June 21, 2024 - Bannon's War Room
47:56
| 
| Speaker | Time | Text |
|---|---|---|
| This is what you're fighting for. | ||
| I mean, every day you're out there. | ||
| What they're doing is blowing people off. | ||
| If you continue to look the other way and shut up, then the oppressors, the authoritarians, get total control and total power. | ||
| Because this is just like in Arizona. | ||
| This is just like in Georgia. | ||
| It's another element that backs them into a corner and shows their lies and misrepresentations. | ||
| This is why this audience is going to have to get engaged. | ||
| As we've told you, this is the fight. | ||
|
unidentified
|
All this nonsense, all this spin, they can't handle the truth. | |
| War Room Battleground. | ||
| Here's your host, Stephen K. Bannon. | ||
| It's Friday, 21 June, Irv Aller 2024. | ||
| Thank you for being here for our wrap up hour in the late afternoon, early evening edition of War Room. | ||
| We're very honored to have, Ben Harn was in Rome and he'll join me here momentarily. | ||
| We're very honored to have Colonel Douglas McGregor, not just one of the most brilliant, I would say geopoliticians, geopolitical thinkers, strategists, But also, and I think I can say this, one of the most controversial. | ||
| Colonel McGregor, first, honored to have you on here. | ||
| You've got an organization that you're running now, I want to get to in a minute, that American citizens and patriots can kind of join up. | ||
| Just your thinking, you know, we keep saying we're in the early stage of the kinetic part of a third world war. | ||
| Can you just walk us through, toward the horizon, what you see out there as a strategist and geopolitician of what's happening on the more national security, you know, conflict part of this, sir, and where the United States stands in all of it? | ||
| Well, first of all, I don't subscribe to the notion that there is anything more important happening overseas than what's happening inside our country right now. | ||
| The greatest threat that presents itself to us is what this government and what Washington is doing to us. | ||
| We would not now be embroiled in the war in eastern Ukraine in any way, shape or form if we had any common sense and understood that Russia is by no means a direct threat to the United States. | ||
| It's responding to the threats that we've created against it. | ||
| And in the Middle East, I think any other president, frankly, would have reigned in the Israelis a long time ago and pointed out the limitations of their power and the critical path that they're on. | ||
| So my view is that what's most important today are the open borders, the unprotected borders, the unrestricted admission to the United States of everyone and anyone, the destruction of the rule of law here at home, the rising criminality, and the weaponization of immigration, And virtually everything else the government can use against us, the American people. | ||
| We're the Americans. | ||
| We're not hyphenated. | ||
| We're not part-time. | ||
| And we are so-called Americans first. | ||
| You've spent your career, I would argue, in the belly of the beast, so you know this apparatus. | ||
| How did it get like this? | ||
| How does a guy like you that's a patriot and dedicate your life to not just service but defense of your country, defense of this republic, end up at the end of your career and say that the greatest threat, hey, I can look at, you know, you've got this thing in Ukraine, you've got this thing in Gaza, you've got this thing in the Red Sea, you've got the Taiwanese Straits, You know, South China Sea, but the greatest threat is a government that's been weaponized against the American people. | ||
| You've been an insider. | ||
| How did this happen? | ||
| I think we have to go back to the aftermath of 1991. | ||
| The victory in the Desert Storm created the illusion of almost limitless power. | ||
| At the same time, you had almost a restoration of conditions that existed at the end of the Second World War. | ||
| Remember when we emerged from the Second World War, we were the only country that was undamaged. | ||
| Virtually everybody else was in ruins. | ||
| Well, it's not quite the same in 1991 or 92, but that certainly applies to a large extent to the Soviet Union and its satellite states. | ||
| Virtually everyone that had adopted the Soviet model of economic and political development. | ||
| So in 1992, we suddenly found ourselves on the world stage with no one that we thought could challenge us. | ||
| And I would urge everyone to go online and read Paul Wolfowitz's memorandum that he penned at the time, which essentially outlines what we now call in retrospect, the unipolar moment, and then advocates the use of American military power to do anything we want, frankly, to not just export democracy at gunpoint, But to gain control of the Middle East, to gain control of other parts of the world that he judged and his friends judged as strategically important. | ||
| And we've been on that path ever since. | ||
| I don't think there's any evidence that we've deviated from it. | ||
| So if you read his 1992 memo, and then you move forward to today, I think you will see that we have a trail of destruction and ruin behind us. | ||
| And we've also ruined ourselves. | ||
| We have squandered our wealth, squandered our strength, At the same time, not just exporting our manufacturing base, but effectively destroying our military establishment along the way. | ||
| Because wars, even small ones, conflicts that are incessant, always tax military establishments and ruin them. | ||
| And that's what's happened to us, particularly in the last 21, 22 years. | ||
| You see, you've got a new site, Our Country... What's that? | ||
| Your new site is Our Country, One Country? | ||
|
unidentified
|
No, Our Country, Our Choice. | |
| So what does that mean, Our Country, Our Choice? | ||
| You're saying we have a choice as patriots to determine whether we continue down this path of empire and trying to be a hegemon or whether we go back to being a constitutional republic? | ||
| Is that the choice? | ||
| No, I think so. | ||
| I think so. | ||
| And I think the problem, and I'm sure you've witnessed this yourself, Most Americans and most of the time are complacent. | ||
| I remember years ago when Newt Gingrich caused the government to shut down. | ||
| And I watched this man on television. | ||
| I think he was on a bike. | ||
| He had a case of beer strapped to the back. | ||
| He was riding in some major city in the United States and he was stopped and the newsman said, well, what do you think about the government shutdown? | ||
| Does this affect you? | ||
| And he said, well, probably not. | ||
| I can, as long as I can go out and get a case of beer, watch the game tonight, and I'm secure in my apartment, I can pay my bills, you know, I don't really care. | ||
| And I think that's been the problem in the country for a very, very long time. | ||
| Americans have no real interest in going to war with Russia or China or Iran or anybody else. | ||
| They've been driven to these things by others who have an agenda. | ||
| The only American agenda I've ever seen is peace and prosperity. | ||
| And I think that could be reconstituted, as you say, but it's going to take a lot of effort now because we've done so much damage to ourselves. | ||
| But hang on. | ||
| You were an army officer for how many years, Colonel? | ||
|
unidentified
|
28. | |
| And how much of that time did you work, you were in the field, but you have worked at the Pentagon and been inside or those agencies associated with the Pentagon? | ||
| Yeah, I was assigned to the War Plans Division of the Army Staff, and the War Plans Division is a very interesting place. | ||
| That's where Marshall cultivated and effectively developed most of the senior officers of the Second World War. | ||
| They were under him there, and then when he became Chief of Staff of the Army, he continued to draw heavily on officers assigned there because he felt they had some strategic background. | ||
| Perhaps the most famous right off the top of my head is Wedemeyer. | ||
| And well, I was, I'll give a quick example of how important service in that particular division of the Army staff is. | ||
| In 1995, I think it was, I guess it would have been the fall of 1994, excuse me. | ||
| I was called in and summoned by my boss. | ||
| I was a Lieutenant Colonel at that time, who'd just come out of command at Fort Riley, Kansas. | ||
| And I was asked to put together a two-page paper that could be used as a precision paper for the Chief of Staff of the Army regarding the Balkans, Bosnia-Herzegovina. | ||
| And so I said, yes, OK, I'll sit down. | ||
| I put it together. | ||
| And effectively, I outlined that we had no vital strategic interests in the Balkans. | ||
| We had no history in the Balkans. | ||
| And it was effectively a European matter. | ||
| And by the way, the landlord in that part of the world for the last several hundred years has been Russia. | ||
| It would be unwise for the United States to meddle in that region and involve ourselves in the Yugoslav Civil War on the side of someone that might provoke Russia. | ||
| And I put this together and I recommended that we stay out and certainly not commit to anything that would involve the permanent stationing of U.S. | ||
| forces on the ground in the Balkans. | ||
| Everybody read it over all the way up through two stars. | ||
| It was carried into the Chief of Staff of the Army, who at the time was General Gordon Sullivan. | ||
| He thanked everyone, said it was perfect. | ||
| He took it over and delivered it at the White House. | ||
| You can see how much impact that had. | ||
| But here's the point I want to get to. | ||
| By the way, we went more in the Balkans and actually the United States forces bombed Belgrade, right? | ||
| The Christian nation over there, as we fought on the side of the Muslims. | ||
| By the way, I was in Rome that night. | ||
| General Wes Clark was the Supreme Commander at the time, and I witnessed that in real time on the satellite feed. | ||
| Walk me through that. | ||
| You had given a plan that said, hey, we have no interest, no strategic interest. | ||
| I mean, this is only second to not having interest in Ukraine from the great thinkers and strategists of World War II. | ||
| How did it end up then, brother, you do a thing and the Chief of Staff says, I got it. | ||
| This is great. | ||
| Let me go over to National Security Council and go to the White House. | ||
| And you end up in a situation room watching remote where we're bombing the Christian nation of Serbia and Belgrade and we're fighting on the side of the Muslims, sir. | ||
| And for that, and keep in mind, that's four years later. | ||
| Because in the interim, in 1995, I ended up Being sent by then the Chief of Strategy to J5 on the Joint Staff, who happened to be Lieutenant General Wes Clark, I was sent to Bosnia-Herzegovina to personally liaison with the Croats and the Bosniaks for him. | ||
| When he summoned me, he said, Douglas, can you represent America's interests in the Balkans? | ||
| I said, well, sir, what are those? | ||
| What's the position I'm supposed to represent? | ||
| Well, we are anti-Serb. | ||
| We are pro-Bosniak and pro-Croat. | ||
| I said, sir, is that the policy stance of the United States government? | ||
| He said, yes, it is. | ||
| I said, well, sir, if that's our policy, yes, I can be your liaison officer for some period of time in Sarajevo. | ||
| And he said, very well, I want to send you over there. | ||
| Gave me a set of instructions. | ||
| I ended up spending 30 days there riding around in an armored Ford Fairlane 500. | ||
| That was driven by a Sergeant from the Ranger Regiment with whom I'd actually gone through Winter Ranger, which was kind of odd. | ||
| But the two of us had some very interesting adventures. | ||
| We were driving all over the place to look at the terrain because subsequently General Clark brought me back to the proximity talks at Dayton and I was supposed to help draw maps there. | ||
| And the purpose of going over there and seeing the terrain was to draw maps for the final Or at least the interim territorial solution between the Bosniaks, the Muslims and the Serbs, in a way that would favor the Bosniaks, because the Bosniaks had turned out to be deplorably bad soldiers and needed all the help they could get. | ||
| So that's where I was. | ||
| And what you're referring to now in Kosovo, that came along later. | ||
| I was sent over there in November 1998. | ||
| And again, it was General West Clark who brought me over there to the Joint Operations Center, where I was the director of essentially strategic planning. | ||
| And then became the director of the Joint Operations Center for the Kosovo Air Campaign, which lasted 78 days. | ||
| And I had about 240 officers from 19 nations on 24-hour shifts, changing every 12 hours. | ||
| And so I went through that entire business. | ||
| And, you know, unfortunately, Steve, it was my It was both my good fortune to have the experience and see so much and learn so much, but at the same time, it was unfortunate for me because I ended up executing orders that I did not necessarily think were in the interest of the American people. | ||
| In fact, I thought they were dumb ideas, but I had no choice. | ||
| Let me the men you men and women you serve with were dedicated to their country's defense and good people and most had come from either working class or middle class backgrounds. | ||
| How do we this is my point? | ||
| How do we get to the place we are today? | ||
| When at least I guess until recently with these feel great the woke nature of the military, but when I was in and you were in Really, the best folks in the country had volunteered for this, and they were great people, and everybody was working what they felt was in the best interest of the defense of their nation. | ||
| So, what happened? | ||
| What went wrong, and who was it that made it go wrong? | ||
| Again, I take you back to Paul Wolfowitz, who is probably the architect, and he worked closely with Richard Perle and Bill Kristol and a host of other people. | ||
| Whose principal aims were to pursue American military, political, financial, economic hegemony in the world. | ||
| I mean, obviously, they had a keen interest, given their backgrounds and what happened in the Middle East, particularly with Israel. | ||
| But it was a global perspective. | ||
| And they managed to insert themselves through a series of administrations. | ||
| They were there under Clinton. | ||
| active, involved, either outside or inside the administrations. | ||
| And then under George Bush, they effectively took over. | ||
| I'm talking about W. And we know what happened there. | ||
| We were launched into wars in the Middle East on the basis of 9-11. | ||
| And this continued, frankly, even under Obama. | ||
| These people were never completely out of the picture. | ||
| They were always present. | ||
| And I would argue that now today, they and their sponsors control virtually everything in Washington. | ||
| Certainly all the so-called think tanks, although that's pretty much of an oxymoron if you know anything about what comes out of them. | ||
| So, you know, this is a long evolutionary process. | ||
| They've had a lot of patience, they've worked hard, they're smart people, and the average American didn't pay much attention. | ||
| But the track record, let me just, the track record of The track record of this thought of being a hegemon has been catastrophic. | ||
| I mean, let's just go from... Look, first off, in the Balkans, I think that was catastrophic. | ||
| But let's just jump to the big ones. | ||
| After the wars of choice in both Afghanistan and Iraq, and I say Afghanistan after the elimination in the first 45 days of the Taliban, or at least the major operating entity of the Taliban, the wars of choice in Iraq and Afghanistan and now Ukraine, Have been absolute unmitigated disasters. | ||
| There's been no, we've had no victories. | ||
| We've had nothing but, I think it's nine trillion dollars in expense, according to Brown University's center. | ||
| And you know what, what, eight, 10,000 dead, 50,000 casualties, PTSD all over the place. | ||
| So the track record is horrific, plus we've added now all this debt that makes that the leading national security crisis of our country. | ||
| My biggest national security interest is Scott Besant, who could be probably the next Secretary of Treasury under Trump, says he thinks the debt and the growing number of the debt in the trillion dollars in defense is actually a national security issue. | ||
| So their track record's been absolutely abysmal, not close. | ||
| How can people that think like this, us as an empire and hegemonic power, continue to call the shots? | ||
| Well, I think part of it is the decision that was taken primarily under W, the second Bush, to pursue guns and butter. | ||
| In other words, there was no question of a trade-off. | ||
| There was no thinking in terms, if we invest this much money here, then it comes at the expense of money over there. | ||
| The argument was, no, we can do everything. | ||
| All we'll do is print money. | ||
| We'll just continue to borrow and everybody will come to us because there's nowhere else for them to go. | ||
| Now, of course, you know, as well as I do, if you look at the 10 year treasury market these days, we're buying up our own treasuries because nobody wants them. | ||
| The only people that are interested in buying any treasuries are those who are interested in the two year investment, which tells you something about the extraordinary lack of confidence and faith in the United States government and its economy. | ||
| But I think that contributed to it because I think these people that you're discussing, I mean, we called them neocons. | ||
| They're now increasingly collectively referred to as globalists. | ||
| You can call them anything you want. | ||
| But the bottom line is they figured out that if you sedate the American public with lots of free money, easy lives, comfortable lives, whatever they want to purchase as consumers, then it doesn't make any difference to them what you do. | ||
| Remember, George Bush's famous comment after we went into Afghanistan and Iraq, he said, Mr. President was asked, Mr. President, should we prepare for war? | ||
| He said, no, go to the mall, shop. | ||
| That's worked so well, because as long as Americans can go to the mall and shop, as long as they can buy what they want, then they're not going to pay much attention to what happens beyond their borders. | ||
| Because, Steve, as you know, and everybody knows this in Washington, most Americans Don't really care what happens beyond their borders, and they don't understand it. | ||
| Our educational system doesn't instill any understanding of the world much beyond where people live in this country. | ||
| We are planet America, as a Spanish general staff officer once said to me, and he's right. | ||
| We are. | ||
| Tell me, talk to me about Ukraine. | ||
| You can actually not agree with, but see this push they had in Iraq and Afghanistan after 9-11. | ||
| But the Ukraine war, you mentioned the Balkans, and the parts you were going around is where World War I started. | ||
| It was a place that we've always wanted to stay as far away from as possible. | ||
| If you look at World War II, the great minds, Patton, Montgomery, Eisenhower, Marshall, not in a billion years have they ever thought of getting tied up In places like the Ukraine, which is worse than the Balkans, but over towards the more Central Asian part of the boundaries of Europe. | ||
| How did the United States get wrapped up into a ground war in Ukraine, sir? | ||
| Well, first of all, remember, we have no national strategy per se, whether you call it military, economic or otherwise. | ||
| Most of what comes out of the Pentagon is just boilerplate drivel. | ||
| There is no systematic approach to the world that identifies those areas of vital strategic interest and those areas where we have ports of importance, oil, coal, minerals, rare earths, or anything else. | ||
| In fact, this is not a new problem, Steve. | ||
| During World War II, when Marshall first started meeting with the British Imperial General Staff, he would show up with about eight or nine officers. | ||
| Then the British would march in and they had under their arms Maps and papers systematically displaying everything of any value in the world because the British at least had the idea that when the world, or excuse me, when the war ended, they knew where they wanted to be. | ||
| They wanted to be in control of the oil. | ||
| They wanted to be in control of sea lanes. | ||
| They wanted to be in control of ports and airfields and minerals and so forth. | ||
| We had no such plan. | ||
| So Marshall shows up and the only man that had any A serious General Staff College education was Wedemeyer, who had gone to the German General Staff College. | ||
| And Wedemeyer was brought in because Marshall trusted him and needed his help to plan the war. | ||
| We've never really advanced much beyond that. | ||
| We don't have a General Staff. | ||
| We don't systematically look at anything because no one will make their minds up regarding what is important. | ||
| Instead, we say we have unlimited resources. | ||
| We have limitless power. | ||
| We can do whatever we want. | ||
| And of course, that's nonsense. | ||
| And we're now broke. | ||
| We're very vulnerable. | ||
| We've got a fraction of the power that we once had 30 years ago, certainly after 1991. | ||
| And we're largely isolated in the world. | ||
| People don't want to follow us anymore. | ||
| The world is defecting to the so-called BRICS, you know, led by Moscow and Beijing. | ||
| The petrodollar is gone. | ||
| We just go down the list. | ||
| You look at the armed forces, they're a mess, to be blunt. | ||
| They're not prepared to fight anybody. | ||
| We have no assembly lines that can rapidly produce missiles or shells or anything else. | ||
| It's deplorable, the state that we're in right now. | ||
| And the only thing that people in Washington can do is live in a state of denial. | ||
| They refuse to reconcile themselves to the world that exists because they want this world that doesn't exist, that they've lost, that they've squandered. | ||
| So I think the easy way to Say this, how did we get here? | ||
| Well, if you have no strategy, everything is important, or whatever you say on a given day is important. | ||
| Remember, there was a time back in the early 1960s when everybody said, oh, Laos is a vital strategic interest to the United States. | ||
| Absurd. | ||
| Absolutely not. | ||
| There was a time when we said it's vitally strategic to us that Vietnam remain a free, liberal, democratic republic. | ||
| Well, first of all, it never was, and it hasn't, and it's irrelevant. | ||
| So there's no truth. | ||
| There's no systematic way to approach anything in this country. | ||
| We're just careening down the track, coming off a peak, headed straight into a ravine. | ||
| And Americans are enjoying themselves. | ||
| And as long as they can fill their tanks with gas, buy whatever they want, they're not going to pay a lot of attention. | ||
| But when the food stamps stop and the prosperity drops precipitously, then I think there will be hell to pay in this country. | ||
| Colonel, you're obviously, you know, you're on Tucker a lot, the great Tucker Carlson. | ||
| President Trump takes your counsel and guidance. | ||
| Given where we are in the summer of 2024, and we can't solve everything immediately, what would be your advice to President Trump upon his return on the first 100 days Just triage, the Colonel McGregor punch list that you think needs to happen just to get our arms around where we are and begin the process of turning it around, sir. | ||
| Well, the first thing is that President Trump needs to remember the advice or go back and look at the advice that Dwight Eisenhower gave JFK right after the inauguration, because President Kennedy, who at that point didn't like Eisenhower very much, Nevertheless, I went to him and he said, well, Mr. President, General, do you have any last advice for me? | ||
| And Eisenhower looked him straight in the eye and said, yes. | ||
| If you want to be a successful president, be a good butcher. | ||
| And of course, JFK was a little stymied, didn't understand what he meant. | ||
| He said, you've got to be prepared to get rid of people, to eliminate people. | ||
| People will be disloyal to you. | ||
| People will disobey your orders, people who are incompetent. | ||
| And as soon as you've identified them in the White House or anywhere in your administration, you must immediately dispose of them. | ||
| If you don't, they will drag you down. | ||
| Now, you and I don't need to go back through what happened as a result of the Bay of Pigs, where Kennedy got an education the hard way and subsequently went back to see Eisenhower and spent a lot of time with him saying, God help us, you were right. | ||
| I think when President Trump comes in, he needs to clean it up. | ||
| Hang on, hang on, hang on. | ||
| One of the things we do here is history. | ||
| This is so important because he gave him that advice on the early in the afternoon of the 20th of January of 1961, right after the inauguration. | ||
| The Bay of Pigs was in the next 30 days. | ||
| I mean, it was February, March, wasn't it? | ||
|
unidentified
|
Of 1961? | |
| Yeah. | ||
| So he was only in 30 days before the CIA and the Pentagon sucked him into essentially a trap for a full invasion of Cuba, correct? | ||
| Exactly. | ||
| No, you perfectly articulated the problem. | ||
| And I think that's what that sort of trap is being laid right now for President Trump. | ||
| And he needs to understand that if he goes in there, the first thing he has to do is call a halt to just about everything that's happening strategically. | ||
| And he has to be prepared to immediately ask for people's papers to retire, go away, resign. | ||
| And he has to also decide to put people in there that are loyal to him and believe in what he does. | ||
| And they may not come from Ivy League schools and colleges, and they may not be products of service academies. | ||
| But as I've said before, and I've said this while I was in his administration for the brief period that I was there, You're better off with those people, because look at the disasters that all the so-called smart people have created over the last 30 years. | ||
| And at that point, it was pretty obvious, as you pointed out. | ||
| So, you know, this is exactly the kind of thing that awaits President Trump. | ||
| You know, we've got- Colonel McGregor, just hang on one second. | ||
| We're taking a short commercial break. | ||
| Colonel Douglas McGregor, his new effort, his new platform, Our Country, Our Choice. | ||
| A revered strategist, a very highly thought of President Trump in the first administration will join us after a short commercial break. | ||
|
unidentified
|
All this nonsense, all this spin, they can't handle the truth. | |
| All this nonsense, all this spin, they can't handle the truth. | ||
| War Room Battleground with Stephen K. Bannon. | ||
| Birchgold.com, we had Philip Patrick on today. | ||
| Remember, times of turbulence, you listen to Colonel McGregor and you understand it's going to get your seatbelt on because it's going to get a lot more turbulent. | ||
| This is why you need a hedge. | ||
| We talk about all the time that arbitrage, the head between the drop and the purchasing power of the dollar, it's already down 20% out of Biden. | ||
| Just look at the numbers we walked through this morning. | ||
| It's going to get a lot worse. | ||
| And how do you hedge that? | ||
| I think gold's up 25% since Biden's here, 27%. | ||
| Purchasing power is down 20%. | ||
| It's a big spread. | ||
| Don't take it from me. | ||
| Take it from there. | ||
| Just go to birchgold.com. | ||
| We've done all the work on the end of the dollar empire, five free installments. | ||
| That'll walk you through all this, and then you talk to Philip Patrick and the team. | ||
| He was on today, but he's available every day at the Birchgold headquarters. | ||
| Birchgold.com slash Bannon. | ||
| Take advantage of getting to know these folks. | ||
| And immerse yourself in information. | ||
| The first thing you do is immerse yourself in information because you're free men and free women. | ||
| You gotta make your own choices. | ||
| Colonel McGregor, to talk about the trap you see potentially for President Trump, I want to go back in time, back to Kennedy. | ||
| Jack Kennedy is a young naval officer, as you know, with a PT boat. | ||
| You know, had the situation in the Solomon Islands, but saved his men. | ||
| Maybe not the best ship handling in the world. | ||
| You know, the argument that he may have cut across a Japanese destroyer and got cut in two. | ||
| Regardless, a hero to save his men, a patriot. | ||
| You think about it, he steps in after Eisenhower warns the nation about the military-industrial complex, and hey, what was Ike's job? | ||
| He was only Supreme Allied Commander, the first head of the NATO troops. | ||
| Chief of Staff. | ||
| I mean, all of it. | ||
| And so he warns us about the military-industrial complex. | ||
| Kennedy comes in. | ||
| You got Bay of Pigs. | ||
| Then you have Khrushchev's sensing weakness. | ||
| He braces him up in Austria at that meeting. | ||
| You then have the Cuban Missile Crisis. | ||
| And it leads to eventually having to You know, being the Pentagon, everybody's saying, you got to take a stand somewhere because you botched everything else you've touched. | ||
| They decided on Vietnam. | ||
| And of course, they come to him after a couple of years of that not working out. | ||
| And they say, you know, we really got to get rid of Diem. | ||
| The problem is you got the Catholics running the country. | ||
| It's a Buddhist country. | ||
| That's our problem. | ||
| And after pushing him and pushing him, He agrees, OK, how are you going to do it? | ||
| Well, we got the military, everything like that. | ||
| It's going to be peaceful. | ||
| We're going to do a coup, but they're going to take him to the airport. | ||
| They're going to fly to Thailand or wherever and live like kings the rest of their life. | ||
| It'll all be good. | ||
| And that dramatic scene where they walk into the Oval Office and tell him, oh, by the way, they were assassinated in the back of a truck by essentially the CIA and the military. | ||
| And all the blood ran out of Kennedy. | ||
| And he was a pretty smart, savvy guy. | ||
| Less than 30 days later, he's assassinated. | ||
| Is that the type of trap? | ||
| Do you see a parallel between the Kennedy administration and what's happening to President Trump, sir? | ||
| Well, I think there's certainly the potential for it. | ||
| There are a lot of similarities. | ||
| Jack Kennedy was someone that loved the United States. | ||
| As you point out, he was a patriot. | ||
| He wasn't really prepared intellectually or professionally for the job. | ||
| He's a smart man, but his experience as a senator from the state of Massachusetts Did not confer on him the kind of attributes that he needed to be successful. | ||
| In other words, you mentioned Eisenhower. | ||
| Eisenhower knew virtually everyone in the international system, and he was by no means a great general. | ||
| In fact, if you look at his conduct of the war, it leaves a lot to be desired. | ||
| But Eisenhower learned from what he experienced. | ||
| He learned from the mistakes that he made, and he carried those lessons with him into the presidency. | ||
| And I think on the whole, did a very, very fine job. | ||
| I think Kennedy had that problem, and I think Donald Trump is going to face something similar, maybe worse, because so much of the federal bureaucracy is hostile to President Trump and his beliefs and his values and his attitudes. | ||
| So you're saying the globalists have so run things for the last 30 or 40 years, it's going to be tough to root them out. | ||
| So go back, because you were there, you know Trump. | ||
| What's the punch list you would tell him that has to be done, and if these things aren't done, the rest of it's just going to be a fiasco? | ||
| What are the two or three things? | ||
| That you believe he has to do in the first hundred days to just not turn it around and not solve it, because that's but just to get a handle on exactly how you not only make decisions, but those decisions are promulgated down through the system. | ||
| Well, you know, from your own experience that a president is fortunate if he can achieve three or four major changes while he's in office, and most of the groundwork for that Has to be established in the first 30 to 60 days, because by the end of the first year, his administration has already begun to run out of steam. | ||
| And this, of course, is assuming that he has a Congress that's even remotely ready to cooperate with him, which may not be the case. | ||
| So the first thing he's got to do is something that you and I talked about and was not done when he first came into office. | ||
| I thought, I'm sure you thought, everybody thought that he would tackle the border and illegal immigration and human trafficking and the drugs and criminality, all of it bound up together. | ||
| And instead he went after Obamacare, which shocked the hell out of me. | ||
| I certainly never expected it, but that's the first thing he's got to do. | ||
| He's got to stop the bleeding. | ||
| That's what you do when you're trying to save lives. | ||
| Well, we're bleeding badly. | ||
| On the southern border. | ||
| But it's not just the southern border. | ||
| All of our borders, our littoral waters, everything, everything has to be secure. | ||
| I mean, what the hell is the United States Coast Guard doing in the South China Sea? | ||
| I mean, this is the sort of nonsense that has to end. | ||
| Everybody wants to go everywhere and do everything, but nobody wants to defend the United States and the American people. | ||
| He's got to fix that right up, right up front. | ||
| So the border and immigration is number one. | ||
| Probably ought to get rid of the Department of Homeland Security completely. | ||
| And probably establish the Department of Defense as the agency that should be responsible, particularly the U.S. | ||
| Army, for the borders of the United States, and the Navy as well, with the Coast Guard. | ||
| We don't need to have separations like that anyway. | ||
| This is all nonsense from the past. | ||
| So the first thing is, deal with the borders, deal with homeland security. | ||
| The second thing he's got to—and that's going to entail the immediate commitment of 40, 50, 60,000 troops just to the border. | ||
| And it doesn't end there because as soon as you close the border and you're effective and you stop the flow of drugs through that and you stop it at sea and coming in through the air, you're going to end up with a war inside the United States because the drug cartels aren't going to take it lying down. | ||
| So you're going to have to fight here at home. | ||
| The second thing that has to be done is that we right now... Hang on, hang on, hang on. | ||
| Hang on, slow down before I do that. | ||
| Are you also saying that you would at every level, even in Mexico and clearly in the United States, and you would do, I guess, go over posse comitatus to have the army do it. | ||
| You would engage in a paramilitary or military conflict with the cartels, not just cut them off financially, just not cut them off technologically, but you would actually As enemy combatants take on the cartels? | ||
| No, you have to listen to me carefully. | ||
| I said you secure the border. | ||
| That's what you do. | ||
| You don't invade Mexico. | ||
| You don't conduct expeditions into Mexico. | ||
| My point is that if you secure that border and you stop the criminality, human trafficking, the drugs, the cartels will not be happy and they will fight you inside of our country. | ||
| We have to be prepared for that. | ||
| We're not prepared for that. | ||
| Everyone who is in the law enforcement business will tell you that the cartels are penetrating all of our law enforcement agencies and intelligence agencies. | ||
| They know everything they want to know about us before we do it. | ||
| We've got a serious problem inside the United States. | ||
| That has to be addressed. | ||
| That's going to absorb a lot of time, money, resources. | ||
| But if we don't do that, we will lose our country. | ||
| We'll end up looking exactly like Mexico. | ||
| We'll have a facade of a government, but it'll become an organized crime state. | ||
| So that's number one. | ||
| Number two is he's got to get involved and deal with the problem of overhead in the military. | ||
| And when I talk about the military, I'm also talking about the intelligence agencies, One of the things that you have to get control of if you're going to have command as the chief executive of the United States is what Lennon called the organs of power. | ||
| The military, the police, the Justice Department, the intelligence agencies. | ||
| You've got to have your people in there. | ||
| You've got to clean those places out. | ||
| Now, we've got 44 four-star generals, for instance. | ||
| What the hell are they doing? | ||
| We have a force of a little bit over 1.1 million strewn all over the world. | ||
| That's crazy. | ||
| And we have 44 four-stars. | ||
| During World War II, when we had 12.2 million men under arms, at the height of that war, we had seven four-stars. | ||
| Now, towards the end of the war, the last six months, we began promoting people to four and five stars, but those were honorifics. | ||
| I'm talking about operationally during the conduct of the war to win it, we had seven four stars for 12.2 million people. | ||
| Now, what are we doing with 44 for 1.1 million? | ||
| Steve, it's absurd. | ||
| It's a banana republic. | ||
| And every four star thinks he's God's gift. | ||
| Every four star thinks that his headquarters deserves everything he can get. | ||
| Everyone is out there building empires and trying to drag us into crises and conflicts that they think will enhance them. | ||
| This whole global hegemonic structure needs to come down. | ||
| It needs to come down very, very quickly. | ||
| So he's got to get rid of most of those slots and then put temporaries in there until we restructure the whole thing. | ||
| We've got to restructure the regional unified commands, the functional commands. | ||
| We have too many. | ||
| We need to consolidate. | ||
| We need to become efficient as well as effective. | ||
| And we're not. | ||
| Those things have to come next. | ||
| And you've also got enormous numbers of people in the senior executive services, civilians that get in there and they stay for years and years and years. | ||
| You can't get rid of them. | ||
| It's a huge problem in the Department of Defense. | ||
| I think all of these things have to be taken on. | ||
| And those are just the first two things. | ||
| Now, what's the third thing? | ||
| For the president, his biggest challenge right now is something nobody is willing to talk about publicly. | ||
| It's called national cohesion. | ||
| Our country has lost its sense of itself. | ||
| He's got to end this systematic denationalization of America, destroying our past, our history, our traditions, our customs, monuments, you name it. | ||
| All of that has got to stop. | ||
| We have to end the denationalization. | ||
| We have to forge a new cohesive society. | ||
| There are a lot of measures that have to be taken to do that. | ||
| And part of it is economic, but a large part of it is simply coming to terms with reality that we've been dealing with people in charge of us who hate us, hate our country, hate everything we represent. | ||
| It's got to stop. | ||
| In this, can you give me some specifics on this last, this is quite fascinating, the denationalization, the national cohesion. | ||
| What would be your recommendation? | ||
| What are the first two or three things that, even optically, that President Trump should do in his first hundred days on this third item? | ||
| Well, you've got to get rid of this diversity, inclusion, equity nonsense, because all that does is drive division inside the armed forces and across the board. | ||
| You've got to go back to a merit-based selection process. | ||
| You have to insist that character, competence, and intelligence be rewarded. | ||
| Put an end to this nonsense of you get to do something because you are of this gender, you are of this race, you are of this ethnicity, you are culturally this. | ||
| That's all got to go away. | ||
| We have to become Americans. | ||
| You have to restore this notion of being an American. | ||
| What is an American? | ||
| It's time for us to redefine it. | ||
| We've got to redefine ourselves at home as well as in the world. | ||
| We are not made greater by bombing hapless opponents overseas and meddling in other people's affairs. | ||
| It doesn't make us great. | ||
| It weakens us. | ||
| That's how we've lost the leadership of the world. | ||
| Nobody trusts us anymore. | ||
| So we've got to get back to a different view, a different version of what we want America to be. | ||
| And that has to be something that makes every American feel secure and comfortable. | ||
| That's not easy, but it has to be based on demonstrated merit. | ||
| If you're going to advance people, you can't advance them for any other reason. | ||
| The whole country was founded on the assumption That you can be whatever you resolve to be. | ||
| Do you believe that or not? | ||
| If you believe it, then it has to be based on merit. | ||
| Colonel, we're limited with time and I want to make sure people understand our country, our choice. | ||
| Walk us through, of all the opportunities you've had, I know people come to you for advice and consulting and media hits and all that. | ||
| Why did you choose this? | ||
| What's in back of it? | ||
| What's your inspiration and what are you trying to accomplish? | ||
| Well, I think the first point is that I did not found this organization. | ||
| This organization was founded by a group of people who are very worried about the country's societal cohesion, worried that we will not survive, that this experiment called the Great American Republic could be destroyed for all of the reasons that you and I have been discussing here today. | ||
| And they said, we're going to found this organization, try to get it across to people that they do have a choice. | ||
| We're going to try and identify people across party lines who have a commonality of interest based on specific issues. | ||
| Can everyone agree that child trafficking needs to stop? | ||
| Can everyone agree that the sexualization of our children needs to end? | ||
| Can everyone agree that our borders need to be protected? | ||
| That the rule of law needs to be reestablished? | ||
| That anyone who commits crimes has to be punished? | ||
| That judges who release criminals into the population deliberately should be removed from office and end these lifetime appointments for judges? | ||
| These are the kinds of things that we talk about. | ||
| Should we stop intervening in other people's countries with the purpose of transforming them into something they don't want to become? | ||
| Yes, we should. | ||
| So, what do we want to do as a nation? | ||
| Those are the kinds of things that we're talking about. | ||
| Now, we do not endorse any candidate for office, but we want people to come to us if they need a platform and they share those views that I just outlined. | ||
| We don't care if they're Republicans or Democrats or Independents. | ||
| We want to help them. | ||
| And that's one of the reasons that we've been working hand in glove with One Truth Media, which is the parent company to build this platform called Republic. | ||
| We want everybody to be able to get on that thing and have the tools, the ability to express their views, share their views across the country without censorship. | ||
| To take action, to contact people in power as an individual or as groups and to share information with the multitude of organizations that are out there that want to do good things for the United States. | ||
| So I said, fine, I'm on. | ||
| I'll do everything I can. | ||
| And I've been doing the best that I can to get people's attention and bring them in. | ||
| And I think this platform is going to unite us in ways that I think we desperately need because What we really need right now to survive are something similar to the committees of correspondence that we had during the American Revolution, but we can't bring everybody into a room. | ||
| We can't summon everyone to Philadelphia for a declaration of independence, but we can unite across the country electronically in cyberspace. | ||
| And I think this platform is a good way to do it. | ||
| And I hope it'll be successful. | ||
| I think it will. | ||
| I think it's going to revolutionize the way we do business. | ||
| But I don't claim to be an IT expert. | ||
| You probably know more about that than I do, Steve. | ||
| No, no, no. | ||
| So where do you want people to go? | ||
| And I want to know about your social media, any podcasts, books, writings. | ||
| People want to know more about Colonel McGregor and your thinking. | ||
| Well, my books are easily found. | ||
| You can put my name in, Colonel Douglas MacGregor, and you'll find out what I've been writing and the essays that I publish. | ||
| I do write fairly regularly for the American Conservative. | ||
| But I do, as you point out, a lot of videos for Our Country, Our Choice. | ||
| So if you go to ourcountryourchoice.com, I think you're going to find a lot of information there that you will like. | ||
| And I keep trying to tell people, You know, we want people that can come to an arrangement where they can agree with each other 75 to 80 percent of the time. | ||
| And if they can do that, let's forget those things that divide us. | ||
| Focus on those things that unite us. | ||
| Then we can have an impact. | ||
| And numbers do count. | ||
| People in Washington, though they are obviously very, very, very mindful of their donors. | ||
| Washington is donor occupied territory. | ||
| They still do pay attention to numbers and have large numbers of their constituents. | ||
| signal that they're unhappy and don't like what's happening or discontented with the policies that they're supporting, they will pay attention. | ||
| And it's our best hope to get change going in this country without turning to more serious approaches and other instruments, as you know. | ||
| Colonel McGregor, thank you for for ending a big week for us here at the war room. | ||
| I appreciate it. | ||
| Look forward to to getting you back on, sir. | ||
| And we'll send everybody over to our country, our choice and have everybody check it out. | ||
| So thank you. | ||
| Well, God bless you, Steve, and best of luck to you and keep us informed. | ||
| We want to know where you are and make sure you're all right. | ||
| So send up smoke signals that they won't let you talk, burn the place down around you, whatever is necessary, but God damn it. | ||
| We want to be sure that you're all right. | ||
| I'm not kidding. | ||
| I'm deadly serious. | ||
| Yeah, no, we're looking into it now. | ||
| Colonel McGregor, thank you. | ||
| Thank you so much. | ||
| Our country, our choice. | ||
| Mo and Grace, Captain Bannon and the team, let's push that out. | ||
| Let's get everybody on that today and check it out. | ||
| Colonel Douglas McGregor, strategist, geopolitician, patriot. | ||
| Big show tomorrow morning. | ||
| Cash is going to be here in the house. | ||
| Cash is going to be with me for the entire time. | ||
| Phillip Patrick, so we got a lot going on tomorrow. | ||
| Also, I think we're going to have more Jeff Clark talk about the Supreme Court, what's going on, the unrelenting attacks on the Supreme Court. | ||
| We had in the first hour, you see what's happening with Judge Cannon. | ||
| You see what's happening with some, you know, already some of these decisions. | ||
| And next week, just coming from the Supreme Court, will be, I think, one of the biggest weeks in history. | ||
| You've got, you've got Fisher, you've got, which is J6, and Trump. | ||
| You've got immunity, which is Trump. | ||
| You have the Chevron deference. | ||
| Which is the administrative state, and many others. | ||
| I think there's four other cases around the administrative state, so make sure everybody gets that. | ||
| HomeTitleLock.com, our sponsors. | ||
| HomeTitleLock.com, 90% of your net worth, or 80% of your net worth, or the price of houses today, probably 90%. | ||
| Uh, your net worth is locked up in your house. | ||
| Don't let anybody draft off your hard work. | ||
| Uh, the title itself, a fairly rudimentary system throughout the country, easily hacked. | ||
| You have to be on watch, and Home Title Lock does that for you. | ||
| HomeTitleLock.com. | ||
| You put in a promo code Bannon, you get a discount, some free months. | ||
| But go check it out today. | ||
| Don't let anybody go and get a second. | ||
| Much, sell your house, but even more importantly, take out a second, which is easier than selling your house, and you have to pay it off to a hard money lender. | ||
| Don't let that happen. | ||
| And Patriot Mobile. | ||
| Love the team over at Patriot Mobile. | ||
| PatriotMobile.com. | ||
| Glenn, Glenn Astori and the team are in town for the faith in freedom. | ||
| I'm going to try to get Glenn on the show tomorrow morning, but PatriotMobile.com. | ||
| We'll be doing some stuff from Faith and Freedom tomorrow. | ||
| Stephen K. Bannon, Birchgold. | ||
| Always go check that out. | ||
| After you heard of Colonel McGregor, you're going to want to hedge, right? | ||
| The Great Lou Dobbs is next. | ||
| We are back Saturday morning. | ||
| My favorite show of the week, 10 a.m. | ||
| Eastern Daylight Time. |
Export Selection