for long periods of time that actually do understand it?
But it's a massive disadvantage, isn't it, though?
This is not me saying this like advocating for any different system.
But what I'm saying is that if you just look at the structure of our government, the way we do elect a new leader every four years, every four years someone is new.
And then on top of that, who wants to deal with all of the infighting and all the politics that are involved once you get into a position?
What scares me is the idea that intelligence agencies would side with one party or one candidate or the other and not side with the greater good of the United States.
Because then there could be a situation where information is withheld or information is not necessarily distributed evenly to Republicans or Democrats, depending upon what the party favors or what the agency favors.
The intel community has got to be apolitical, and you've got to work at it, right?
I mean, you've got to be very careful.
And now, look, the director is appointed, right?
And then approved through Congress, and...
You know, so you have to—there's a process in place.
You've got to be able to evaluate, look at people, and make a decision, okay, are they—you know, but for the most part, again, I would say—I would argue, and people would expect that, but I would argue that, you know, for the most part, the agency has done a— Good job of being apolitical through the years.
Now, that doesn't mean mistakes haven't been made through the years.
That's not what I'm saying.
I'm saying that they've done a good job of, for the most part, being apolitical.
And I'm basing that on seeing other intel services around the world and knowing how fucked up they can be.
When a guy like Trump gets into office and then openly disparages intelligence agencies and openly disparages whether it's the FBI or the CIA or whoever he's in some sort of a personal feud with, that seems very dangerous.
If all you're thinking about is, okay, morale, right?
I mean, this will work on a few levels.
So, yeah, sure.
And there was a lot of talk during, you know, Trump's time in office, you know, that morale was sinking at the agency because he was, you know, kicking him in the ass on occasion, right?
Well, honestly, the agency's taken a beating over the years from a variety of administrations.
And all I can, again, speak to is my experience, which spanned a handful of administrations.
You know, from a collection point of view, from just getting the job done, you don't give a shit.
Just tell us what the tasking is, right?
And we'll go out and do it.
And the idea was always the director was your top cover.
The director served as a liaison between the White House and kind of protected the agency.
Right?
From, you know, all the machinations or the back and forth.
Now, once you collect that intel, right?
If you're out in the field and you pull that intel and you throw it into the mix, right?
You send it back or whatever, and once it leaves that building and it gets into that washing machine of Washington where there's lots of different, you know, people editing and looking at it before it ends up in, you know, in some briefing somewhere in the National Security Council, yeah, there's an editing process that goes on there.
That's where a lot of the spin, a lot of the, you know, the agenda can be built in.
Well, I mean, you've got a lot of hands touching, you know, raw intelligence is one thing, right?
You find somebody out in the field and they said, yeah, this is what Putin means because I was sitting in a meeting with him and two of the command staff and this is what he said.
Okay, great.
That's raw intelligence, right?
So you report that back.
Word for word.
You don't put your spin on it, right, as a person that's collecting.
And that goes back, but now that's going to get looked at by the guys writing the reports up and doing the analysis and assessment of this.
They're putting it together with other intel, maybe they're collecting from other sources, right?
Then, you've got, so the more hands that are touching that, you know, once it gets back to Washington, the more potential for editing, right?
And for analysis and opinion, you know, might get in there.
That's just a natural thing, right?
That's going to happen.
But it's the raw intelligence that really matters.
And Sometimes I feel like we should have a more direct line from the actual raw intelligence, if you can protect sources and methods, direct to the end user, you know, to try to keep that editing process to a minimum.
But anyway, the idea of being, it's like that party game where you whisper something to someone, they whisper it along to someone.
It's not quite like that because they're kind of, it's more like it gets blended in, right?
And then that blending process with other sources of information and then just the natural inclination of people who are writing up reports or passing it from one office to another is To say, well, I think this is kind of what it means, or this is the most important part here.
And so, shit can move around.
It's like editing a newspaper article, right?
The more hands that get on it, the stranger it's going to look.
It doesn't necessarily mean that the facts are wrong, maybe just The context or the priority part of this is missing or different.
No, it's important to be nuanced, I guess, because someone like me doesn't really understand how the process works.
And I think most people don't.
Most people, you know, they just know that we find out certain things about a certain terrorist cell or, you know, what have you is happening in other parts of the world.
And we really don't know the process of how the intelligence gets to the people that make the decisions.
I'm going to veer completely in a different direction now that you said this.
One of my boys, I got three boys, right?
And so Scooter, Sluggo, and Muxy.
I always talk about them.
And Scooter, the oldest one, came to me and says, I found this funny fucking thread in some, you know, Reddit or something like that, where there's this whole bunch talking about the boys and what their names are.
And so, I actually wrote down some of them.
And they're just speculation.
And people are saying, no, that's not their names.
And the last one, the youngest one, Muggsy, he's adopted the new name McFuckstick because he thinks that's funnier than anything except for Fuckknuckle.
We live in a strange time of information and the ability to communicate.
And I think there's a lot good in that.
But you have to navigate it correctly.
It's like there's a certain amount of freedom in our ability to communicate and our ability to express ourselves.
And I think that's ultimately good.
I am of the opinion that people should be able to express themselves.
But you gotta realize, like, if you gave me a Twitter account when I was 15 years old, and you let me tweet at Mike Baker, I'm gonna say some fucking horrible shit to you, dude.
If I was, like, a 15-year-old kid, and they let them have their fucking phones in class, right?
So if the teacher's not paying attention, and I'm bored out of my mind, because I don't give a shit about math, And I'm sitting there in my class, I'm going to just tweet at Mike Baker.
And if Mike Baker bites, and people do bite, you know, they bite, oh, what did you say, you son of a bitch?
Yeah, well, people love to just make up a completely fake story and see if that makes it into the news.
There's been a whole thing where A hundred people, at least, have texted me and sent me emails and contacted friends because they heard Trump was coming on my podcast.
And the source of it is a fake Trump account on Twitter that said, it's Trump's face and it's a fake account that said, I'm going on the Joe Rogan podcast soon.
And I think it came out of the fact that Trump was on the Nelk Boys podcast and then YouTube removed that podcast and They pulled the podcast, which is one of the craziest things you could do because then everyone's going to talk about how YouTube removed that podcast.
You can't even have Trump talk.
Former president of the United States, you can't let him talk?
But it's just the idea that one person can have that much influence is disturbing to a lot of folks who would like these giant corporations that are controlled by the pharmaceutical companies and whoever the fuck else is paying their advertising to decide what can and can be talked about and not be said or not discussed and what's misinformation and what's real information.
And these fucking kids, they don't realize how goddamn dangerous it is.
When you stifle debate, then who decides what can and can't be talked about?
It's not going to be you.
I got news for you.
And these woke kids who think because they scream the loudest and they pull fire alarms and they stop discussions and they stifle debates, they think that they have more control than they really do.
What they do in that is they set a precedent, and that precedent is you can stifle information that makes you uncomfortable.
You can stifle discussions where people have points of view that you don't agree with.
And you think you're right, so you think you should be able to stop those points of view.
That is not the way to do it.
It's just not.
It's never been the way to do it.
It's a dangerous precedent to set because then when more power is acquired by whoever, whether it's social media companies or the government or whoever the fuck it is, they get to establish a narrative and that narrative might not be honest.
And that's a real problem.
And the only way to find out what's real and what's not real is to let people talk.
You know, I had on Darrell Davis.
I don't know if you know who he is, but he's a musician who personally himself has He's taken more than 200 Klansmen and neo-Nazis and got them to completely abandon their ideology and hand him their robes.
He's this really interesting guy because he's He's a brilliant musician, but through his music and doing these concerts and shows he's done, he ran into a Klansman back in the day and had a conversation with this guy, and he's black.
And the guy was like, I've never talked to a black guy.
He was on last week and he was on with Bill Ottman who is the CEO of Minds.
Minds is a decentralized social media company that does not believe in censorship.
They stop threats and doxing and things along those lines, but they believe that the only way to really sort out what's right and what's wrong is to let people communicate.
And Daryl has the fucking patience of a saint.
I mean, the man is a saint.
What he's done is...
Extraordinary.
He's affected people personally through his own intelligence and his own ability to stay calm and communicate with people who have ridiculous ideas and give them better ideas.
And through these conversations, he's got them to change their minds.
Well, I'm not sure how we walk the dog back from where we are right now.
I did see an article—I don't remember where the hell it was, and it was just the other day—that was written, I think it was an op-ed piece, that basically argued that part of the problem— It started out by saying, why are our young folks so susceptible to disinformation?
Well, the problem was what they were saying was they're susceptible to disinformation from one side, right?
Exactly.
Right.
It was written by a progressive author, and as it turns out, their argument was, we spent too much time on STEM, on science and technology, English, math, and not enough on...
Philosophy and critical thinking in teaching kids that so that we should be teaching more of that and the problem with stem is that it teaches you know finite answers or definitive answers and Doesn't teach critical thinking.
I read the whole thing and I was critical theory not critical thinking yeah, yes critical thinking allows you to look at all sorts of different subjects and different you know Different facts and and what's what are the variables and what are the influences and what's going on here?
It lets you just try to look at things critically.
Critical theory, a lot of it is like progressive ideology.
They have a dogma, and when you have a dogma, it's not much different than religion in a lot of ways, where you don't want anybody to have an opposing perspective that challenges the dogma.
And that's not good.
If your ideology doesn't stand up to scrutiny, it's not a good ideology.
And the only way to find that out is to apply it to scrutiny, or apply scrutiny to it.
Well, John Abramson is a guy that I had on the podcast that really opened my eyes to how these things work in terms of pharmaceutical companies.
And one of the things that he said is that when studies are done, that the scientists that are conducting the studies do not have access to the raw data.
They have access to the interpretation of the data that's provided to them by the pharmaceutical companies.
It's an anti-inflammation drug that wasn't any better than non-steroidal anti-inflammatories like Advil and ibuprofen.
And Abramson was part of the team that was prosecuting this.
It was part of the team that was in court about this.
And they showed that they knew that this was going to cause these events.
And somewhere in the neighborhood of 50,000 to 60,000 Americans died because of their interpretation of what this stuff was versus the reality of what this stuff was.
And one of them was a buddy of mine who got a fucking stroke because he had knee problems.
When you think about the pharmaceutical industry, they go out.
I mean, there's a whole chain of then the sales reps going out to the doctors, you know, and introducing these new therapeutics and saying, here, this is a great opportunity, you know.
Well, my wife's mom's a nurse, and so I found out about this years ago where she was explaining how the doctors would, the pharmaceutical reps, rather, would take the doctors and the nurses out for these expensive dinners.
And they're not allowed to bribe you, but they get real close.
So it's like what you were talking about with what you do to an asset.
That's how they treat it.
And I'm sure there are some bribes being, I'm not naive, But for the most part, the way they do it is they sweet talk.
And I have a friend who's a good friend who actually owns a pharmacy.
And he explained to me that before that, he was a pharmaceutical representative.
And he used to do that.
And he was told, listen, I want you to know their fucking kids' names.
You're going to show up at the baseball games.
You're going to cheer them on.
You're going to give them gifts.
You're going to do whatever the fuck you can do to get close to these people so that when...
Something comes up, and maybe they could prescribe your drug.
They'll be more inclined to do that, and that is the way you sell more drugs.
The only way we find out all these things, whether it's information about pharmaceutical drug companies or information about the influence of foreign bodies on students, you have to fucking talk about things.
You have to have open communication.
And the only way you find out if someone's full of shit or if someone's lying or someone's withholding information is to let people talk and let people sort things through.
The truth is messy.
There's a lot going on in the world.
And you can't stifle information and debate.
It's not healthy for anybody.
And you can't do it just because you think your side is correct.
It's not good.
It's not what's...
Amazing about a free society and you can't decide that there's certain ugly aspects of this society that you think should be suppressed because when you do that then people can decide your aspect of society is ugly, your perspective is ugly.
If we get a fucking hardcore Putin type leader running this country and they start cracking down on legitimate journalists that are exposing corruption Then you get into dangerous circumstances.
And this is the problem that I had with the New York Post article on the Hunter Biden laptop being suppressed.
It's not that I'm a Trump supporter.
I didn't vote for him.
I didn't vote for any Republican ever in my life.
But you're looking at something that's real information and you're hiding it from people because you don't like the result that you think is going to come out of that information.
You know, there's so much distrust because I think people are starting to realize, right?
Regardless, again, where they are in the spectrum, both sides have an equal ability to think, I don't think I'm seeing or hearing or being told accurate information here.
And you're right.
I mean, Putin, look, shit, if you talk about Biden and his age or you talk about any presidential term and the fact that we roll it over, you look at the opposite side of it, Putin got into power and 99, right?
Well, he took a break in 08. He was the prime minister.
Not really a break.
And for four years.
And now he's been in office running that country, literally, since 99. And they've changed the rules of the game.
He actually, if his health stays and he's, whatever, 69, 70, 69, he can be in office until 2036. Well, he has access to the cutting-edge technology and science and medical advances.
But what you can do with your body is so different if you have access to hyperbaric chambers and human growth hormone and testosterone replacement and NMN and NAD and all these different things that lengthen telomeres and improve your biological age.
Well, it still sucks because we drink too much and we smoke too much as I put down my straw.
And we eat garbage food and there's a vast majority of us are sedentary and are overweight.
We've talked about this on the podcast ad nauseam, but it's a real problem.
The metabolic health of the average American is piss poor, and it's because most people, first of all, they're stressed out, they work too much, they don't have a lot of time, and they also haven't made it a priority to take care of their physical health.
But if you were a guy like Putin, and you had boundless resources, I mean, by all accounts, that guy is worth an astounding amount of money.
Possibly the wealthiest Russian alive, possibly, even more so than Than some of his buddies who have spent a number of years now making him the richest person.
Yeah, I'm thinking Macron is on board, one of those yachts, having a time of his life.
But this is, I mean, you touched on a really important part of what the hell is happening right now is because one of the reasons, Putin just made these comments the other day, right?
He came out and he talked about, you know, the people that aren't real Russians, they're scum, they're traitors.
What really set him off, because sometimes it's a little simpler than we imagine, kind of going back to what we talked about before, we kind of overlook the obvious in terms of why he acts the way he does.
Part of this is, when he came into power, nobody really gave him any thought, right?
And he'd been like a deputy mayor in Leningrad, and he showed up, he proved himself fairly capable, got himself tight with Yeltsin, I was appointed as head of the FSB, you know, the old KGB, the Domestic Service.
And so he sort of found himself in this position, rising to the top.
And one of the first things he did, which surprised a lot of people, was he reigned in the oligarchs, supposedly, right?
He called them all together and he says, you know, fuck you.
He took over media companies.
He understood the importance of shutting down media that was possibly in opposition to him as he grew in strength.
Reign them in.
And, you know, there's really been, other than Hortokovsky, there's been really nobody that's gotten out of line over all these years.
Now, one of the things the oligarchs didn't exchange was, you know, help essentially hide, manage money on his behalf.
And now what's happened recently since the Ukrainian invasion...
An invasion of Ukraine is that some of these guys, Mikhail Friedman, Avin, who else, Abramovich, they've come out and they haven't criticized Putin directly, but they've criticized the war, said, no, we shouldn't be doing this.
We've got to stop this.
You know, we've got to stop the bloodshed, stop this.
We shouldn't be fighting the Ukrainians.
That, as an example, it really sets Putin off, right?
Because he's like, fuck you.
I made you.
In his mind, he made them.
In their minds, they're thinking, no, fuck nut.
We, you know, fuck knuckle, to use a name.
They made him, or they made him the wealthiest guy.
Right.
So there's this other element.
And again, you're always trying to piece together why the fuck?
Because you're trying to, again, beaver down into saying, okay, what are his plans and intentions?
What's he going to do next?
To know that, you've got to get inside his head.
And so part of this is understanding why he's doing things and why he's thinking.
So anyway, then he comes out and he says, fuck you and your villas.
I don't mind you having villas.
Well, of course not, because he's got some really nice places spread around.
and he's also had some of the military command come out and express concern.
There's some anecdotal evidence.
It's, again, the intel, solid intel, you know, is not as good as we'd like, but there's anecdotal evidence that there's, you know, an increasing amount of discomfort within the command structure and within his security service that we shouldn't have done this. an increasing amount of discomfort within the command structure and We shouldn't have done this.
This is the wrong tact.
Where is this going?
It's impacting the Russian people in a big way.
He's fucking over the Russian population.
He's creating this situation where he's isolating the country and he's really putting them as sort of the He's almost creating a situation, and I'm going off on a bit of a tangent here, with China, where China's going to start looking at Russia the same way they look at North Korea, which is, oh, for fuck's sake, we've got to take care of these people now, right?
We're going to be the ones supplying.
Now, China looks at this and goes, yeah, fine.
And for the time being, while it looks like a...
They look at Russia like it's a Costco now.
We can get oil and gas on the cheap because the price is discounted now because there's not a lot of buyers or there's fewer buyers.
Agricultural products, minerals.
So China's looking at it like a place where they can go.
They don't look at Russia as an equal.
They don't look and think, oh, we got to rise to the top and one of the things we have to do is get past Russia.
They've already done that.
But I think Putin is strategically overreached here and he also doesn't understand how that relationship works, right?
He's imagining somehow that he's on par with China and that they're going to have this relationship.
Xi is only going to work with Russia and maintain relatively close ties for as long as it's in China's interest.
He seems to have been mistaken on a number of things when it comes to assessment of the situation with Ukraine.
So you gotta wonder, how good is the information reaching him?
How isolated is he?
And so this understanding of the relationship between he and Xi, I think Xi's looking at this and going, this is a great opportunity for us right now.
Now, if it gets uglier in Ukraine, If things really, really get ugly, then I think you're going to see some daylight between Xi's going to look and go, okay, politically, economically, it's now in our interests to create some space there.
They're not going to change their situation with Russia because we threaten them with sanctions.
This whole thing that the Biden administration is doing right now where they're talking about, well, we've threatened them with secondary sanctions if they supply military hardware to Russia.
I think that's a complete misread of how you should be dealing with Xi and the regime right now.
You don't threaten them publicly.
Maybe you talk to them privately in conversation, but don't blast it all over the airwaves that this is what we're doing.
But, yeah, the problem with President Biden is, you know, I don't know that when he says something, It never really seems to be said with much conviction, right?
And so, and his actions in the past, I mean, look, you know, if we're talking just about Putin here, Putin knows Biden's team, you know, to some degree, because he's seen Biden, he's seen some of these cats on Biden's team during the Obama administration, right?
And so if you think about when Putin's been really aggressive, it was During the Obama administration and now.
So he feels he knows what he's dealing with.
And you have to assume the Chinese do the same assessment.
But I guess my point being is that Xi is doing a daily risk gain calculation in terms of their relationship with Russia.
And they're saying, okay, is it still in our best interest?
And as soon as it's not, from Xi's perspective, in China's self-interest to maintain You know, sort of this notion of closer ties with Russia, then he'll back off.
And, you know, again, I think he views it right now as an opportunity.
And always, if it's an opportunity to kind of poke at us, he'll take it.
I have this screenshot that someone sent me of the way the people on the left were talking about the Ukraine situation before the war.
I'm going to send this to you, Jamie.
Sorry.
But this is one of the things that's so weird, is that they were very disparaging Of Ukraine, and they were talking about the massive corruption of Ukraine and how horrible it was over there.
And now, all of a sudden, they're looking at it like they're heroes.
This is how the West was covering Ukraine before the war.
It's welcome to Ukraine, the most corrupt nation in Europe.
That's Vox.
A new Europe Ukrainian president rule becomes increasingly corrupt and authoritarian.
Ukrainian President Zelenskyy deepens alliance with the far right.
And this is one of the things that we're hearing from people on both sides, that they have a Nazi problem over there, that there's a lot of Nazis involved in Ukraine.
And there was something that I saw on Facebook, where Facebook allowed...
I don't know who the...
This is what's so confusing about what they call the fog of war.
It's not necessarily really the fog of war.
It's the fog of the distribution of information.
Is that we're supposed to just completely take a hard right turn or a veer away, a hard angle away from the narrative that was being pushed just a couple of years ago.
And we're supposed to ignore all this stuff now.
And I don't know what's right and what's wrong.
Because there was something about Facebook.
Allowing likes.
Yeah, Facebook allows war posts urging violence against Russian invaders.
You know, the Ukraine's had a serious, significant corruption problem over the years.
They got a really interesting history.
People should spend time reading the history of Ukraine and understanding what the troubles have been just recently even with corruption, trying to get that under control.
And it can also be true that, all right, in terms of- Even so.
Yeah, even so.
Right.
What Putin's done is reprehensible and needs to be properly dealt with.
So it's a good example of working in the real world.
Or another good example is the fact that we're working with Putin's government in our ongoing negotiations with Iran, because the current administration, the Biden administration, is so keen to rejuvenate that 2015 Iran deal.
And so we're actually, while we're doing all this, while we're calling him a war criminal, And we're providing, you know, we just provide another aid package full of AT4s and javelins and stingers and helmets.
Helmet's always a good thing.
We're also working with them to try to negotiate this deal.
So we're using...
what we're referring to now as a war criminal as our liaison with the Iranians to try to strike a deal with the Iranians or to get them back on board and into this deal and people look at that and rightly so are thinking what the fuck but it's it's how it's always worked right you you know it's it's a very pragmatic approach i suppose in one in one sense and you know you can't you can't say okay i'm going to be I'm going to be the leader of the free world and only do things
by emotion.
Only do things if they're morally the high ground.
I'm never going to deal with people who are reprehensible at times.
One of the things that's happening now is because of social media and because there's so much access to information is that all this stuff is brutally transparent.
That, like, the United States is contacting Saudi Arabia and trying to broker some sort of a deal.
Now we're hearing that Saudi Arabia is considering using the Chinese currency instead of American dollars for their oil, which scares the shit out of people.
And the fact that, I mean, I don't know if it's true, but that Saudi Arabia is not taking Biden's calls.
Yeah, I saw it because there was a Trevor Noah sketch, or a little monologue thing where he was doing, where he was saying that this would never happen if Trump was the president, they would take his calls.
Because one of the things that I was seeing was that Putin was mocking the idea that the gas prices in America have anything to do with the crisis in Ukraine.
And he was saying that the United States only gets 3% of its oil from Russia.
And the idea that we're responsible, he was saying Russia, that this was responsible for the increase in the price of gas and the destabilization of inflation.
In part, no, I mean, recent price increases or fluctuation in both the price of oil and what you're paying at the pump, you can attribute to sort of the chaos and the instability that took place once the invasion started, right?
Once it became clear that this was about to kick off ever since.
They're looking at everything that goes on in the world.
So China, as an example, look, they've locked down, right?
They're starting to open up Shenzhen in a little bit, but they got millions of people now under new lockdowns because of COVID. It's the Omicron, Omicron, Omicron.
And so that can impact, because now suddenly what happens?
The people are looking to go, the Chinese economy is going to slow down, and in fact it has.
They came out and said, you know, our numbers, our expected growth is actually going to be slower than it's been in decades.
So I think they'll look at that and go, okay, that's got to be factored into how we're going to price, you know, crude or petroleum products.
And so Or they look at the Iran deal, the Iran negotiations, and they think, oh, you know, price came down below $100 a barrel in part because it looked like people were making noises like we're going to get a deal with Iran, that was going to open up the spigot, and so we're going to be able to replace the amount of oil that's going to be missing from the market because of the sanctions on Russia.
So the traders globally look at everything that's taking place in the world, and they set the prices, right?
It's not the oil companies thinking, here, we're going to set the price of crude.
That's why it's such a fallacy when somebody in Washington, D.C. comes out and goes, they're profiteering.
Now, I'm not naive.
Could profiteering maybe be taking place in the oil business and elsewhere?
Well, sure, there's a possibility, and you want to be aware of it and be focused on that, but that's not how prices get set.
It's one of those simplistic ideas.
We're going to stick it to the man.
It's got to be the oil company's fault that I'm paying $7, $8, $9 a gallon now.
But the gas was going up ever since Biden came into office.
I think, again, I hate to disappear down rabbit holes, but ever since President Biden came into office.
Their initial plan was to end the fossil fuel business, and they were very clear about that, right?
They made it very known.
We're going to wrap up our dependence on fossil fuels.
Well, yeah, I mean, they layered on regulatory, you know, concerns onto the industry after they got in office, right?
Because what does that do?
That tells oil companies out there, we don't have a future in five or ten year investments, right?
If you're going to kill this industry...
What's our incentive to invest a lot of money?
Look, they're talking about ExxonMobil.
Oh, ExxonMobil made like $23 billion in profit in 2021. Well, you know what they lost in 2020?
They lost about $22.3 billion.
That was their loss.
So they've got to invest in the future.
I'm not here to show for oil companies, but I'm just saying this is how it works.
And so if they're told There's no future in long-term investment.
Well, guess what?
You know, okay, they're going to start shutting production down.
They're not going to invest in new opportunities.
And so, yeah, that's going to have an impact.
And I think what the Biden administration did that was incorrect was the simple Thought that energy in today's world equals national security.
It is a top national security priority, right?
There's no doubt about it.
And so therefore, if you think energy is a critical national security concern in this world, therefore, it's not unreasonable to think we should do everything possible to achieve or get as close as possible to achieve energy independence.
That should be our plan.
You can still, at the same fucking time, you can invest in alternative forms of energy.
You can do both at the same time.
But there seems to be this thought with some folks that, no, no, you can't do that.
You got to throw all in on alternative energy sources and just, and fuck the fossil fuels.
Well, you can do both, and eventually, yeah, hopefully one day we get there, you know, to, you know, yay, green energy.
Whoever develops the next best, smallest battery is going to win.
So, you know, it shouldn't be that hard to assume, but the problem is we send people to Washington who then just throw shit on the wall, right, because it seems like a popular thing to say, right?
And so next thing you know, we're talking about, yeah, let's do a windfall tax.
Maybe.
And now there's some talk about we should price cap.
Oh, how about we cap the price of gas so that we're going to set price controls and so you can't charge any more than this.
And we tried that, right?
And the problem is some of these people that are up in Washington, D.C. aren't old enough to remember.
But in the 70s, right, they had price controls on gas.
Which we also had long lines for gas and we had all sorts of problems in terms of gas and the resulting, it didn't do any good in terms of lowering prices long term.
And then they finally released that and they finally said, okay, take all the price controls off and prices started to come down because, again, it's a supply-demand, it's a marketplace.
And so...
Again, it doesn't mean you're against eventually figuring out how to get rid of fossil fuels.
I think everybody who's reasonable can say, yeah, that's a good, worthy goal.
It's how you do it so that you don't fuck over your own country.
I mean, that was one of the things that when the Biden administration came in, a lot of people that are environmentally conscious were very happy because they were talking about the Green New Deal, they were talking about doing things for the environment, preparing for the future of this country, for the future of the children, and not leaving a poisoned, polluted world because a bunch of people were greedy.
Well, that also, you know, causes some heads to explode, right?
Because, you know, God forbid we should think about nuclear energy.
We're much more capable now than we were 20 years ago of producing safe systems, you know, to produce nuclear energy.
But that's, again, very emotive, right?
It's a super emotive subject.
And so, okay, I get it.
But we should be looking at all these things.
We can have this, you know, sort of balanced energy approach We're the goal, eventually, of getting rid of fossil fuels.
You can do that, but it's sort of that all-or-nothing, simplistic mentality that seems to be in a lot of other areas, not just energy.
But anyway, it is interesting, but I think we look at...
You look at what Europe did and Europe's reliance on Russia for energy.
And if you don't think that Putin knew what he was doing in terms of driving, you know, this...
European dependence on Russian oil and gas, he knew exactly what he was doing.
He's considered energy as a weapon for a long time at this point.
And so what's he doing?
He's being called a war criminal by countries that are in a position where they don't have an option.
They got to keep paying him, right?
They got to keep putting money in his coffers.
If oil is up where it is now, it's over $100 a barrel again, it was up to, what, $139 at one point?
He can afford this military adventurism, right?
He can afford to do what he's doing.
When oil is down at 30, 35 bucks a barrel, because of his dependence on oil and gas, petroleum products as a revenue, when it's like that, you know, so in our minds, we should have been thinking, okay, again, from a geopolitical standpoint, What do we have to do to ensure our national security, the security of our allies, everything else?
Intel estimates are anywhere from Yeah, a couple thousand to 10,000, right?
Which that gap, anytime you look at a gap like that in intel assessments, whether it's that or whether it's how far are the Iranians away from breakout in terms of creating a weapon, you know, and it says, well, a month away or 12 months away.
What that tells you is that...
Your intel sources, really solid intel, are lacking, and you need to tighten that up.
Russian troops killed, some estimates are hovering around 7,000 or so, but you've got to take that with a grain of salt because the intel's not really there.
He committed about 200,000 troops to this invasion.
And if he's lost 7,000 to 10,000 already, including a handful of top commanders, right?
So he's had generals killed in the field, right?
I mean, that's an astounding thing if you think just about that alone.
He's had, I think, at this point, four commanding officers, general staff, killed in the field.
And what that would imply is that they're putting themselves into positions where they can get, you know, whacked out in the field Because things aren't working properly, right?
They shouldn't be out, you know, at the front of some convoy where some sniper is going to be able to take them out.
They should have much better command and control systems in place.
The communication should be better.
But clearly, they've had all sorts of problems here.
And that's just one, again, one of those small indications of some of the difficulties that they've been experiencing.
Yeah, I think at the 30,000 foot level, their risk threat assessments were way off.
Which is astounding because you think about the ability for the Russians The intel service and the military to have assets or information on, you know, what's going on in Ukraine.
I mean, it's the long history, the ties between the two, and their ability to place assets in there over the years and to understand, you know, what's going on.
And you would have assumed that they would have had recon.
In Ukraine, you know, for months leading up to this, telling them about defensive strategies about, you know, the buildup in the Ukraine, what are they going to be facing?
What's it going to look like?
And so, yeah, I think it's, I think he's, he, he's He was given bad intel or he ignored it.
I suspect it was more along the lines of given bad intel, in part because I think he's distrustful, perhaps.
He doesn't...
I don't know.
Again, it's speculation because the only person that really knows what Putin's thinking is Putin.
So when you see these videos, and I've seen quite a few of them, it's hard to know what's real because there was one video that was being touted as evidence that turned out to be footage from a video game.
Did you see that?
There was like some dogfight scenario that turned out to actually be footage from a video game.
I mean, this is a problem with the world we're living in today, right?
There's so much chaos in terms of like accurate information.
But there's these videos of Russian convoys, and there's these essentially—they're using guerrilla tactics.
They're hiding behind buildings and shooting these grenade launchers and missiles at these tanks as they roll by and blowing them up and killing these Russians.
One of the things that has emerged from this, if you're just looking at the battle spaces— You know, tanks may not be a thing anymore, right?
Tanks were critical.
You know, in World War I they showed up.
And, you know, thank you Winston Churchill for, you know, pushing that along.
Now, with the available systems that are in place, and we've been providing the javelins.
Javelin is probably the most effective anti-tank weapon out there, at this stage, anyway.
And it's proven it's mobile, right?
It's guided.
It's extremely effective.
And so that has definitely changed the calculation, right?
And I don't think they were anticipating that.
They probably weren't anticipating...
Although they should have.
How could they not anticipate the effectiveness of the Stingers, right?
They faced that in Afghanistan.
That's what one of the key elements that got them out of Afghanistan was, you know, the ability for the Mujahideen to shoot their, you know, platforms out of the sky.
And so they certainly should have understood what that meant.
But...
But you're right also in the sense that you got to be really careful with the information that's coming out.
And people should always say, okay, let me just understand what this source is that I'm looking at.
I'm looking at this video or I'm hearing this report.
You know, is it accurate?
Where's it coming from?
And that can be tough, right?
Trying to trace it back to, is it a legitimate source?
But yeah, it's a bizarre world.
I mean, we kind of went through watching war On TV, right, during the Iraq 2003 and on, and even before then, the first Gulf War.
So we kind of got used to it a little bit, but this is really playing out in social media, and it's really playing out.
And it creates emotions, right?
And so people start, and that, to go to your point, you know, we were covering it two years ago, or Ukraine was covered in an entirely different way.
But now, because of the way that people get their information, the speed, and that creates this emotion.
What do you think Putin thought was going to happen?
I mean, when you're driving these tanks down many, many miles on a straight road where everybody knows where they're coming from, everybody knows where they're going.
Why do these generals or whoever's in charge of making these military plans, why do they think that that was a viable option to just drive these convoys of military vehicles and personnel carriers And fuel tanks, or tankers.
The Russian military was supposedly going through a professionalism, sorry, sort of this upgrade over the past decade and a half or so.
It doesn't appear to have worked very well.
He's got a lot of apparent issues with the training, certainly experience, right?
They got a lot of young people who, you know, got in the military.
They haven't been in combat.
They certainly haven't been in urban combat, which is the most fucked up, you know, situation.
He's dealing with a lot of issues.
But you're right.
You would have imagined that the planning, and I think that's one of the reasons why you're starting to see, again, if we can believe a lot of the anecdotal evidence, why you're seeing this starting to bubble up a little bit through the command structure and through the elite.
And we have to hope that continues, because ultimately, you know, what's going to get them to back off is...
Unless there's some miraculous peace deal because he finally says, fuck it, we're not going to win, is sort of the Russian population, the elites, and the military command basically finally just saying, enough's enough.
This is too fucked up.
We can't back this horse anymore.
Maybe we get there.
Probably not going to get there anytime soon, but one of the things we should be doing is just driving information into the Russian population, giving them the visuals, not propaganda.
And a decent population of Russia, you know, the older population, certainly, they're, you know, they seem perfectly content with watching state-run media.
And so it's a younger part of the population that you have to hope, you know, continues And look, supposedly they've arrested up to 15,000 protesters, right?
Did you see that video of this woman who is standing in the middle of the square and she holds up this small sign and then immediately the cops grab her and shove her into a van?
That's what Putin, just like with Xi, what's Xi most worried about?
He's worried about public unrest.
He's worried about that massive population thinking, oh, fuck this.
With Putin, he wants everyone to believe that he's doing this because he's trying to protect the Russian people and he's trying to protect Russian sovereignty.
And so there was this thought, well, oh my god, we did this.
We created this problem because we were enticing Ukraine into, you know, democracy.
Bullshit.
The only thing that was a threat was a threat directly to Putin's power.
That's all it was, was having a successful democracy in Ukraine, you know, and incrementally, slowly getting past the corruption issues and becoming more and more of a successful democracy.
That poses a threat to Putin's control, his own control in the situation.
And he doesn't, that's, you know, so when he talks about a sphere of influence, it's in part, you know, yes, in his mind, he's thinking about the Soviet Union, and I'm keeping NATO at bay.
But really, what he's thinking about is I don't want fucking successful democracies on my on my Western flank.
Yeah, but underneath the whatever public discourse may have been taking place and the idea that Ukraine was becoming more of a democracy and they were tamping down to corruption and maybe eventually they get to...
NATO countries, you know, being very pragmatic, we're looking at it and going, yeah, Ukraine is different.
Ukraine's different than Poland.
Ukraine's different than, you know, the Czech Republic.
On that border, right?
Because the history of Ukraine with Russia.
And so there's a tacit understanding that that's not going to end well.
You know, we don't want to put Ukraine in a position to bring them into NATO. So again, you know, who am I? I'm not running the world, but I would argue that that wasn't going to happen.
And, you know, but, you know, again, I think with Putin, it was simply, this presents a challenge to my authority.
And fuck it, I want to be president until 2036. So you think it's just entirely because if Ukraine succeeds as a democracy and if it becomes less and less corrupt and the democracy becomes more and more established, that somehow or another could trickle into Russia?
So one of the things that I read recently was that Putin had established a certain amount of parameters that need to be in place for them to pull out of Ukraine.
One of them was that they agreed to not join NATO. That was something that had been expressed.
Do you think that's because now that he's invaded Ukraine that the NATO countries might look at it as an opportunity to try to have Ukraine join NATO now and that's where this narrative is coming from?
No, I think it's just he wants it in writing, for whatever that's worth, I guess, nowadays.
But I think he wants it, because look, it's in their constitution about the opportunity to join NATO. He wants that removed, and he wants it clear in any potential agreement that they're not going to.
I think that's the easiest ask that you can put on the table for Zelensky, right?
Yeah, and I think that can be met by agreeing not to deploy certain weapon systems into Ukraine, right?
It's not going to mean that dismantling of Ukrainian army, I don't think that they would ever get to that point.
I don't think that's going to be...
Possible as an agreement.
So there is a way this could work, but both sides are going to have to give up something, right?
There's no way otherwise we're going to get any sort of ceasefire and peace deal here.
And the idea should be we're looking to de-escalate, right?
Nobody wants, as people always say now, nobody wants a shooting war with Russia, right?
That makes perfect sense.
But I think we have to be Realistic about this.
And so, as distasteful as it is, Zelensky's going to have to give up certain things.
Putin's certainly, you know, going to have to be willing to figure out, okay, I got to figure out how to draw a line here and then, you know, get out.
But that's a big lift now because he's upset a lot of people.
He's created these sanctions.
It's not like we can just lift all these sanctions as soon as they come to the table with a ceasefire, right?
And so there's going to be a period of time where Russia is going to basically be a pariah out there in the global community.
And we got to be careful and pragmatic in how we deal with Putin in that regard.
Because again, we got to think about what's in our best national security interest.
What's in the best national security interest of Europe?
And there's always a tendency, sort of like the Versailles Treaty, to really fuck over the offending party.
And I think the reality is we're going to have to be saying, okay, well, it doesn't seem right, but okay, Putin officially gets Crimea and maybe officially gets the Donbass region.
You know, he's had troops and proxy troops in there for a long time now.
So is he going to give up Crimea?
No.
You know, so Zelensky is going to have to recognize that as part of Russian territory.
Probably that's going to be part of the deal.
It's going to be distasteful, but they got to figure out a way to, you know, unwind this.
Otherwise, I think Putin's attitude is going to be, I don't give a fuck anymore.
Now, the motivation of the Russian troops, one of the things that's got to be very strange for them is that just a few decades ago, Ukraine was a part of the Soviet Union, and now they're going to war with an urban area where it used to be their countrymen.
So when they see the losses, we don't know what the losses are in the Russian army, but how do they boost their morale?
How do they get them excited about it?
Because it seems like if we were going to go to war with Canada, right, and we decided we're going to invade Toronto and- We should invade Montreal first.
And there's a lot of stories that have come out about, you know, statements from some of the captured Russian soldiers talking about how they didn't even realize they were doing anything other than a training exercise, a long-term training exercise on the border, and then, you know, the tanks start rolling in.
So, yeah, again, it's one of those things in terms of intel.
How bad is the morale?
Well, we don't really know.
We have to piece together everything we can and make a determination about that.
There's a lot of talk right now because it's a good narrative to say that the Russian military is collapsing because these soldiers, they're young, they're disheartened, they're walking away.
But that may be true.
But it doesn't take into account what they're still willing to do, right?
And what they're willing to put up with and what the command staff is willing to do and instruct them to do.
So, you know, everything has to be taken with a bit of a grain of salt.
But yeah, it's...
Look, you look at the history of these two countries.
I mean, go back to, who is it?
Abramovich, you know, Roman Abramovich who owns Chelsea Football Club.
He's handed over control of it now because I think he reads some of the writing on the wall in terms of his assets.
But I think his parents, if I'm not mistaken, I think Abramovich's parents still live in Ukraine.
It is fascinating shit, but one of the things that fascinates me about the oligarchs is why are they going after those guys?
Are they going after those guys because they have influence over Putin and that the more those guys get their money taken away and their assets taken away and get their bank accounts seized, That this will somehow or another make these incredibly wealthy people less supportive of Putin?
Well, it's the idea being that the more uncomfortable they are, the more it hurts them, the more likely they are to pressure Putin into changing his strategy, his thought process, coming to the table, doing some sort of ceasefire.
It's one of those, even doing it for humanitarian corridors, right?
People imagine somehow that it's a tidy process.
And it's not.
I mean, you pointed out it's a major goat rope, right, if we do something along those lines.
And the chance for direct conflict is massively increased.
And Even if it's just, you know, it doesn't matter whether it's NATO or whether it's us, we're all in the same, you know, shitstorm then at that point, theoretically, right?
And maybe Putin, one of his calculations is, I don't know, you know what, you know, is NATO really going to push?
You know, it's 30 countries.
I think one of the things he was looking to do was try to identify if there are any cracks in NATO as well.
So, you know, they're staring at everything that NATO and the U.S. does and saying, You know, where's the weakness here?
Do we have some weak links?
Do we have some countries?
And there are a handful of countries now calling for a no-fly zone from NATO, right?
I think Lithuania, yeah, the Baltic states, basically.
Because why?
They feel the most threatened, basically.
And so, yeah, I think it's...
You talk about what's a bridge too far.
I think that's a bridge too far.
I think we do not want to engage in that game because that I don't think ends particularly well.
And then they tighten up a fist, and the next thing you know, it's take downs.
Yeah, I mean, it seems like with mutually assured destruction because of the nuclear power, Yeah.
It seems like, how do you negotiate your way around that?
How do you get out of that while you're actually killing people?
Because they're actually shooting missiles into apartment buildings.
We're seeing the destruction.
We're seeing the real consequences of war.
I mean, I watched a video.
It was horrible.
It looked like old ladies, like a house coat.
That were outside this apartment building that were blown apart, and these people were screaming and crying, and the dust was in the air, and they'd just been hit by missiles.
They've literally rebelized Mariupol, right, which is strategically as important from the Russian military's perspective, right?
And we have these – you hear the politicians talking.
Well, is it a war crime?
I don't know.
Is it a war crime?
We're going to have to gather evidence and we're going to have to take it to the international court and we're going to have to decide when everybody can see it, like you just said.
And so it's clear that they're engaged in war crimes, right?
So that's another part that you have to put into the mix when you're trying to determine what Putin's plans and intentions are, right?
He's gone this far, right?
And he's gone that far before.
Look, he helped Assad in Syria.
They didn't have a problem with chemical weapons at that point.
Didn't bother him.
And so, yeah, you have to...
And again, it all gets thrown in the mix when you're trying to think about what the hell is his mindset?
What is he going to do next?
What is he thinking?
And so if you look at that and you go, okay, he's clearly doing the same thing he's engaged in in the past, right?
And they, you know, Chechnya is another good example, but...
It doesn't...
So we sometimes process things the way that we do, right?
We process things through our lens and as, you know, okay, here in America, it's Americans and through our values and, you know, people always say, oh, yeah, yeah, yeah, yeah.
But we do, right?
I mean, we try to, you know, okay, this...
And we mirror those values in on whoever our opponent is.
And we can't do that with Putin.
We can't do it with Xi.
We have to be, you know, we have to be smarter than that.
But anyway, yeah, I'm not...
I'm not particularly optimistic that Putin's going to look at all this and go, okay, I'm going to back off.
I do worry that what his thought is at this stage of the game is I've gone this far.
It doesn't mean he's going to use tactical nukes or he's going to, you know, thermobaric weapons or, you know, which, again, he's used and, you know, I don't think he's going to have a serious problem with that.
But there's talk about chemical weapons and...
At what point do we if he goes that far?
I mean, imagine him using chemical weapons on the people of Kyiv because he just can't break that nut.
What are we going to do?
Does he think NATO at that point is going to step in?
Well, are you going to get 30 countries all in agreement to use military force at that point in defense of people who aren't in a NATO country?
So again, that's why I think one of Putin's efforts here has been to try to identify weaknesses within that alliance and see if he can play on that as well.
And that's why I say, you know, does he realistically, does his command staff, do they realistically believe that – and going back to your question before and your point before, which is, okay, so what was he thinking?
What did he think was going to happen?
Again, I think the assessments were so far off base, but they honestly believed they were going to get much more support from the Ukrainian people than they imagined.
I mean, again, in part because they thought, well, they'll be far more docile than they are because there is some history there, obviously, and there's a lot of mix, right?
A lot of family with family in Russia, a lot of Russians with family in Ukraine.
I think they just imagined somehow that it was going to blend.
And that's just a failure of intelligence gathering and understanding, you know, risk versus gain.
And I think, so that was a real problem.
And they assumed that, you know, okay, we'll be into Kyiv.
We'll get rid of Zelensky.
We'll have a puppet, you know, regime in place probably within the first week.
And Bob's your uncle.
No one's going to do anything about it because nobody did anything about Crimea.
Nobody did anything about Georgia.
The world pretty much left them alone in Chechnya.
So, you know, they were basing it to some degree on past actions.
You know, to be honest, I don't have a real good answer for what has changed.
What was the difference?
In part, it was the size of the operation, right?
They're calling it a military operation.
I can't believe I just said operation.
The size of the invasion.
And I think there was a sense with Zelensky that, look, it wasn't going to happen Because there wasn't a Russian-backed sort of puppet regime or a regime in place that was supportive of Russia.
And so that had a lot to do with it as well.
The current government under Zelensky is not inclined and hasn't been inclined.
And they don't view themselves as controlled by the Russians.
In fact, Zelensky was put in place because for the very reason that they were going to...
You know, advance the ball with the West and, you know, create more of a relationship there.
That's what the people wanted.
That's why they threw out the last president.
Because they didn't like the fact that they were getting closer and closer to Russia.
Well, that was a possibility because there was, you know, intel that he'd moved to Minsk, right?
So he was going to be sitting in Belarus waiting.
And then once they got to Kiev, they just, you know, he shows up.
And somehow, you know, if that was the case, and that was who they were going to pick, I mean, it does seem insane that you're going to install the previous guy who was thrown out.
But, you know, again, if you think that their assessments were so bad, maybe that was the case.
It started as street protests over a handful of things.
Corruption, ties to Russia, increasing ties to Russia.
Efforts by that regime at the time to back away from the West.
It was kind of a remarkable series of events, but it was a popular uprising, which is remarkable, right, in a sense.
And that's what you would like to think possibly could happen in Russia, where people are saying, you know what, we don't want to return to the breadlines here.
We don't want to be isolated like this.
We went through that long enough.
You know, we didn't think that's the way Russia was going.
But Ukraine didn't have an established ruler like Putin, who's been in there since 99. Like, how would anyone, outside of an assassination, how would anyone take over?
I mean, so he must be terrified of assassinations, or extremely paranoid at this point.
I think Sergei Skripal, I think Litvinenko, I think Navalny, I think they'd all think it's more than alleged, but they, yeah, he's never had a problem with reaching out and terminating political opponents wherever they happen to be, right?
And the favored method has always been poison, right?
And so Polonium 210 with Litvinenko.
And so I think...
Yeah, I think he's increasingly isolated, which causes problems for us because you do have to then figure out, okay, you know, what information is he getting?
How good is the information he's getting?
And is he making decisions based on sound intelligence and information?
Is he getting, you know, somewhat paranoid?
And there's been some reporting that, you know, he's fired a lot of his staff and brought in— Who the fuck does he bring in?
And this took place, I think it was close to Iran, the eight-year anniversary of the annexation of Crimea.
Look, but this does look, it looks exactly like what you would expect Soviet propaganda to look like, you know, or again, something coming out with Kim Jong-un in North Korea.
And it tells you, in a sense, again, putting all these little things into a bucket to try to assess his mindset, it tells you, why did he feel the need to do this?
Well, you know.
And how many of these people are actually out there To support it, how many were instructed in their apartment block, you know what, you're going to show up at the stadium, we're going to have a rally, we expect you to be there.
Well, they already know, I mean, most people there, because word does get around, I think they're aware that thousands of protesters have been arrested and aren't doing well just yet, but I think they understand that.
Yeah, I don't know what the production values are on state TV anymore.
I don't know.
It may not be quite as good as the NCAAs or something like that.
I think it's probably lacking.
But it's just a bizarre indication of the situation over there right now.
It's hard to read, right?
We'd like to imagine, because we imagine what we would do, we'd like to imagine, or would hopefully do, we imagine that the Russian people will get out there and say, no, this isn't right, but there's a lack of information.
So I think we need to, one of the things that we should be doing, hopefully we are, is trying to pump accurate information into the Russian population.
There's a lot of folks and there's, again, it's, you know, stories of, you know, you talk to people in the Ukraine and they've got relatives in Russia and the relatives in Russia are going, well, we're just, we're trying to beat back the neo-Nazis who are killing Russians in the eastern part of the country.
You think, oh, okay, that's your story?
But that's what's being fed on national TV or a state-run TV. And so in the old Cold War days, we had Voice of America, right?
I think we need sort of a Voice of America on steroids delivered very quickly so that we're getting accurate information so that they can kind of see what...
Again, we don't need to do propaganda.
All you got to do is show what the fuck's happening and what they're doing and at least give them that opportunity to see what is going on.
You know, easier said than done, but it's an important part of this exercise.
It's a traditional covert action campaign, right?
Just like we tried to do in the Cold War, you know, to let them know what the hell is happening in the rest of the world.
I mean, if the internet is down and all they have access to is state-run television, they've got to be suspicious if the internet is down, right?
I mean, that's one of the things that I've heard from friends that are Russian, is that Russians don't trust anything the politicians say or anything the news media says anyway.
They have a dismissal of anything that's like the standard narrative.
They're worried about happening in America.
It's one of the things that...
People say when they talk about the misinformation that like when CNN lies about stuff and when they withhold information, they worry that we're going to eventually develop this same sort of nonchalant attitude about our mainstream media.
And then you have the media here saying, well, it doesn't make sense.
Why do they distrust us?
You know, why isn't it?
And in part, it's because, you know, every outlet now spends more time on opinion pieces and opinion, you know, journalism than just reporting the facts, right?
Just, you know, someone should dump some money into a network that does nothing but, like the old CNN. They're doing that, supposedly.
And so the new owners of CNN apparently want to re-establish objective journalism on CNN, which is wise, because first of all, there's a market for it.
And that would be a great thing if that's the case and CNN is actually able to do that.
I mean, you remember when they spent a lot of money on field bureaus and you knew that, okay, I'm going to turn on CNN because I'm going to get the news.
And that's one of the reasons why independent news is thriving now.
And they're trying to stifle that.
It's one of the things that people have a problem with also with social media is that independent news sources are being stifled while these corporate news sources are being promoted.
I'm just going to say what seems to be the situation on the ground or whatever it is.
And...
You know, how about that?
And so there's a number of times now where you just have to say, no, I can't do it.
I'm not available because it's not advancing the ball.
And it's kind of, in fact, it's feeding the beast here, right?
It's just like, all I'm going to do is sit there and listen to somebody yell at me and then I'm supposed to yell at them and nobody learns, you know, anything.
Well here we are, we're two hours plus into this, and there's been no commercials, right?
So we're just talking.
And when you realize that, when you're going on one of these other shows, they're so handicapped by the format that they exist in, where they have an hour to do the show, and in between segments you're gonna have to pause your commercial, You have to interrupt the conversation.
You have to come back and pick up and usually you've got a whole new subject when you come back.
So you get a cursory examination of each individual topic and it's all based on having people argue.
Well, it works in part because, I mean, again, this is not rocket science, but I think it works in part because people love to have their opinions affirmed or reaffirmed.
If I can tune into a station and I think a certain way, I don't really want to know what the fuck's going on.
I just want someone to tell me I'm right.
So that's where, and again, it doesn't matter whether you're right or left.
The left will say, oh, that's Fox.
And Fox would say, well, that's MSNBC. And in reality, it's both sides.
It's part of its human nature.
But if you had that outlet that just said, all right, here's what's going on right now.
Here's the footage.
Here's what's happening.
And then, yeah, I don't need to dive into, well, okay, well, you tell me how I'm supposed to think about that, or have six people come on in different boxes on the screen and kind of yell at each other for 20 seconds each, and then I'm supposed to make sense of it.
No wonder we're kind of fucked.
And there's short attention span, and you try to talk to kids.
I mean, I try to talk to the boys all the time about what's going on now, as an example, in Russia, because I want them to understand, right?
And I just want them to understand how complex things are, you know, and not to just go to school, and they'll hear some kid parrot something that their parents said, And they'll come back and they'll repeat it and I'll say, well, why do you think that is?
So, I don't know.
I worry that, again, here I go again.
I'm going to talk about one of my kids.
My daughter, when she was in university, she got out of university and we were talking about it shortly after her graduation and one of the things she talked about was...
You know, I spent like, you know, four years, thank God it was only four years, four years not really saying anything in classes where there would be, you know, a conversation because she's sort of a centrist, right?
So she's not hard left and, I mean, she's kind of, she's nicely balanced, right?
I mean, I think she's turned out to be a real smart person, but she just wouldn't open her mouth in conversations in the classroom Because if she had a dissenting opinion, she didn't want to get into it.
And so she just never argued.
And she said that was not uncommon.
If somebody was really strong about something or felt really strong about something, fine, just let them go and don't debate it.
People talk about it, and so I'm not raising anything new.
It hits home when it's your kid and you've spent all that money on their university education.
What it is is ages, it's first through third grade, they're saying you're not supposed to talk about sexual orientation, Gender orientation or sexual proclivity or what you're interested in.
They said you should just teach math and science and history to little kids.
When kids get older and they develop feelings for either the same sex or opposite sex or they feel like they're in the wrong body, then these conversations should be had by qualified people that can discuss this from a nuanced perspective and understand what the psychology of a young person who's trying to figure out who they are in the world is.
But the idea that this is, don't say gay, because you're saying that ages, first grade to third grade, that you shouldn't be bringing up these subjects to them.
I think a lot of people are saying, no, I just don't want you grooming my kids for whatever your ideology is, whether it's a right-wing ideology or a left-wing ideology.
That we, as parents, I think, you know, that's what you expected, right?
I think one of the things the pandemic did was it kind of showed, because you had to homeschool all of a sudden, we had a nation full of homeschoolers working with their schools, local schools, then they started to realize, wait a minute, their assignment is what?
They got to do what?
And so I think it did raise this awareness level.
I mean, I agree.
Look, I agree.
One of the funny things about, you know, conservatives I've always found is that, you know, they talk about freedom and, you know, small government.
A lot of times, you know, government just got to get out of the way.
And then at the same time, they want to, like, you know, orchestrate what goes on in the bedroom.
And you think, how about you just stay out of all that shit?
Stay out of all the social shit.
Everybody just do that.
Democrats, Republicans, stay out of all that bullshit.
As a government, just focus on the things you're supposed to focus on.
National security, infrastructure, treaties with foreign countries.
Try not to fuck things up, but otherwise, stay out.
It's always one of those things where...
I can see why it drives the left crazy with Republicans where they just can't help themselves.
They keep diving back into abortion.
They keep diving back into the gender, the gay issue, whatever it is.
I just think, no, how about you just stay out of the kitchen and focus on the big things?
All this is like you're teaching fucking seven-year-olds.
All that stuff is hard enough.
But first of all, it's not your business to indoctrinate a child into your ideology.
And I think there's many teachers that feel like that is their business and that part of their job is not just to teach a child about important things, about science and math, but they feel like it's to prepare a child for what they think is a better world, whether it's a more conservative world or it's a more progressive world.
I think there's a lot of people that have a real issue with that.
Well, it's the difference between teaching a kid how to think and what to think.
And so I think there is that divide.
And over the years, we've had some outstanding teachers for our kids.
And then every now and then you'll get a teacher who seems like they're just kind of...
They're not focused, right?
And it's more about, I'm going to teach your kid what to think, as opposed to how to think.
Right, right, right.
Yeah, it's interesting, but I don't know.
Again, you raise all these issues, and then you think, well, how do we walk it back?
How do we change that?
And that's always where you kind of run up against, you know, you've got to get smarter people in office.
You know, it's a problem.
But I do think, going back to kind of where we are in the world today, I worry that You know, collectively, NATO, the U.S., maybe we're suffering as a result of not consistently sending our best and brightest into leadership positions.
You see the way people get attacked and brutalized on the campaign trail.
It's like, Jesus Christ, who wants to subject themselves to that?
Not only that, but there's also such a disingenuous quality to it.
The very people that are attacking you and calling you the worst piece of shit that's ever lived, then they'll join up with you and be your vice president and go, hey, it was just politics.
Yeah, and I think that's a big problem that the president's having right now is sort of the credibility issue.
And I mean, who knows where this is going to go?
I don't want to dive into politics necessarily, but you look at the midterms coming up, and you look at the presidential election in 2024, and I'm not particularly optimistic regardless of where it goes, how it turns out, right?
Because We got the same cast of characters for the most part, and we just keep shuffling them around until they get old enough to pass away.
Yeah, and you do get a lot of people who are like, I was head of the Young Democrats Club, or I was head of the Young Republicans Club, and now I'm going to be a state legislator, and then I'm going to run for Congress, and it becomes this career thing that goes on, which, again, coming back to term limits, but then it comes back to what you said, which is, well, if you keep rotating this, you know, and you've only got people in office for a certain period of time, yeah, it's...
Well, they changed it from four-year terms to six-year terms, and now it's written basically so that he literally can stay until 2036. So that's, again, new math, but I should have spent more time on STEM. So another 14 years, and he'll be 75, no, 73 years old?
Well, the way that ends well is if both sides give up enough, right?
And Putin, now think about this, Putin then has to essentially retreat, move all his personnel, all that hard work, out of the country.
You gotta think about what a process that is, right?
And what that's gonna look like and what Putin imagines that to look like.
So he's gonna have to gain some real concessions here from Zelensky in order to, in his mind, I suspect, justify that withdrawal.
But I don't think Again, of course, I always be wrong, but I don't think that he sees a long-term occupation of Ukraine as an endgame here, because it just appears that he's just hell-bent on busting it,
and maybe he thinks at that point, if he breaks the will so badly, that he'll walk away We're good to go.
Yeah, and there is that talk that says, well, if he feels backed into a corner, then he'll launch the tactical nukes, or he'll use chemical weapons, and then the question becomes, what do we do?
I mean, look, the response time nowadays, I mean, in the old days it was, I don't want to say it was easier, but it was in a sense.
The attack time, Calculation was a lot different.
In the old days, the Cold War, beginning of the Cold War, whatever, a Soviet bomber takes, you know, five hours to get into, you know, position for U.S. airspace.
And that's five hours.
And then with missile technology, it eventually made its way down to about 15 minutes less with a sub-launched missile.
And So suddenly your attack time, you know, to consider a response, a retaliatory response was down to, you know, minutes rather than hours and hours.
And now with the development of hypersonics, right, you're talking about no time whatsoever.
You're talking about weapons that can completely evade current existing air defense systems.
Mutual assured destruction was in part based on this idea of a retaliatory response.
So I can go in and I'll have time to respond to your attack.
So it takes that off the table, which is a frightening thought, which is why the development of hypersonics is so important, and we talked about that before.
It's part of the new theater of war.
And that also includes everything, including cyberspace.
And Russia has not really, Putin has not launched the sort of cyber attacks, I think, that people were imagining would take place, right?
And there was some talk here in the States saying, oh, my God, we got to be, well, we do have to be prepared.
There was this thought process that he was going to attack the US in a sort of significant way through cyberspace.
But that is a definite scenario that can't be ignored at all.
And we still haven't done enough to protect our systems, both commercial and government.
And then also, you know, space and the weaponization of space.
So all these new theaters of war, but part of it is also the removal of that mutually assured destruction doctrine, right?
And the idea that...
I mean, look at the Soviet thinking, right?
The Soviet thinking back in...
In the 80s, late 70s, 80s, they established a weapons system that didn't need any humans, right, to launch the nuclear missiles because they thought to themselves, all right, response time is getting to be a problem.
What if we lose all our leadership?
So they developed a weapons system that if the Soviet leadership is wiped out...
The system will essentially go out there, look for that leadership.
If it's not there, it will, on its own, send signals to launch the remaining available surviving missiles that are out there.
And so it was called the dead hand system, perimeter or whatever.
But again, that's another important thing to think about when you're talking about Putin's mindset and where he comes from and sort of the development of military strategy and how you act.
So, yeah, and that's one of the reasons why the Biden administration, rightly so, is so concerned about escalating to a point where we're getting dangerously close to something that we thought was pretty much off the table for all these decades, right?
Nuclear war, you know?
And so, rightly so, you have to be careful.
Again, people are quick to criticize whatever administration's in power, but I think you have to It has to be more of a conversation than that.
You can't just say, I disagree with them because they're in the other party or whatever.
If he decides that a tactical nuke, one individual tactical nuke to send a message, Kills 100,000 people.
They've already killed a few thousand people.
And he's lost a few thousand people.
He thinks the way to stop the bleeding and keep this from escalating to a point where he loses 100,000 troops is to just drop a nuke.
And then we have to figure out what happens next.
Like, imagine a world in 2022, which is so nuts to think that a nuclear bomb could be detonated By a superpower like Russia just to say, hey, I'll do this.
Because we always kind of placed it on, okay, rational actors out there.
I mean, there's always the outlier, okay, what a rogue state gets it or a terrorist group gets one.
But we always had it in the back of our minds that it was rational actors and so therefore this is how it won't play out because people will be rational.
Yeah, and now we're faced with this question again and the question is, you know, if that happens, if he fires a tactical nuke, Because he's decided, again, he's just going to break it.
He's having a hard time encircling Kyiv.
He's not, you know, making the headway he wants to.
He feels as if he either wins or he's out of power and he does this.
It's, you know, it's the unknown.
What are we going to do?
Do we think that?
It's like with China.
If China goes after Taiwan, says we're taking Taiwan, Do we think that the US is going to get into a shooting match with China to save Taiwan?
You know, I'm not in charge, but...
I suspect there's going to be a lot of debate about that.
And by the time we finish that debate in our democracy, maybe it's too late.
Yeah, there's been all sorts of developments in terms of...
Because you want to be able to...
Hypersonics, you want to be able to...
Use a variety of platforms.
Now, the thing about it, the thing with submarine-launched attacks was it got you closer, right?
It got you closer to the target.
With hypersonics, it doesn't really matter because of the speed with which they're moving and the ability to evade air defense systems because they're moving in an unpredictable pattern.
Ballistic missiles kind of go up, they come down, you can plot the trajectory and you know how to intercept.
Hypersonics don't move that way.
They don't move at those predictable speeds.
So, you know, that's where the attack time is completely, reaction is completely recalculated.
And that's where the problem is.
And again, we've talked about it before, but that's why it's so important, I think, for people to pay attention to, you know, who's doing what?
Where are these developments coming from?
Where are people spending their money on weapon systems?
Why is that important?
Why is weaponization of space important?
Why is, you know, cyber warfare?
What are the rules in cyber warfare?
We don't have any because it's unknown turf and we don't know how bad it could get, how quickly it could go south.
And so people are very reluctant to talk about major cyber warfare scenarios.
And those grids are being tested all the time, right?
Okay, fine.
People say, well, we do the same thing.
Well, yeah, we do.
We're plotting and planning.
We're testing infrastructure and nations that don't have our interests at heart.
But China, Russia, Iran...
Any nation that's got the ability, they every day are testing our systems and they've been drawing up maps and understanding the weaknesses and the access points and they've been doing it for years and they've got playbooks in place already.
So if it were to head south that way and suddenly we're in this goat rope, then they just turn to their playbook, they open up to page one and they've already got it mapped out because that's what they've been doing.
They've been testing our systems for a long time.
And, yeah, our power grid goes down and it shuts everything down, you know, fuel, transport, access to cash, food, health care.
It's a, yeah, I mean, you can imagine the message.
I mean, people are inconvenienced when, you know, a winter storm causes a power outage for two days, right?
There's an article I read yesterday about Oliver Stone sitting down with Putin and watching Dr. Strangelove.
And it's all about, I mean, I don't think Putin had ever seen the film, and that film is all about a bunch of generals who think it's a good idea, and they talk about it, these very preposterous ways of starting these nuclear bombs.
And by the way, Oliver Stone, when he was on, was saying that this film, Dr. Strangelove, was based on real live conversations, exaggerated, but real live conversations that generals had had during the Cold War about launching a first strike nuclear attack on China or Russia because they're worried about them eventually doing it to us.
And Putin says it indeed makes us think, despite the fact that everything you see on screen is make-believe, he foresaw some issues even from a technical point of view.
I mean, things that make me think about real threats that exist.
This is Putin watching Dr. Strangelove talking to Oliver Stone About, you know, this satirical movie from, I suppose, like 1960-something, right?
Yeah, no, it's old Slim Pickens riding the bomb down, yeah, at the end.
And, yeah, it is.
It was based on, there were, I mean, the conversations that took place seem surreal when they start talking about accepted casualty numbers during the Cold War.
They're talking about, you know, if you have to launch a retaliatory strike, okay, what, you know...
What are acceptable casualty numbers?
What are anticipated casualty numbers?
What does the president do in times?
I mean, they have presidential executive action documents that were created in case of an attack, right?
And what the authorities that would be given to the president to make, you know, unique individual decisions, right?
In a situation like that.
It's a remarkable period of time.
And now, bizarrely, We seem to be back in the Cold War.
I don't even think this is going to be a wake-up call if we get through this.
My fear is that people will just move on to the next thing to be outraged about.
I'm really concerned because I feel like unless things physically change...
With our society and our life, unless there's some sort of physical action like a 9-11.
One thing after 9-11 is the amount of people that drove around with American flags in their car was insane.
There was a feeling of patriotism.
You felt united.
There was less road rage.
People were kinder.
It was different.
It was like we felt like we were all in it together.
And we don't feel like that right now.
Now we're separated by ideology and left versus right and blue versus red and who controls this and the midterms are coming up and we have to drop some restrictions and people are going to vote the wrong way and all this craziness that has us divided.
We can't compare the two, I guess, but we should be...
We should be smart enough.
And that's why, for a brief moment, it was like, oh, we're all Americans.
We all have to support the government and make sure that we're doing the right thing in terms of Russia and Ukraine.
And that only lasted for a couple of days.
And then it's all like, ah, you know, Biden screwed up, or, you know, they're not doing their part.
So the Republican, you know, they talked a good game up in Washington, D.C. for a couple of days about how, well, we are all coming together, and this is something that we all have to be worried about.
It's national security.
And then they couldn't help themselves.
And so now we're back to partisan politics over something as important as what we're currently facing.
I was going to say part of it is understandable in the sense that everybody's putting food on the table.
They're worried about their kids.
They're worried about getting to work in the morning or finding a job or whatever.
And so unless it's a direct attack on the home front, it really needs to be that.
It needs to be a punch in the face that you actually feel as opposed to...
Something like this, which for a lot of folks, I think, seems like a theoretical exercise.
You hear a lot of people saying, well, why should we be concerned?
Why are we getting wrapped into this?
And rightly so.
Again, we don't want a nuclear war with Russia, but we do need to be aware of what it means.
What are the long-term ramifications if Putin is successful and just we accept the fact that he now holds Ukraine and then he decides...
Okay, well, maybe Moldova's next, because I'm kind of pissed off about Moldova, and they're making noises now about possibly, and he's already got a sort of a Russian-backed part of Moldova, right?
So you could see him securing Ukraine, and then looking at Moldova and saying, well, half the population's already in my camp.
Wednesdays, 9 p.m., Science Channel, and it's on Discovery+.
Yeah, Black Files Declassified.
It's season two.
We traveled all over the fucking place.
And we got some great, great stories, a lot of good investigations.
We could spend a whole hour talking about MKUltra again that we looked at.
I did an interview with...
I might have mentioned this to you last time, but with a woman whose sister was one of the subjects up in Canada of a doctor who was being funded through MKUltra and what she went through, completely broke her as a person, ruined the family, you can imagine, over a period of time.
And it never got over it.
This poor woman was in an institution being essentially experimented on by, you know, what was essentially supposedly Canada's leading, you know, psychiatrist.
And some of their funding was coming from the MKUltra project all those years ago.
And sitting down with this woman, who is this lady's younger sister, and she's now obviously much older and It was just heartbreaking because it really brought it home.
I mean, sometimes you can look at these things and they go, wow, that's fucked up.
But to see a person that actually was affected by it.