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Aug. 14, 2025 - Viva & Barnes
01:08:57
Interview with Paul Dans - from Corporate Law to Running for Senate!
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Time Text
Okay, 50 yards.
50 yards.
What is this fire?
That one's a 5'7 by 28.
5'7 by 28.
I was not taking flack.
People were questioning my, what's it called when you're good at something by nature?
My prowess, because it was only 10 or 15 yards.
So 50 yards.
Let's start on the big one.
Yep.
That's good.
Okay.
Okay.
I say like this.
Did I hit it?
Yep.
Okay, good.
I hit it.
Yep.
Yeah, I went to the right.
Now I'm going to go to the second one from the left.
Wait for this.
Pure skill, people.
Yep.
You hit it low, but you did hit it.
Let's go a little higher.
Look at that.
Dead center.
I'm going to go for that little circle.
Little circle, people.
Can you do it?
I couldn't hit with a rifle to save my life.
First day shooting a handgun.
All right.
That's all we need to see, people.
Okay.
He looks stupid.
What did I miss?
Four shots in a row.
We could put, I cleared everything with that.
I don't remember what type of firearm that was.
Good afternoon, everybody.
As you can see, I'm no longer in home studio.
I'm no longer in Ginger Ninja's studio.
I'm at a firing range, a gun range.
A shooting range, I believe they're called.
In Canada, they're also called illegal.
I'm being sarcastic, but not really.
I'm first day ever having gone to a shooting range firing small arms rifles.
Ginger Ninja, Luke, who is a member of our locals community, put in turkey shot, like two.
Apparently, it was very powerful of a shotgun, and my shoulder is still hurting, and I think it's going to be bruised tomorrow.
But we're doing this live on location because we have on today sort of a sidebar in the afternoon with Robert Barnes and Paul Dance, who is trying to unseat, dethrone what we are referring to as Lady Lindsay Graham.
At least Barnes has been referring to him as Lady Lindsey Graham.
Paul Dance, if you don't know, say creator or chairperson, founder of Project 2025, and is now running to dethrone Lady Lindsay from the Senate seat.
And so we are going to have one heck of a fantastic interview today.
Then I'm going to get back to showing off my prowess at the gun range.
I'm going to bring in Robert Barnes.
Sir, Robert, how goes the battle?
Good, good.
And now we're bringing in the man of the hour, Paul Danz.
Sir, how goes the battle?
Great.
Great to be with you both.
Okay, so this is Paul.
I'm sorry that I'm on location, but this is one heck of a place to be doing this from.
I don't want to bungle your introduction, 30,000-foot overview.
We're going to get into what you're doing, Project 2025, Trump's first term, Trump's second term.
But for those who may be meeting you for the first time, you're not Jeremy Piven from Entourage, but you have to get that a lot.
Well, I used to get more steist alone, actually.
So it's evolved.
You know, it's been the sign with age over time.
The fall off in terms of Hollywood stars, but I appreciate that.
Look, it's great to be with you.
And I'm in some amazing shooting, by the way, text.
But yeah, I am known as the architect of Project 2025.
But before that, I'm really a dad of four.
I'm a true believer, if you will, in the MAGA movement.
I've been at this over, you know, 12 years from the jump.
And when I say not, I'm not the golden escalator guy.
I date back to way before then.
I was hoping to draft Trump in 2012.
But really going back to America first at its heart, which I think was Atros Perot.
And that was the first time I really got behind the politician.
I think when we first met, you said you were MAGA before MAGA.
That was in Georgia where we were contesting the 2020 election outcome.
And you got to see Paul up close and personal.
He had no fear telling anybody in that room, no matter who they were, the necessity of defending the president and getting to the truth of that election, which extraordinarily the courts managed to permanently evade.
But what led, what do you think was in your upbringing in terms of, you know, now you're challenging Lady Lindsey Graham, the from the state of South Carolina, who's taking his fifth term after he previously talked about how much he supported term limits.
one of the many, many, many betrayals of Lady Lindsay over the years of the MAGA base in South Carolina as we speak.
President Trump trying to get a peace deal in the Ukraine war in Alaska.
Uh, people like Lady Lindsay running around Washington trying to undermine it, sabotage it, as he has been doing constantly.
Yeah, you know, I think your listeners should appreciate that Robert and I first met there in the trenches, um, right days after the stolen election went down.
We arrived in Georgia and just kind of digging out essentially it felt like one of those scenes from the movie where they were run over the night before and you know, over the foxholes and stuff, and it's smoldering in the morning, and people are kind of crawling out, dazed and confused.
That's what I would describe the Georgia election headquarters like.
But you know, through that experience, I think all of us came out.
You know, we played probably competitive sports.
I know I did, I was a lacrosse player back in the day.
When you have a bad loss like that, and that was not a loss, that was a theft, a theft.
But you get that painful feeling in your stomach, and you have to internalize that and go forward for victory.
And that's really what I did going on to basically develop Project 2025 under the Heritage Foundation.
But what caused me to even think like this to start with, I think to back up, I describe myself as a full-blooded, deplorable.
I like many of you, most of you probably came from very modest backgrounds.
My parents' families were dirt poor immigrants.
They basically lived the American dream.
My parents were the first to speak English in their households.
All my uncles, these were the folks that built this country.
On my dad's side, my grandfather was a merchant marine at sea for 40 years in New York City.
They grew up in a cold water flat.
That means there wasn't even hot water in this tenement that got torn down.
So my dad grew up essentially in a housing project and then graduated ultimately from Columbia Medical School and went on to be a professor at Hopkins.
He is like a Dookie Hauser type who did that because his immigrant family just put so much attention on education.
And same for my mom's part.
But for my part, I always just grew up around patriots and saw these folks.
My mom's side were French Canadians.
There you go, Mom Viva, who came over and they worked in the middle towns.
It went called Woonsocket.
And so my grandfather had five sons, all of whom went off to fight World War II.
So they spoke French as their first language.
They actually landed behind enemy lines.
They landed on D-Day.
And these were the guys who just, you know, conquered, went back to their factory jobs and raised families, only to see those ultimately shift overseas.
So our story is like millions of others, but I managed to go off and, you know, I was K through 12 public schools.
My parents were very involved in education.
They actually met in the 1960s.
Both of them were the first to go to college.
They met in Washington.
My dad was a doctor, a researcher, and my mom was at NIH.
She was a chemist.
So they were introduced by their parish priest.
And they were kind of the group that believed in Kennedy and asking not what the government could do for you, but what you could do for the country.
And so that's the spirit that we came out as kind of Kennedy Democrats.
My parents were big RFK fans.
And ultimately, I believe that the Democrat Party drifted away from the working man and woman and ethnic Catholics, if you will.
I, from my path, really getting to where I was, like I said, I was recruited to go to MIT and I did well in school, but it was really because my parents all helped us and enforced the importance of education.
And I had great teachers, public school teachers who actually believed in education.
There was no such thing as indoctrination.
These men and women, Many of them were vets themselves from the forgotten war of Korea.
And this was growing up in kind of a cold water, a cold Cold War Baltimore, if you will.
I grew up in Maryland and Virginia for most of my life.
And so I really lived the American dream and to see it taken away over time by elites.
And I know Robert's story in particular, it just rubbed me the wrong way.
I went off to MIT.
And I think a good thing about that school were many of the people were the same as me.
They were the smartest guy in their Midwestern public school and they made it to MIT and they wanted to be engineers and only to see kind of an internationalism, a globalism creep, take over, a cultural Marxism, seep in, and ultimately over time, see this spread throughout the whole government.
So I've always wanted to go and work in politics.
And I tell you more about my story, but I went on to big law firms.
I came out with a lot of debt.
I went to Virginia for law school and got involved in kind of the top practice of law in New York City, working on a number of cases, Chevron Ecuador.
I can talk more about that.
But that's a famous case where I kind of came up with the information that led to the smoking gun that unraveled the $27 billion fraud.
And the people on the other side of it, I've mentioned it because they're very smart progressive lawyers.
These were literally the law school classmates of Obama.
So this is the Progressive Lawyer Guild, the same people who staffed the Obama and the Biden administrations.
Their ends justify the means Marxists.
They're extremely intelligent.
They went to all the elite schools.
But the good news is if you want to play at their level, it takes a lot of work, but they can be beat.
And that's what we were doing with the Chevron case.
We beat them like a drum because I worked really hard at that and was surrounded by a lot of successful other people.
But I took that same fighting spirit to get into the Trump administration in the first Trump administration.
And that's where I really learned what we're up against.
Paul, actually, just to come back to something at the beginning, your mother's French-Canadian.
Your last name, Dans, in French, means in, but I don't, I suspect it's on your dad's side.
Where's your dad from?
Correct.
Dad is Gallego, in fact.
So that's from Acaruna is Galicia is a part of Spain, a kind of a rocky seafaring area.
And that's where the Dans came from.
They moved to at the turn of the 20th century down to South America in Argentina and Cuba.
And then ultimately my family came in through New York.
So yeah, our name is a little bit of a faux ami, if you will.
It's not French, it's Spanish.
But, you know, we came from this mixed background.
My dad's mom was Italian-American, and they were a fascinating couple.
If you think Popeye and olive oil, you can basically figure out what my grandfather was like, and my grandmother, because she was a statuesque kind of Italian, very pretty, extremely smart, spoke seven languages.
She ultimately became an interpreter in the city courts.
She, you know, like I said, she spoke Italian, Portuguese, Spanish, a Gallego, English, French.
And she would have been a lawyer in any other, you know, art today.
But she instilled a reverence of the law, I think, for me.
And like I said, grandpa, for his part, this guy was, you know, we have a hard time defining what a woman is today.
And that's thanks to Lindsey Graham, by the way.
If you ever wondered how Justice Jackson, Tanji Jackson Brown got on the Supreme Court is because no other than our senior senator here in South Carolina put her on the DC circuit, kind of the waiting room for the Supreme Court.
And we could talk about his hand in helping all those Biden justices get on the court.
There's some people who are flouting the Trump administration now.
That's brought to you courtesy of Lindsey Graham by us here in South Carolina.
But grandpa, like I said, That's the definition of a man, if you want to know what a man is, because he, you know, not only did he fight the war, he went off and the merchant Marines were kind of unsung heroes.
They were the ones, he was involved in this liberty ships that went on what they call the Murmansk run.
They were supplying the Soviet Union in 1941.
So that was the highest casualty rate of the war, I believe.
You know, you were sitting ducks if your supply convoy stopped in the North Atlantic.
So you think of him as a marine engineer keeping those ships running.
That's kind of like, you know, when you come back from war, but for the grace of God, you would have died.
So that's the people I grew up with.
That's what I thought just people were.
So I see, you know, a lot of obligation to pay that back, to pay it forward.
What did you learn from the first Trump administration?
Like, what did you expect going in?
What was a real surprise?
How did it shape your going forward, knowing what needed to be done to fix things?
Okay, so like I said, I was a Trump guy from the jump.
I, you know, I'd gone to MIT.
I'd kind of been disillusioned with the deindustrialization.
I studied economics at MIT.
I took classes from the Nobel laureates, you know, Robert Solow.
These folks were beginning to pioneer the idea that we could move capital and labor abroad and basically be the ownership society.
So they advocated for this kind of global economy.
And I saw it all hitting home in the kind of industrial cities.
When you pulled that major employer out, everyone who had bought their houses, who had built their lives over generations, they were stuck in place.
And there was nothing for them to do than kind of do drugs and dilapidate.
And so I thought it was really being balanced on them.
I, you know, like I said, was a H. Ross Perot guy, then Trump, you know, and hoping that he ran in 12.
I, you know, I was following him when he went up to New Hampshire there and was hoping he was going to make an announcement to run.
So when it came, you know, that he was going to run in 16, I was all in.
We were living in New York City at the time.
My wife's an incredible story.
I can put that a pin in that for now, but she's a professional ballerina, New York City ballet, trained Alley Portman, Black Swan, and she became a face of bar fitness.
She stood up what's called, well, it's called Valley Beautiful, is her ballet method, but it's a way to give a woman of a dancer's physique, essentially.
So she's a small businesswoman, an entrepreneur, bringing the whole advent of fitness online to the world.
And, you know, she was selling 133 countries.
So I was helping her with her business, practicing law, and Trump's going on.
And I'm like, this is perfect.
I'm all in for Trump.
I go and, you know, at the same time, a lot of her clients are like, they're beginning, they're very liberal.
There were A-list actresses and the like.
And they were like, Trump, no good.
You know, it's like, well, I love Trump.
But so we had to kind of keep it under wraps.
You know, that's how it is a little bit in Hollywood circles.
I went and volunteered for Trump, went to the war room there in Pennsylvania in 16.
And, you know, we brought it over the line basically in Pittsburgh.
That's in Allegheny County.
We doubled the vote from 20 to 40 percent as Pennsylvania went, so went the country.
And there was that whole kind of scene, that industrial kind of the Appalachian, the same, I almost think of that spine as the backbone of America, if you will.
That's the critical worker, the southern yeoman that actually over 200 years has kept this country together and formed it in the first place.
So they delivered.
I thought I'd go right into the Trump administration.
I had been, you know, involved in federalist society since law school.
I don't know, I got maybe blackballed.
You know, most of the people in the Fed SOC were very establishment type.
And I was the one kind of winger out there for Trump.
And, you know, the day after Trump won, it was like all this Bush and Romney people filed into the government.
And people like me who had never been in Washington were kind of put in another Pile.
So, long and short of it, it took me two years of knocking on doors, trying to get in, you know.
And I finally got in through a vein of really America first guys who were at HUD.
And I learned like it was a great experience because I learned how against us the bureaucracy is first.
You know, we're really outmanned out there as politicals, as Republicans.
The president appoints 4,000 over a sea of 2.2 million workers, right?
So that's like one to 500.
And so imagine going into a building where you're outnumbered 500 to one and 90% of the building, you know, roughly voted Democrat doesn't believe in what you believe.
You know, that's the that's actually the voting makeup of Washington, D.C. And you see it in the political donations.
So you think, well, the one in 500, that 4,000 better know what they're doing.
They better be totally committed to the agenda and they better be really good managers and technical experts.
And even there, you know, the Trump administration had a hard time filling the 4,000 of the 2,500 so they put in place.
Many of them were kind of Bush retreads who were the most vociferous anti-Trumpers to start with, only like months before.
So it was just this chaotic kind of administration.
And you saw the results of it.
The Mueller investigation launched shortly thereafter.
And I submit to you, it was essentially a coup in progress.
And so getting in there, to be sure, there were some true believers, there were some MAGA, but we were more the exception than the rule.
And being a lawyer, being an MIT problem solver, I got a handle pretty quickly of what we were up against.
And to me, the real power to get, you know, you have to know the law, but you also have to get control of personnel.
You have to have the right people.
And we were being run over by the careers who were somehow the administration had given all the power to the careers to hire the politicals.
So I, you know, I ultimately got in because I took Trump off my resume and people thought, oh, he's just a plain vanilla Republican who has a fancy degree.
Let's try him out.
Not this rabid America First guy.
So I said, if we're going to change anything, we have to go to personnel.
We have to get our handle on personnel.
And sure enough, that's what is done at the Office of Personnel Management.
Paul, as you were talking, I pulled up an article about your wife and it says how when an A-list ballerina in Hollywood, when people found out her husband was MAGA, some felt betrayed.
I mean, it's a wild thing to even have to navigate that.
And also, you know, to the point that one in the 4,000 to 2.2 million who are rabidly anti-Trump, I think now the news of one of the guys assaulting a police officer, throwing a sandwich at him, was a member of the DOJ.
I guess the question is, how do you even begin to fight back against this when it's virtually institutionalized?
And controlling personnel is one thing, but how do you get the personnel in?
What do you do with the rabid anti-Trumpers who make up 80-some percent of this?
And how do you, I mean, how do you begin to turn that ship around?
Well, it all starts with one word is courage.
And, you know, I think courage is a virtue upon which all the others rest.
And I have it.
You know, and many others do, but you have to summon it.
And that's what I did.
You know, you see these things as insurmountable, but they're not.
You know, it's just that people have always never challenged the status quo and they let it go.
So what we did was, you know, I got, you know, the people who brought me into HUD were this kind of vein of what we call original gangsters from the 2015 campaign.
These were John McIntyre, James Bacon.
There's a whole crowd of them who were the guys in Trump Tower who were just, they made Trump happen on the shoestring and a real dream.
And they had kind of been pushed to the side by this establishment RNC class who had run their gauntlet.
By the time President Trump came out from that first impeachment, he was beginning to flex.
This was the beginning of January 2020.
I always remember when he did the flyby over Daytona.
I was like, we got this.
The stupid impeachment was gone.
Trump's going up.
This is pre-COVID really taking route.
And finally, Trump is going to start asserting the power the people gave him.
So I worked with McIntyre.
He put me in OPM.
And I quickly realized, look, I got a hold of the organization chart.
It took me three days.
And there's a person at the top who's the political appointee, and then four five associate directors below.
And those five had all been careers.
And I said, you know, what gives with this?
And so I removed four of the five.
And there was a big outcry in the Washington Post.
You can't do that.
You're politicizing this, you know, the civil service.
And it's like, well, no, actually, those positions were always supposed to be political.
When this institution was formed under Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan, those were political appointees.
I'm actually restoring it.
Over time, people got away from it.
So, you know, I had the courage to move them out.
And the next thing you saw was what we call a sea change in the whole government.
We were able to bring a thousand of our people in.
We sped up the hiring time from nine months to a week and a half.
Like it took me four months to actually get the paperwork to go to HUD.
You think they were slow walking me?
You're damn straight they were.
But that's what all the antics were going on.
The politicals had put the hiring in the hands of the career HR department.
And I said, no, we're going to do the hiring.
We're going to do the paperwork.
We're going to pick the people out.
And it's all under law.
And sure enough, you know, that's how they actually did it under Obama.
Many of the people in the Trump administration were being led around by the nose.
And very few people got in under the hood, read the regulations and said, you know, the people sent us to run this government.
Let's start acting like it.
So that's how you change this thing.
And as far as courage and this insurmountable thing you asked about, look, most of these people are soft.
They've never been challenged.
Very few people have stood up in the past.
And I was surprised at kind of like how it kind of had a domino effect.
And a lot of this was a Potompkin Village.
It was kind of false exteriors and, you know, a lot of hot air.
Ultimately, like we were able to start clearing the ground and getting hold of institutions.
And that would, you know, remove kind of these career civil servants who were in the, you know, interrupting policy and put in a political, which it should be a political.
And now President Trump is getting his policies finally on the field in kind of the fourth quarter of the first term.
But it all starts and ends with courage.
The next stage you went through was the craziness of the election contest of 2020.
But compared to, you know, what was that whole experience like?
And what did you take away from it as a lesson going forward politically?
Yeah, so you have to remember the time.
And I think people can flash back in our heads.
This is COVID.
Every night they're telling you how many people died.
I'm at OPM.
We are keeping the federal government running.
Look, my dad was an infectious disease doctor at Hopkins, a world-class medicine.
He pioneered the course in medical ethics.
So, you know, I went to MIT.
I'm not, you know, I'm very conscious about infectious disease.
But at the same time, I was like leery about this one.
And we never shut down OPM.
I was the White House liaison and I made sure all the politicals came into the office every day.
Now, mind you, the rest of the careers had cleared out of the building, but we're running this thing.
And we kept the government running.
So I thought, well, you know, I'm doing this.
I'm letting us get on the field.
Somebody else has got to have this election covered.
And remember, I'm a lawyer.
I spent the last 20 years, every four years at the polls.
I've always done volunteer lawyering for the Republican National Lawyers Association.
I was out there in Toledo in 2004.
I was in Philadelphia in 2008.
I was on the ground in New Hampshire in 2012.
I saw every year it get worse and worse for us.
And I was like, they have to get a handle on election integrity.
But, you know, you're thinking, well, President Trump has his team going behind him.
It's going to get done.
Anyways, we're there at the White House election night.
I was in PPO in the EEOB watching the returns, and we're beginning to be cautiously optimistic.
We were walking around saying, you know, we got this if they don't steal it.
And, you know, I remember a point there at 9:30 where we basically saw things going up.
We turned off the volume.
People put some music on.
We were kind of getting ready.
And then everything just kind of slowed down.
And you could see the Arizona stuff come on.
And some people were basically catching on early what was going down.
So, long and short of it, I left the White House at 4 a.m. on that next Wednesday morning.
I was driving home and I heard them, you know, all of a sudden, votes are coming in in Milwaukee.
I'm like, this is all one big fix, you know, and it was becoming obvious that there was a pattern.
Now, I had been, remember, the lawyer, the brain of what became the biggest RICO case in the United States, the Chevron Ecuador case.
I found the smoking gun.
I helped develop the legal theories for that case.
So I'm attuned to like, you need a top law firm that is foot, you know, footprints in many cities at once where you can control, command, and control and produce briefs overnight and make sure everyone's on the same central argument.
None of that was in place.
You know, for months leading into the election, Steve Bannon and others had said there's a color revolution in the works.
They're going to be doing this.
They have this whole election integrity project that is actually kind of the cheat sheet, if you will, for the 2020 election.
And sure enough, it just started dragging away from us.
And by Thursday, I'm like, okay, I got my political appointees together in a room and I told them, you know, the AP doesn't decide who the president is.
The Constitution does.
And right now, you know, President Trump's in the lead, but I'm going on leave.
You guys, if you want to follow, you can also go on vacation, but I have to go fight.
So I drove overnight, stopped off in my family in South Carolina and, you know, kind of tooled up and hit Georgia by Friday morning.
And it was clear we were getting run over, that none of this had been put in place.
The president didn't even have a law firm retained in Georgia.
There was no national coordinating council, and nobody had actually done any preparation to prevent the big steal.
So we were digging out from an avalanche.
And that's where I ran into Robert.
You know, I don't want to dwell on that so much today, other than to say, like, I learned the lesson of this stuff can get stolen.
They're very clever on the other side.
We are completely outnumbered.
And we actually got done in by a lot of people on our own side.
That's what I was going to ask.
It's like, I was going to say, who's to blame for that?
It's 2020.
And I say it's done and over to the extent there's lessons that can be learned.
That's why the question is relevant.
But more relevant question yet: what has Trump learned for this time around and what's being done in this second term to make sure that he doesn't make the same mistakes of picks in the first term and/or have people who are Republican in name only in the second term now undermining his efforts to really revolutionize America?
Yeah, I mean, who's to blame?
I do believe it's this unfortunate marrying of the establishment class that many of them didn't come over, but they're able to.
And this is where we can get to Lindsay is basically they're great kind of cause players or they can put on an act pretty well.
But in the 2020 case, it was the RNC, you know, like he never took over the RNC.
That's the establishment class.
And they were ready to jettison Trump at the first, you know, by the time we got there, the next day, Saturday, it was like they had changed Trump victory to Senate victory and washed their hands of it.
And I said, stop.
I was the guy who stood in the breach and like, nobody's winning any Senate seats until we get to the bottom of what happened on Tuesday.
And we have to fight for the president.
We have to dig in.
We have to get to all this.
And, you know, has President Trump learned the lesson?
I think he did in large part, but at the same point, you know, there are very, to be sure, a lot of these elements now that are, you know, these faux maga types.
And they're actually for the true believers keeping some of us at bay.
So, in the case of Lindsey Graham, let's prosecute the case against that man.
This is the guy, were he ever to have had his way, there would have never been a Donald Trump, right?
This is the guy who said, you know, about Donald Trump, essentially, he can go to hell and that he's the end of the Republican Party.
So, this is a guy who racked up like 0.01%, maybe in the voting in the presidential primary or the polling for it.
He has nothing to do with the state, but he did not stop when he lost.
He actually, I submit to you, engineered a lot of the attempt to create a coup against President Trump in 2016 and 17 by his antics.
And, you know, he was actually one of the original producers of the Russia hoax.
And we can explain that in detail how that went down.
Exactly.
I mean, throughout 2016, he runs against President Trump.
He gets, as you know, there's no support in the Republican Party amongst any Republican Party base for him, less than 1% of the vote has to flee the race.
Then refuses to vote for President Trump in November of 2016 and brags about it that he was not going to vote for President Trump.
If it was up to Lindsey Graham, Hillary Clinton would have been elected president.
Then he, throughout that whole process, he and Senator McCain are coordinating and conspiring to legitimate Russia Gate.
That without Lindsey Graham's involvement, Lady Lindsay's involvement, Russia Gate likely never takes off.
Can you explain how his essential role in all of that derailed Trump for his entire first term?
Boom.
I mean, you're doing it, but like to back up, like, what did Trump pose?
Why was Trump so dangerous?
Oh, he started, he was an intermeddler in their Ukraine war fantasy that they started in 2014.
And this was kind of a deep state plan to like, you know, we can get into the details of that, but that was put in place by none other than Lindsey Graham, by John McCain, you know, by Victoria Newland going to Kiev or Kyiv as they now call it in 2014.
Now, fast forward to Donald Trump.
Remember how he became a thing?
It was because he said Bush lied people died.
He was the first Republican to basically say, no, the Iraq war, that was kind of under false pretenses.
And we're not going to do that again.
Now, so he was posing a threat.
Lindsay, though, you know, when the election went, they got together and they said, we have to make a bipartisan effort to delegitimize Trump.
And Lindsay, for his part, was the Republican side carrying the water.
It's fascinating that somehow we've forgotten this story, but look, Lindsay's central to the thing.
He in 2000, in December 2016, now the president's getting ready to take the oval office.
Where is Lindsay?
He is visiting Ukraine with Robert Blumenthal, Richard Blumenthal, the senator from Connecticut, one of the worst of the worst Democrat warmongers, who also incidentally, I believe, was one of these guys lying about his service in the Merchant Marines.
My grandfather was an actual hero in that.
So he was kind of trading on that false valor.
But I think I believe that's the case.
But look, they were out promoting the Ukraine war and actually having a press conference saying Russian interference, Russian interference.
And Lindsay, for his part, said, well, the Russians interfered in this election, but they didn't actually affect the outcome.
But he, so he let the Democrats carry the ball for the next five yards and said, absolutely, they affected the outcome.
But he said, this is a bipartisan thing.
We can all come together and increase sanctions.
So you see him, I believe it's February 2017.
He is running meetings at hearings at the Judiciary Committee, literally to reinforce the findings.
He literally says, this is to reinforce the findings of the IC that the Russians meddle in the election.
So this is Hall, this is kind of like the amuse bush, if you will, for appointing Robert Mueller.
meanwhile the democrats are sending all this stuff out the p dossier well how did they get their hands on the p dossier boom lindsey graham lindsey graham is the guy who told john mccain to give the dossier to the fbi had that never happened and he said at the time or he said later he goes I don't know if it's true.
It could be.
Why don't you give it to the people who are in charge of figuring out whether things are true, the FBI?
So if he had been a normal person, he'd be like, this is a load of bunk.
Like, this is so unbelievable on its face.
It's absurd.
And this is obviously ginned up by Hillary and gang.
But like you said, he's supporting Hillary for president.
He's in on this.
So ultimately, he tells McCain to deliver it to the FBI and we're off to the races with Mueller and then the two years of essentially delegitimizing Trump.
At times, if you guys remember, they're like, oh, Trump's going to step down.
He's going to step down.
He's going to resign.
So they basically handcuffed his whole first term.
And guess what they didn't do?
They didn't build a wall.
Remember, Trump's seminal thing was to build a wall.
Well, Lindsay, our senator in South Carolina, was running around talking about Russian interference instead of let's just get the 17 billion together to build a wall.
Well, what is the effect of Lindsay doing that eight years ago?
20 million illegals in the country today.
Had that wall been built for 18 billion, we wouldn't have $5 trillion in national debt and clocking up as a cause of this.
So you can see that this was not only a failed coup attempt led by Lindsay and others, but this damage still clocks in today in the trillions.
I actually just have to double check to make sure that I'm not going crazy, but I remembered him supporting the prosecution of Steve Bannon and Brian Colfaj, who were the ones fundraising to build the wall when they refused to provide the funds for it.
What explains Republicans who are so anti-Trump and more like fundamentally, why are they so angry with, fearful of, and anti-Trump in particular?
What does he specifically represent that Rhino-Republicans fear?
Yeah, I don't think of him as a Republican senator from South Carolina.
I think of him as the Union Party senator from Ukraine.
He left this state 32 years ago on the promise of term limits, right?
Believe it or not, he served four terms in the House.
And there's a great video of him like espousing term limits.
And he's like, the amendment just failed to make three term limits and it just failed.
But I want to support it now.
So he's always this kind of, he's the definition of control opposition.
The guy who's like, I'm trying to build a wall.
And then he closes in the cloakroom and says, we're not doing that, guys.
Like, look, it's not going to happen.
But you got to give me a break.
I'm from South Carolina.
I got to go tell the folks back home the red meat.
But trust me, we're not going to do that anytime soon.
So that's his whole bag, you know.
And people are not stupid here.
I mean, we've seen the routine.
And he just got by last time in 2020 under the cloak of COVID.
And I think, you know, with President Trump, it was like we couldn't, he never had a serious, you know, challenger for the primary.
But why did people attach themselves to the Union Party?
Why did people sell out in life?
Why did people, I mean, think of Washington as this massive hose.
It's like an effluent and it's just sloshing out money.
And, you know, most people maybe go into politics for good reasons.
They're true believers, but they just get held captive of it.
I don't know in the case of Lindsay how much he's made, but he certainly isn't a resident of South Carolina.
He lives up there in Washington and coming back now for a fifth term after he almost activated the coup against the president.
And we could talk more.
I think he had his hands also in the Ukraine perfect phone call and he had his hands in J6.
Remember, this is a guy who said, I wish they shot more people on J6.
So, you know, it's very odd that the president, I don't believe, fully understands the facts on the ground because it's kind of cuts from him.
But we're going to prosecute it this time around.
In the words of the immortal Andrew Breitbart, we're going to vet him.
If you look at his whole history, came in sort of during the early shift of evangelicals in the South, sort of rode that wave, very close with Strom Thurmond.
That's how he was sort of able to piggyback as a Lady Lindsay's been cross-dressing his MAGA for as long as he's been running for office in South Carolina.
The example, I mean, tried to work with John Kerry on pushing through climate change, tried to work to get the immigration, just open the borders fully in 2014.
He was one of those people negotiating that that Rush Limbaugh had to call out to stop it all.
As you pointed out, he has voted for almost every Obama and Biden judge that they wanted, no matter how crazy, no matter how calmie.
While he would give Trump trouble with his own nominees and many hundreds of them still not confirmed as we speak, he said there shouldn't be any free speech anytime there's a war going on.
So he's been part of the surveillance state, supported the persecution of Julian Assange, the persecution of Edward Snowden, the persecution of these whistleblowers, has pushed for red flag laws connected to gun control.
You know, did that, you know, tries to hide that from his South Carolina supporters, often backed a lot of the craziest COVID policies, attacked Rand Paul when Brand Paul and Robert Kennedy were saying we got to re-look at the vaccine list.
Uniparty senator for Ukraine is the precisely accurate description for Lady Lindsay.
When you're looking at making this challenge, what did you look at?
Because there have been people who have thought about it.
He's only faced one real semi-challenge in his career once he became incumbent.
Once you dug in, there'd be people talk about it, then they back out, talk about it, then back out.
What led you to be willing to take on this representation?
Go ahead.
Oh, you can hear me?
So connect your internet?
Yeah, yeah.
Yeah, so if I understand the question, it's like, how did how did we assess the challenge to really go for it?
Yeah.
Like, God, basically, we're on a mission from God here.
This is, it's prayerful.
I don't have a choice.
I'm a dad of four, and I cannot sit on the sidelines.
I've never sat on sidelines in my life, but I'm not doing it to turn over the country, this MAGA movement, to a 70-year-old childless warmonger.
We have come too far.
We have fought too hard to let this happen.
Are y'all okay with it?
Okay.
You know, it's, it's, look, I don't do risk assessments and say, oh, what's the likelihood of whatever?
I go and do the right thing, and I hope people follow.
We, you know, Project 2025 was built about 20 feet from here in my kitchen at the kitchen counter here.
It became a global phenomenon down here in Charleston.
And I did that in two years' time with the auspices of the Heritage Foundation and 100 other 110 conservative groups, all patriots that I helped lead and said we have to constructively put our energies in one place, direct them, put aside our differences.
We agree on 70% of the stuff, but we have to be ready to roll day one.
And we have to be able to seize control of the government if we get power again.
And that's what Project 2025 did.
And now you see President Trump having the most successful 200 days of office.
Well, we built the prefab those 200 days.
So every day, you know, I hear, I pick up the paper and I see, well, they're going after an endangerment finding.
Well, they're, you know, shutting down USAID.
Well, they're shutting down a corporation for public broadcasting.
You know, they're closing down the Department of Dev.
I'm like, that was across my desk in 22.
This is what I was doing in 23.
I know the guys.
I connected them with this.
This is, I spent the last three years kissing my wife and kids goodbye at 3.30 in the morning Every Monday to go up to the swamp to fight these battles.
I have been on the front lines driving this, and we saw the great harvest come in.
But the thing is, this race is not finished.
The race is the swamp, the headwaters are in the U.S. Senate, the same guys who work three days a week, the same people who are on vacation right now with none of the appointees in place, and the ones who have no urgency to save the country, who are just larding on another four or five trillion with the so-called big beautiful bill that should have just been the beautiful bill.
So ultimately, your question is: how did I decide?
And, you know, I felt like I've been given so much, blessed by God with great parents, you know, fought a lot of adverse conditions to get where I am.
And I'm not sitting this one out.
There's we're in the land of patriots.
This, we're going on our 250th birthday here.
Like, you have to understand what the character of those folks were like and kind of summon their courage.
And that's what we're doing with this movement.
We are going to liberate South Carolina from the clutches of deep state Lindsey Graham.
Independence Day is next June 9th, 2026, massive statewide Republican retirement party for Lindsay.
We're calling all patriots across the land, you've got to chip in, you've got to help.
Go to pauldans.com.
And I'm told I have to plug my website.
So apologies for that.
But look, we can't do this without the help of the grassroots listeners like yours.
This is not a South Carolina problem.
This is more than that.
It's an America problem.
It's actually a world problem.
And, you know, it's going to take us all coming together.
And I've worked with the grassroots.
That's how we got Project 2025 to be the thing it is.
That's why we scared the daylights out of the left.
They realized that for the existential threat, we set our sights on the administrative state.
That's what they're doing now.
But use that same kind of leadership to go after this.
Now that you mentioned actually Project 2025, I think, I mean, I think we all pretty much understand what it is at this point.
At one point, however, when it was first coming out, it was being heavily demonized, but almost not just by the left and the mainstream media, but almost Republicans distancing themselves from Project 2025.
This is going to be, I don't know, either an impossible question to answer, and I'm not looking for names.
What was the reluctance on the right, on the conservative side, to embrace Project 2025 and to formalize it as part of the reelection campaign?
Well, you know, I don't think there was so much.
Let's remember, there's 110 groups.
I mean, it was really the entirety of the most persuasive and influential conservative organizations, you know, brought together by the mothership of conservatism itself, heritage.
And I know people were like, well, heritage is mainstream.
It's like this.
Yeah, it's true.
But like, we needed, we had to go.
And I'm not a heritage guy initially.
You know, like I was not part of it, I never even knew really about heritage until after the Trump administration.
But what we said is like, we got to have institutional conservatism together with us in this movement.
We have to take that hill.
We have to work together and we have to build this common nucleus.
And that's what we did with Project 2025.
So who detracted from it?
Well, let's be clear.
You know, the initial assault on it was from none other than warmongers, believe it or not.
And that would be, I remember AEI.
I'll point the finger right at them.
They were the first ones, like the Russia hoax.
It did not come from the left.
That was first germinated by people on the right, oftentimes the same kind of warmongering thing.
So they struck at it in about Labor Day 2023.
I remember being asked on C-SPAN about it.
And surely thereafter, the left seized on it and started saying, well, this is dangerous.
Ultimately, any detractors on the right, I think, were part of this kind of power struggle to implement to get the jobs.
And we weren't, to be clear, we weren't trying to desk jockey or grab jobs.
We wanted to make sure the homework was done ahead of time.
And like Reagan said, you know, there's no limit to what you can accomplish if you're not there to take credit.
These folks, and I'm humbled by Them.
They were a thousand of the people who had served under President Trump, dedicated the mission, took their lives, their nights and weekends to record these things for posterity, put them in a book so they were easily manageable.
So there was a North Star that when and if Republicans got into power, they would be able to know where to go.
And so I'm very proud of what they did.
But to be clear, like the detractors on our side, you know, were from people seeking jobs themselves, maybe a rival project here and there, but they ultimately, you know, they made Project 2025 into a bogeyman.
But sure enough, it ultimately went to work.
And the joke's on them in a sense that every day another Project 2025 angel gets his wings.
Yeah, exactly.
Can you talk about what your approach is on foreign policy in that we have an increasing generational shift?
You've described the partisan shift, people that were Kennedy Democrats are now MAGA Republicans.
You look at Lady Lindsay, he's been a war whore his whole life, cheered for every single regime change war that could be, tried to prevent and effectively did sabotage President Trump's ability to get us out of Syria.
Now, what do we have?
Another civil war in Syria because of our troops being stuck there, precipitating the regime change.
We had he wanted regime change in Iran.
He's talked about bombing Moscow.
He's talked about wanting to support continuing the war in Ukraine.
That, as you noted, he is principally the author of, going back to the Maidan coup in 2014, Ian McCain and Victoria Newland.
We wouldn't have the war in Ukraine but for that.
Wouldn't have had the war in Ukraine if RussiaGate had not been the fake scandal that it was that tarred and limited and constrained President Trump.
So can you describe what for the differences between you and Lindsey Graham on foreign policy that what for you America first means?
It means exactly that.
Explaining how any foreign intervention is in the national interest of the American people.
American people at a time that are having a hard time balancing their checkbook at the end of the month, you know, whose roofs are literally caving in, where infrastructure is like, I'm more interested in East Palestine, Ohio, than I am in Palestine and Israel.
The bottom line is, we have to get back on our feet as a country if we're going to be this arsenal of democracy.
We can't even build Stinger missiles on the timeframe of less than seven years.
I believe it's 10 years.
So like we have to stop with the foreign adventurism.
If you didn't have enough pattern recognition to realize that all we do is break things and make them worse.
I can't remember the last time anyone said they were going to go vacation in Iraq or Afghanistan.
Like those are not garden spots.
They are actually in worse shape than when we found them.
And trillions of dollars later, thousands of lives lost, millions of lives destroyed in terms of parents and kids and everybody affected by that.
Civilians killed, maimed soldiers for what?
For a couple people in Langley to kind of play Toy Soldier, forget it.
We have to be peace through strength.
And peace through strength means fighting only the fights that are noble, that are really in our national interest.
So when you hear somebody like Lindsay start talking about boots on the ground in Iran, you have to do everything possible to stop this man.
Like he wants to start the kinetic World War III and we have to stop him at all costs and get him out in the U.S. Senate.
I have to apologize to the golfers out there because there is no other place we can put Lindsay but on a golf course.
He does not belong in the U.S. Senate.
Well, now that you mention it, I mean, what does go into a Senate race?
Like, how much money do you need?
What is the process, especially someone who's been in there, fighting someone who's been in there for as long as Lindsey Graham has?
Yeah, well, look, I mean, Lindsay reputedly has reportedly has like 20 million in the bank.
And believe me, that 20 million is not mom and pop people here in South Carolina who said, you know, you've done such a great time with the last four terms.
We need to have a fifth.
These are the defense industrial contractors.
These are the warmongers.
These are kind of the special interests that have filled up the coffers.
So to do battle with them, is it going to take that much?
No.
But we obviously think about Dave and V. Goliath.
We need enough money to buy a couple of slingshots around here.
But it's going to take millions to be sure.
And we're relying on patriots, not only here across this great state of South Carolina, but all over the country to chip in 10, 15 bucks, 100 here.
Come online.
If you've been blessed and have the resources, come meet with us.
Be a full max donor, PaulDance.com.
This is an investment in your children's future, in their children, and people who haven't even had an opportunity to have children.
Look, all this adventurism, kids can't even buy a house until they're 38.
How are you supposed to have any equity in this country if you can never buy in?
The American dream is out of people's reach.
We need to bring prices down in a way that we stop this foreign borrowing from spending our kids' inheritance on Ukrainian civil servants.
It's like $300 billion.
Why don't we get a third lane here on the interstate so people aren't waiting an hour to get into work?
It's obscene.
And it has to stop.
We're talking about lunacy here.
And that's the definition of insanity would be voting for Lindsey Graham for a fifth term in office.
Yeah, no doubt.
The other last component we wanted to, you mentioned that, you know, I mean, Lindsey Graham has been on the tax hiking side, been on the blowout the budget side, promised term limits, and yet now wants to serve a fifth term in the Senate and extend his career to 30 plus years, been a war whore for every war and regime change effort in the world, undermined President Trump, birthed us the war in Ukraine.
One of the other things he did is he was secretly behind the scenes in the second impeachment, moving, maneuvering to escalate President Trump's risk, while he was the sole Republican member of the House to vote against impeaching Bill Clinton for his perjury related to Paula Jones.
So this is a guy that, you know, he said that President Trump's pardon power should be taken away from him because he pardoned the wrongfully persecuted J6, the individuals, while he himself was complicit in the RussiGate scandal that now dominates.
Do you think that we, one other area of difference is there should be accountability for the weaponization of the legal system, the weaponization of RussiaGate that derailed and was a constant coup against President Trump's policy and that locked up a lot of patriotic Americans over exaggerated charges in J6, along with all the other law affairs that took place that many of our friends and colleagues have been subject to.
Is that another area of difference between you and the lady, Lindsay?
Look, 100%.
I am a top lawyer.
I undid that massive RICO fraud against Chevron.
I will never stop.
I will always investigate.
I want to launch all these Senate investigations and get the people the answers.
Lindsay never will do that.
He's up to his eyeballs in this stuff.
There's a reason, if you ever saw the Maria Barteroma clip where she keeps asking what he's going to do, and he's like, I'm not going to interfere with the ongoing investigation.
I'm going to ask him once the report comes in.
It's like he never issued a subpoena when he could because he knew responsive documents would come back with his name all over it.
This guy is in on it.
And it's incumbent on your listeners to really spread this.
They need to push out the facts, the litany of facts that you just recited, Robert, and tell people.
Like, look, the president often tells his story about the snake, you know, the poem of the snake.
Or, you know, there's an allegory where someone's bringing this frog's bringing kind of a stingray across a river.
But it's like, this guy is a double crossing person.
You have to understand the essence of this.
He's a snake, and he is going to sick on the president the second he ever gets his shot at it.
And sure enough, everything, like you said, not only the Ukraine thing was he back channeling and working against the president, you know, the whole J6 thing and even his phone call in Georgia.
Look, He never should have gotten on the phone with the president to call Rafus Berger in the first place.
He's walked the president down this primrose path and then plays the role of like, hey, I can rescue you from it.
Well, you led him into the danger in the first place.
This is like inventing COVID to only trot out, you know, the vaccine afterwards and act like you're somebody's savior.
It's a terrible deep state play.
We've seen this before, and the act is over.
We're not falling for it this time, but it's your listeners.
It's this grassroots listening.
It's pushing out this in their social medias.
It's championing, you know, this campaign, Dance for Senate.
We are going to take this out.
We're going to bring this senate seat back to the people where it belongs.
That's what this government's about.
It's not for the deep state.
And Donald Trump, look, you'll never find me saying a bad thing about Trump.
Our family has given the last 12 years of our life and so much more to this.
But, you know, he's made a premature endorsement.
And the good news is it's not going to have an effect on the people of South Carolina.
That polling shows that it makes pretty much zero impact on their decision making.
And we're going to prosecute the case.
By the end of this, we are going to be victorious.
I'm going to ask a question.
I hate rumors and it's like pulling feathers out of a pillow.
There's not many people who remain unmarried, childless, late into life.
And there's not many people who behave in a way that leads people to say that 180 can only be the result of compromise.
There are rumors online, but for someone who's more in the political sphere, I mean, some people hypothesize that they're just someone has to have compromising material on Lindsey Graham to explain away the way he acts at times.
Is there anything credible that anybody has ever heard, or is it innuendo that exists on the internet?
Look, obviously, I'm a live and let live guy.
You know, I, you know, for gays, lesbians, you have every right to live your life.
But when we're talking about a politician who commits other people's kids to war, who says things like killing Russians, the best money we ever spent, like, this is almost a sociopath, someone who has no regard for human life.
And, you know, one thing I can say as a father is that I'm very sensitive to the great kind of the love, the investment, the nurturing that being a parent raises.
But I also see that in other people and even in your enemy's kids, you have to have some humanity at the end of the day, you know, and that's what's so troubling with him.
You know, he's just always warmongering.
And you wonder to yourself, it's like, why he doesn't seem to have any natural relationship with another person.
You know, the best we can tell is like he has a long distance love affair with a foreign dictator in Ukraine.
I think he's been over there 20 times.
It's like, it's just unnatural.
And, you know, it's like, it's the 21st century, really.
It's like, come out already.
Like, you know, admit it, you're a rhino, but, you know, it's like that stop.
You do set yourself up for these kind of allegations.
And I think it has a serious basis.
You know, it's like his decision making, there's no moral code there because he has literally no stake in the future.
You know, he's not passing on this legacy to the next generation.
You know, he is out there kind of settling scores and he talks about war literally like game on.
It's like, it's not a game, dude.
These are people's lives.
And you'd say that these are some of the bravest people, right?
Right up the ocean here, you know, a couple miles is military installations.
These are people who lay down their lives for this country.
And they better be told, they better know that they're giving that ultimate sacrifice for something for real, for our protection for their kids, like my family did, you know, and that's the whole point of this.
This is like, it's obscene to have somebody like that in public office.
No, no, no, no, no.
So the where can people continue to support you?
Find you on different social media websites.
What are all those places and links as we wrap up today?
Okay, so we're at pauldans.com.
That's our campaign website.
You can make contributions there.
You can learn more about our positions, some of my background.
You can see some great wedding photos.
My wife and I, we were our 19th anniversary is coming up on Monday.
We're married about 10 miles from here on Johns Island.
And you can also go to Paul Dan's for Senate and at Paul Dance for Senate on X and Insta.
We're setting up those socials are coming into life right now, but you can follow us.
It's going to be spicy.
You'll get a really good education on Lindsay and his path of warmongering.
But yeah, we hope to be back with you guys.
This is ultimately about the grassroots.
And we have come so far with Trump.
It was a blessing that he made it to the second term.
I believe that's by the grace of God, but it's not any time to let up.
We have to put our shoulder to the wheel, as Bannon would say, and keep going on this.
Oh, you say, but you're going to mention by the grace of God, and I do believe July 13 was a miracle.
Like, no joke, we're sitting here.
I've never fired an AR-515 in my life.
And on the first shot from what was Crooks vantage point, I hit the target.
And I say it's a witness that we all saw in real time.
Paul, I'm going to put up your links in the pinned comment.
We're going to raid, redact it, but I'll just read the tip questions that we have in our locals community before we leave.
And if there's anything you can answer here, let me bring it up.
We're definitely going to do it again because it is insightful beyond what people can appreciate that not having kids is one thing.
Not having kids and sending other people's kids to war is entirely something different.
And the point you make is right on.
Dapper Dave says, Barnes, Viva, in my opinion, Dan's needs to run a platform that is complete opposite of Lindsey Graham by promising not to accept no money, not to accept money from APAC, releasing the Epstein list funding and not funding forever wars for Israel-Ukraine.
He needs to stand on principle and not be perceived as a deep state stooge like Graham.
Free SC01 says, native South Carolina here and one of the founders and moderators of the Dump Lindsay 2026 Facebook group here.
How can you justify supporting Ross Pro as I did and not supporting Ron Paul 08012?
There is a debate about who we support to make a runoff.
Free SC01 says, will you not just support, but push to abolish the ATF and repeal the NFA?
Yeah, maybe go back on some of these before I forget them.
Look, I held my, look, I was out of politics with McCain and Romney.
I did not support them.
I soldiered to those election sites out of just pure duty.
Basically, I was leaving politics if it wasn't for Donald Trump coming along.
So I hope that answers your question.
I had no interest.
And basically, I'd come over to the Republican Party because the Democrats had shut me out.
And with these guys, I was just about out of politics.
And thanks for Donald Trump basically inspired me to go back into it.
Yeah, with the policy positions, I hope you got it.
I'm absolutely against foreign forever wars, you know, and I'm not funding them.
We're not made out of money, but certainly it's not a penny more for this Ukraine.
$300 billion unaccounted for with no articulable end or a way to measure.
Absolutely not.
And look, I'm very conscious about the funding.
You want to help me out?
Put your money where your mouth is.
Go to pauldance.com.
We're relying on grassroots funding.
That will make that sort of thing possible.
But look, I support Israel.
I'm not, you know, they have a lot of challenges out there, but they're very good at fighting for themselves.
But we are also always to look at this through the America first prism.
We are Americans and we have to work in our own citizens' self-interest first.
And I hope I answered those questions with, you know, ATF.
Look, I'm all for a slimmed down government and ATF is just one of the rogue agencies.
I think that here in South Carolina, we have a lot of, and I'm a second amendment absolutist.
So Lindsay, for his part, no, you know, this is a very, I don't believe that the First Amendment exists without the second.
So I think that the founders got it exactly right.
Paul, I think we just got your campaign slogan here.
Dan's the man is fantastic.
Yes.
And now that I realize it, also, your wife is a ballerina and your last name is Dance in French means to dance.
It's beautiful.
Paul, I'm going to put the links.
We will definitely do this again.
If you're in Florida, we can do it in person at the local studio because I didn't get nearly deep enough into your childhood as I would like to, given the timeframe.
But this was amazing.
An honor to be with you all.
And not just you two gentlemen, but all the listeners here.
Look, you guys are patriots and this is how we save the country.
This is our moment in time.
You know, the people have been doing it for 200 years here.
It's time for us to take the wheel.
And thanks for your support, PaulDans.com.
Pleasure.
I'm going to end the stream.
We'll say our proper goodbyes, everyone in the chat.
I will definitely see you later.
We're going to get back to the range in a second.
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