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Oct. 19, 2022 - Doug Collins Podcast
36:50
Eminem is 50 and I feel old, and other thoughts
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You want to listen to a podcast?
By who?
Georgia GOP Congressman Doug Collins.
How is it?
The greatest thing I have ever heard in my whole life.
I could not believe my ears.
In this house, wherever the rules are disregarded, chaos and mob rule.
It has been said today, where is bravery?
I'll tell you where bravery is found and courage is found.
It's found in this minority who has lived through the last year of nothing but rules being broken, people being put down, questions not being answered, and this majority say, be damned with anything else.
We're going to impeach and do whatever we want to do.
Why?
Because we won an election.
I guarantee you, one day you'll be back in the minority and it ain't gonna be that fun.
Hey everybody, Doug Collins.
Welcome back to Doug Collins Podcast.
Glad to have an old friend of the show.
He's been around before.
He's been on the show before, but also someone I've known for more years than I think he and I won't admit at times.
It's one of those things.
Jason Pye, Due Process Institute, is with me today.
We're going to talk about some things in Washington, criminal justice, also third party.
But also, you know, in mentioning that, Jason, one, welcome back to the podcast.
But you know, us knowing each other as long as we have, it did remind me of something that I saw online yesterday, that I really felt old.
M&M turned 50. Yes.
M&M turned 50. It's like, oh gosh.
First of all, thanks for having me back on.
It's always good to see you.
And you're right.
We have known each other since probably 2007-ish.
Something like that.
It's really funny.
You say that and I was listening to a song by one of the bands I grew up on.
It's an old punk rock band.
And this record that they put out in the year 2000, they said, we're pushing 40 and we're doing just fine.
They were pushing 40 in 2000, so that means they've got to be pushing 60 now.
60. Yeah.
Yeah.
And it's, wow, okay.
All right.
I feel old now.
Well, it is.
There's these things, and for those of you on the show, you always know we're going to have a great time, especially with our great guests.
But, you know, there's been some of these things coming out lately on some of the social media that, and I'll chase this rabbit for a minute, that gives you perspective, like, You know, the Mediterranean Sea would fit within the entire continental U.S. And, you know, that Australia is as wide as the moon.
You know, these kind of, you know, perspective pieces.
And then they start running perspective pieces like, you know, the music.
Like, you know, 20...
We were watching my...
One of the things when I get to stay at home is especially because the boys are basically gone out of the house.
And so it's me and the girls.
I am a girl, dad, and husband because Lisa and Jordan and our little Shih Tzu Cree are all that's here right now.
And she's here.
And so we watch movies at night.
So we try to watch different movies.
We were watching Rush Hour 1, 2, and 3. So we watched all three of them.
And what I like to do is, and I'm just weird, especially when I'm at home, I'll sit there and look up the movies on my phone and get the background.
And it was like 1998 was the first rush hour.
Yeah, I would have been a junior or senior in high school.
I was a dad of three.
Give me a break.
Actually, it's funny.
I do the same thing you do.
Because when I'm watching a movie, I sit there and look up just the background and stuff.
Because I have a Wikipedia app on my phone, and I'll sit there and look it up.
But yeah, I graduated from high school in 1999, Doug.
I'm sorry.
Well, I got you one.
Chris Tucker, by the way, Decatur boy.
Last I heard, I remember hearing in front of, when I worked down at Stockbridge, Somebody said he lived in Eagles Landing Country Club for a while.
I don't know if he's still around.
Chris has had a lot of issues over the years with that little three-letter word from the government called IRS. Look, I'm one of those weird guys.
We're on a round podcast this morning.
It's pretty good.
I'm one of those guys that worry when I get the $3.
Oh, you didn't underpay your $3.
I'm terrified the IRS is going to break down my door.
Some people get $2 million.
It's like, what?
How do you do that?
No, no.
It's like him, Wesley Snipes, a few other people who have had serious issues with the IRS. But hey, You know, you've got, what, 70,000, 80,000 new IRS agents, so, you know.
Yeah, it's nuts.
Well, look, we understand why Willie Nelson got behind in his, okay?
He just didn't remember the ass.
You smoke that much weed, that was the problem.
It's funny you mentioned, because I remember Chris Tucker, because he was in the movie Friday.
I don't know if you ever saw Friday.
I think that came out in 93 or 94. So, Chris Tucker wouldn't do the sequels because he had set his life on the right track, at least in terms of stopping smoking weed and things like that.
So, good for him.
The original Friday is still one of the best movies I've ever seen.
You gotta love it.
Well, speaking of, you know, and here, okay, here's one, you know, and this is a, you know, you brought this up and let's think about this because one of the issues that's coming up in the midterms is really facing, you know, some of the Biden, you know, they're running on their agenda and everything else.
But one of that is that, you know, increasing IRS agent 70, 80,000.
I talked to a member, a Republican member, the other day, and it made a great point because this member and I went back and forth that the way that Congress and we did while I was there and even I do budgets is just completely whack.
I mean, it's just, you know, it's stupid because we get this idea, especially on the Republican side, is just take the hatchet.
You know, just, you know, here's the budget, cut it in half.
Doesn't matter where you cut it.
And what happened was, is most people, and we ran on this, we talked about it, but from the 2012 budget to about the 2017 budget, I guess it was, one of the areas that Republicans being in control of the House and then later the Senate as well, We're cutting because of the Lois Lerner stuff and all the stuff out of the IRS, was they were cutting the IRS back.
And folks, whether we like it or not, and there's a lot to not lie, don't get me wrong, the IRS is the agency that brings the money into the federal government and should so in a proper way.
The problem was they were abusing that.
I get that.
We're not going to go that route.
But what was happening is Is we have gotten down now that there are states, and I'll just leave this open, that they have very few true IRS agents, so to speak, to investigate true fraud.
And out of this COVID stuff and a lot of the others, the shams that's been going on, they don't have the manpower to actually do that.
And yet, you know, we're adding 75,000 agents, which are not going to do that.
They're going to go after small business.
This is a problem.
No, it really is.
And you mentioned the COVID fraud.
There have been dozens of examples that I've seen of fraud within the Paycheck Protection Program, which was the program that was created during, I think, the first COVID relief bill back in February or March of 2020. Of 2020. And, you know, there has been mention of investigations and arrests and some of that stuff, but the fraud that...
I saw something the other day, and hopefully I'm not misrepresenting it here, but it was just like the fraud was not necessarily wide scale, but it wasn't marginal either.
There was enough fraud in there, and the fact that they're not...
Investigating that kind of alarms me a little bit because they kept sight unseen.
They passed that.
They replenished the funding for it at least once.
I think they might have done it twice.
And there's no questions asked.
If you push back on it, you were heartless and basically wanted business owners to fail, which just boggles my mind.
But And I don't say that as a COVID skeptic.
I'm vaxxed.
I'm boosted.
But it's frustrating.
But this thing about these new IRS agents, I don't understand why Democrats thought this would be popular.
And I understand that they...
They needed the revenue, which CBO has said that this might bring in this much revenue, and they needed the revenue to pass their most recent partisan bill, the so-called Inflation Reduction Act.
But I don't understand why.
I really don't, Doug.
I don't understand why they thought this would be a popular move, and it's given Republicans another bludgeon with which to hit Democrats over the head.
Oh, it is amazing.
Look, being a conservative Republican, I'm not going to sit back and agree.
I definitely don't agree with the politics.
But normally, they've been a little better on messaging, at least in some of this.
But under Biden, it's like the political messaging went out the door.
And it went back to something.
I don't know if you and I have talked about this, but I've talked about it, frankly, on this podcast with McCarthy, Scalise, a lot of them.
And I've said, look, one of the reasons...
And I shared this with a group the other night.
I was in Osceola County, Florida at a GOP banquet, and I was the keynote speaker.
And I told them this, I said, you got to understand something.
That in the past 30 years, because I think it was 92, the Gingrich revolution, 30 years.
Now think about that.
It's about feeling old again.
30 years.
I mean, Boehner was the original Tea Party with a bag over his head with Vin Weber down on the floor about the banking scandal.
I mean, I am old here as we go back.
When you go back, Boehner was the arch-conservative.
This is where we're at.
And I'm on a side note here.
I'll probably get the hate on it.
DougCollinsPodcast.com.
There's an email button.
Send it to me.
But Boehner, the funny part was Boehner never really changed.
He just became speaker.
And took that role differently.
So again, something else to discuss.
Real fast.
And I say this Seven years ago when I was at FreedomWorks, we often targeted Boehner.
We actually had a decent relationship with Ryan's office.
I've come to respect Boehner a lot more now.
In hindsight, I wish he was still around.
You look at a lot of what's going on, and I agree.
That was the whole issue with Boehner.
I got to know Boehner pretty funny.
I could probably do a podcast on Boehner stories.
You know, because he just thought he was funny for me.
But if you look back on that 30 years in that situation, it is that the Democrats have only controlled, and this shocked these members of the GOP. I'm truly beginning to believe, and I mean this with love, that both party sides, okay, and even, you know, only tend to view the lenses through their own party.
They don't see the bigger picture.
It's like I've always said, I ask all the time, how many of you have ever read Saul Alinsky's book at a GOP rally?
Some of them look at me like, who is Saul Alinsky and why should I care?
I said, that's what the Democrats are running a lot of what they're based on about these old flyers.
Shouldn't you know that?
It's like Saban or Kirby Smart or anybody reading the other team's playbook.
But one of the things I said, there's only been eight years of Democrat rule in the House in 30 years.
I said, I want you to think about that for a second.
But then I stopped for a second.
And I said, but let's talk about some of the biggest pieces of legislation that affect your life today.
When were they passed?
In those eight years.
Obamacare, Dodd-Frank, you know, the climate stuff.
Then you get the infrastructure bill last year.
You get the Build Back Mansion bill.
You get the extra that caused the inflation of the bill last year with COVID. And you go back to what was happening at EPA and everything.
I said, so here's the deal.
It's the willingness to do the policy that is not there.
But I've just been amazed.
And I think really it goes back to what you said.
They, this, especially the last, these last 18, 20 months, they don't care.
They, I think they realize, hey, look, we're going to lose probably in November again, just like Pelosi knew she was going to lose in 10. So they're just saying, we're going to do whatever we want to do.
No, I think you're absolutely right.
I mean, and the, the, I don't think, I don't think the, the Number of seats Democrats are going to lose in this cycle is going to be, you know, anything close to what it was in 2010. I mean, I expect, you know, Republicans to come in with a majority of between 225-233, maybe.
And you and I haven't even talked about this.
This is pretty amazing.
I'm 225-235.
There you go.
I mean, because, I mean, you're looking at a lot of these districts, if you go to Cook Political Report and you look at House ratings and you look at the toss-up districts, most of them have a slight Democratic tilt, which means it's going to be really tough for a Republican who is not a moderate Republican or a center-right Republican to make headway.
And that Republican candidate is going to have to be very good.
But, you know, there's a couple of things.
I mean, you touched on a couple of things earlier.
Going back to 2010, Dodd-Frank and Obamacare, yes, it does have similarity to or parallels to what we're seeing in this Congress with Democrats with pushing the Inflation Reduction Act or Bill Beck-Mansion, as you said, and some of the other bills.
Like, they had that first bill when they came in last February.
I can't remember the name of it off the top of my head.
But, you know, another partisan budget reconciliation bill.
But, you know, it's just, I don't know, it's...
It's really interesting just to kind of watch politics today.
And you touched on something very specific that you probably don't realize you spoke my language when you said it.
But it's the fact that we don't go out of our silos to talk.
It's not even just talking to the other side.
I mean, of course, I encourage...
I have a lot of friends who are progressives and...
You know, we have great conversations.
We tend to avoid the issues where we have strong disagreements.
But, you know, Doug, you're a pastor.
You're a pastor.
I understand you've studied.
I would be willing to put money on the fact that you study Christian apologetics.
So you understand why you believe what you believe.
Yeah, a little bit.
And look, when I was involved in church, I studied Christian apologetics.
But you have to know why you believe what you believe, because it makes you a better defender of your arguments when you get into a debate with someone.
I know why I oppose socialized medicine.
I know why I oppose...
I mean, look, it comes as no surprise to you, Doug, that I am not a social conservative.
I respect social conservative beliefs.
I don't fault anyone for their faith.
But I know why I'm not a social conservative.
But I know why I believe in free markets.
And I can explain those things to you and get in debates with people about it.
Make my case and make it well.
But you have to know, it's not a hereditary thing.
You shouldn't be a Republican or a Democrat because your parents were Republicans or Democrats.
You should know why you believe what you believe.
It should be heartfelt.
And you should be able to defend it.
And look, I realize not everybody's a debater, but at least understand, at least you know why.
Yeah.
Oh, look, I'm one of those that came through college, got more conservative.
I came through because I was challenged.
I have to, you know, there was some areas that I was probably a little more moderate to liberal.
And I, whoa, whoa, this don't make sense.
Then I went to seminary.
Again, seminary actually solidified A lot of my faith beliefs and very conservative beliefs, it solidified.
I wasn't one of those that it took and said, no, actually I was challenged on it.
I had to know why I believed it and it made that way in law school.
Definitely for me, you're like, whoa, no, no, no, wait, wait, listen.
Let's look at the law as it is.
You know, let's see what it is.
So, I mean, I agree, but we've got to be challenged in that way.
You know, and I've said this before.
I said it the other night.
You know, there's two institutions right now that have become, you know...
The idea that maybe we don't have to go out and engage the world in the way we have.
And one is political parties, the other is churches.
And it's like, okay, folks, what are we doing here?
So it's an interesting process that we're in right now.
Again, I get the partisanship.
I've been there.
Ain't nobody going to look at me and know that I'm not a conservative Republican, except some Republicans who believe I'm not conservative enough.
Okay, let's just, you know, whatever.
Or they think, wow, you're a liberal.
I've always loved those.
You're a liberal.
Okay, well, really?
Okay.
Maybe classic liberalism, which I'm sure you wouldn't recognize in a book if I pointed it at you.
But, you know, that's a whole different issue.
Speaking of that, let's turn our attention.
I mean, I want to get...
One I'm going to talk before we get going is the Equal Act.
We got to get that thing done.
I mean, there's just so much...
And let's just hit that real quick and we'll move on to something else.
Equal Act for those or not...
And it's got to get done in some form.
Some shape, form, or fashion.
It's got to get done.
And...
I think that's going to be a key.
Your hopes, I know you're like me, and we're going to be probably working on this some more together.
But NDA, I think, is a great place for it, or a CR would be a great place for it if we could get it in.
I'm very concerned that Republicans are going to block the ability to do a CR, especially if they take the House, and definitely if they take the Senate.
Which means that for me in the military, it's problematic because, you know, again, military is sort of in a standstill when you do a CR. It's just not there.
And the normal stuff gets done.
What are we seeing right now, Deepa?
Well, I think the play right now that we've been working on, and you're right, there are two, there are going to be a couple different pieces of legislation, maybe as many as four, that come to the floor during the lame duck session.
Uh, two of those are not ideal places for, for this.
The other two are.
One of those is, uh, the, the omnibus, which, which, or CR, uh, and I, I really, Doug, I think you're right.
I think it depends entirely on what the outcome of the election is.
If it's, if Republicans take back the House, which is likely, and they, they, uh, take the Senate, which is, I think it's less likely, um, I'm not saying it's unlikely.
It's less likely.
I think we're looking at a CR that kicks government funding into February or March.
But if we get an omnibus, yes, it's a place to put it because you know from your time in Congress and in the House that they put all kinds of random stuff in the omnibus that sometimes has not even gone through regular order committee markups or hearings.
I remember one, the omnibus in 2019, I think, or I think it was 2019, where they stuck in an exemption from the minimum wage for minor league baseball into the omnibus, which was, that was like March 2019, I think, or 2018 or something like that.
So, but no, but the NDAA, and look, I understand there's some members of the Senate and the House who don't like putting non-defense related legislation into NDAA. The fact of the matter is, and you know this well, Congress has made it that way because of the hyper-partisanship in Congress.
Both sides of the aisle screaming at each other all the time have made it to where that there are only limited opportunities to actually do some real legislating that can't be done by voice vote or unanimous consent, which don't require roll calls.
So NDAA presents a pretty good opportunity for us to put it in there.
Obviously, Obviously, we're running into some issues, issues that were expected, but the amendment has been introduced.
We've got Senator Booker working with Senator Portman, so you've got some bipartisanship there.
And we've got, I think, five or six Republican co-sponsors other than Senator Portman.
And we're looking to add some others.
And we have great support from conservatives like Senator Paul, who co-sponsors the Equal Act, S-79 in the Senate, and hoping to add him to the amendment as a co-sponsor as well.
But obviously, you know, this is...
The way the process works is we have to get sign-off from the ranking member of Armed Services and the chairman of Armed Services, and they have to get sign-off from the ranking member and chairman of Senate Judiciary.
It's a complicated process, but we've heard this is going to be a priority for Senate leadership going into We're hopeful.
Look, this bill, if it were brought to the floor, it would pass.
It has 11 Republican co-sponsors.
Passage is not a question mark.
It's will the Republicans who oppose it continuously stand in our way and be a roadblock for no real reason other than they can.
The policy objections to this bill have been debunked thoroughly.
And the policy objections are just really sort of lame stuff, just to put a nice little adjective on it.
And we've thoroughly debunked those.
And, you know, people say, like, well, crack is, you know, it's a huge problem.
No, it's not.
It's about 7% of all federal drug trafficking convictions.
That's down from 26.6% in 1996. So what are we talking about here?
Yeah.
So, we know it would pass.
It's just a matter of the roadblocks getting out of our way.
And I'm hopeful they will.
And, you know, We'll see.
I mean, it's something I'm working on pretty much consistently through the recess, because Congress is in recess right now before the election, and it's something I'll be spending a lot of my time on come mid-November and into December.
I understand that.
Well, before we get going, though, I want to move into something that you and I... One of the first times, Jason, when we first met, like I said, you were back in 2007, that time frame.
There was a time when I remember we were dealing with ballot access in Georgia.
And this was you back then, you know, fighting, we gotta have better ballot access in Georgia.
And you made sense.
I mean, there was a lot of issues with third party candidates and everything else.
But last night in the debate in Georgia, and I'm dating this a little bit, it was the debate with Governor Kemp, Stacey Abrams, and Shane Hazel, who is the libertarian in this race.
Interestingly enough, the libertarian in the Senate race is drawing 4% plus, which is really...
Drawn a lot of interest, and I have my own opinions about why that is, but because Hazel's not drawing that in the governor's race.
There's a big disconnect.
I think there is, you know, I've seen this a lot in who's voting where, but nevertheless, needless to say.
My problem last night was, and especially for someone who I know, a libertarian, who is, this is a...
The same people running it, and Hazel, who, by the way, ran as a Republican on a couple of occasions in the old, what was the 7th District.
He ran against Rob Woodall.
He's a very...
Very conservative, that's the best way to put it.
And again, I've met him before.
But last night, the interesting thing is he came, and this was some of the reaction that I just saw on social media, came off as belligerent.
He interrupted Abrams, he interrupted Kemp, interrupted moderators, and then made this argument, which we spoke briefly, but I'm sure for someone in your position, just made you cringe.
And his argument was, we need to send this to a runoff.
Not I want to win, not I have better ideas, but I'm in it to make the Georgia taxpayers spend more money for the next six, five weeks after the regular election.
Let me preface this conversation by saying, Doug, you said a buzzword earlier that I was trying to get a word in, but you mentioned the term classical liberal.
And that's largely how I identify my philosophical views these days, is classical liberal, which is not modern liberalism.
It's actually more in tune and more in line with what the Founding Fathers believed.
So I would refer to myself as a classical liberal.
We're going to have everybody heading to Wikipedia on this.
Yes, we are.
But no, which modern day classical liberal and libertarian have been somewhat intertwined.
I am not...
I'm no longer a member of the Libertarian Party for precisely this reason.
And it's because the Libertarian Party does not take itself seriously.
And I'll get to – just give me one – indulge me for a second here.
There are two very good libertarian candidates who are running, and if I were still a registered voter in Georgia, I would vote for them.
And one of those is Chase Oliver, who is the nominee for U.S. Senate, and the other one's Ryan Graham, who's running for lieutenant governor.
Both very good guys, both very smart guys, who are talking about issues from a classical liberal libertarian perspective that I tend to agree with.
Shane Hazel He should not be in this race.
If he had any dignity, he would drop out.
And the reason for that is precisely what the things you said.
He's belligerent.
He says random stuff.
He is not a serious candidate.
If his goal is to throw this into a runoff, then why are you running?
And you're right.
It's going to cost taxpayers in Georgia millions of dollars statewide because these small counties who are already facing budget crunches are going to have to find the money to do a runoff.
And this is This is fundamentally my issue with libertarian candidates.
They don't run to win.
Because they can't win.
And that's because the two-party system excludes them.
We talked about ballot access earlier.
There should be better ballot access.
There should be ranked choice voting to give people a better opportunity to not waste their vote.
They can rank in order.
But Shane Hazel is frankly an embarrassment to the Libertarian Party.
He's an embarrassment to even small ill-libertarians and classical liberals.
I read last night that he said there should be no gun laws, which I'm sitting here saying even the Supreme Court, Scalia and Thomas, said that the Second Amendment is subject to reasonable regulation.
You can't regulate it out of existence, but not everyone should own a bazooka.
I'm sorry.
I just, he does not, he harms the case.
And I'm not going to beat up on her, but there's a certain Congresswoman from Georgia who is the worst representation of the things she claims to believe in with some of the things she says.
She hurts her causes way more than she helps them.
It may get her on TV. It may get her retweets.
It may get her news articles and podcast interviews and all that stuff.
And that's great if you're grifting.
But it doesn't help your cause.
And Shane Hazel is the libertarian version of that.
And unfortunately, the Libertarian Party, Doug, and to just infuel me for a further couple seconds here, the Libertarian Party is undergoing the same pains that the Republican Party and to some degree the Democratic Party is as well, with an emergence, particularly on the right, the emergence of nationalism and anti-woke rhetoric.
And Shane is one of the people who's involved in that.
And I think it ultimately, and I'm not saying people should be woke.
I'm just simply saying that it's a reaction to what the left is doing.
Yeah, and that brings up, and what's interesting is in your argument there a little bit too, and this is, and I'd love to get, you know, real quickly, because you said you would vote for him.
And that is in this Senate race in which we acknowledge, you know, just because of the way it's set up.
I mean, he doesn't have a chance in the Senate race.
But yet right now, if drawing 4%, which again is a big if, And again, we've seen this before in polling.
We see the 4% or 5% libertarian, and all of a sudden it becomes the 2% in the general election.
Which, by the way, early voting in Georgia was extremely high yesterday.
Extremely high.
And it was extremely high.
I was in Atlanta yesterday across from what would be, and just the demographic is a Democratic stronghold, and they were out the door with buses and everything.
And so, you know, Republicans, you know, this ain't over in Georgia.
I'm going to say that from my perspective.
They better get out and understand that.
But real quickly, your take on the Walker-Warnock-Libertarian, why do you see it?
I mean, Warnock, I mean, there's been a lot of arguments, but he can't get over 50. Walker hasn't got over 50. You know, you can sort of say, well, Walker's had these other issues, but Warnock's had some other issues, but Walker, he's also spent $100 million using income, but...
Ultimately on that race, I think if it's a runoff, if it goes to a runoff, which I don't know where I come down on if it will or not, but if Warnock...
The consensus behind the closed door consensus has been getting more and more on the Republican, the Walker camp, and the Warnock camp.
I've had some contact sort of intermeans with both.
They are now setting aside substantial thought to a runoff.
Interesting.
If it goes to a runoff, I'm going to give it to Walker.
I think he ultimately wins.
But with someone like Chase Oliver, and this is part of my being involved in a third party and having a third party background.
Back in 2005-2006, I was state party chairman for the Libertarian Party in Georgia.
At the age of 25 years old, I don't recommend that to anyone, by the way.
With Chase Oliver, he says things from a perspective that I agree with on both markets and social issues, because Chase is the first gay Republican Senate nominee in Georgia history, and he brings that interesting perspective, which may scare off a lot of conservatives.
I disagree, but I respect it.
But...
With Warnock, I think the biggest problem he's facing is...
I'm a Georgia Bulldogs fan.
I don't have my Georgia Bulldogs.
I'm not in my office, so I don't have my football, all my stuff.
Yeah, I got my Kirby Smartball there.
There we go.
Yeah, I'm so jealous.
So with Walker, I respect him and I thought he was a great running back for UGA. I mean, prior to the last championship they just won, the last championship they won before that was the year I was born.
So, but, you know, the bar that was set for his campaign, which I watched the debate on Friday, was he just doesn't need to trip over himself.
He doesn't need to make a lot of gas.
And that was the bar that was set.
If you've ever seen the TV show The West Wing in one of the last seasons...
They released this tape of Leo McGarry.
Oh, it was great.
That was a great episode.
He's doing terrible because he's the vice presidential nominee with Matt Santos, and he's doing this terrible job in the debate.
And he comes out.
It was all a fake.
He ended up, you know, drubbing the Republican nominee for vice president, and he looked like a genius.
And they had set the bar low enough for him to come in and have a really great performance.
Walker did – Walker and his camp and Republicans did the same thing.
Warnock didn't look great either.
I want to be clear about that.
That was surprising to me.
And what really got me, though, Jason, was the fact that on the Friday night, he used his talking points.
He was just being stiff.
And then on Sunday night, he got chippy at an empty podium.
It's like, okay, if you're going to get chippy, get chippy when he's there.
Don't get chippy at an empty podium.
It was almost like he realized he screwed up Friday night.
And then try to take it out on Sunday.
But it's going to be interesting.
But I'll say this, and sort of closing this out a little bit.
I think the biggest problem Warnock has got is not Warnock, it's Joe Biden.
It's the atmosphere in Georgia all over, and I think that's going to be interesting.
Turnout, though, is going to be interesting.
And this is going to be, I'm holding my breath here because it's just, you know, it's setting itself up in Georgia just to sort of be interesting as we go forward.
Folks, Jason's going to be on more because this is just fun.
I mean, I enjoy doing these.
And Jason gets me off on tangents.
And probably going to go ahead right now is folks who will see this podcast.
You're going to see that the title is Eminem is 50 and I don't feel so good myself.
That's the title of this podcast today.
But it's always good to get Jason's insights in this podcast.
So folks, go out and have a great day.
Jason, thanks again, buddy, for being with me.
Thanks, Doug.
I appreciate it.
Take care.
And I'll see you soon, hopefully.
Oh yeah, we'll see each other soon.
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