July 6, 2024 - The Political Cesspool - James Edwards
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You're listening to the Liberty News Radio Network, and this is the political cesspool.
The Political Cesspool, going across the South and worldwide, as the South's foremost populist conservative radio program.
And here to guide you through the murky waters of the political cesspool is your host, James Edwards.
Ladies and gentlemen, welcome to this year's annual TPC's 4th of July Spectacular.
I'm your host, James Edwards.
This Saturday evening, July the 6th, and we're live once again from the upcountry of South Carolina.
Let your ancestors be proud with the big rebel yell, everybody!
Charge them, boys.
Charge them.
It is great to be here every year.
Didn't know if I was going to make it.
We've had a pretty ambitious travel schedule this week, but we are here, and there's no place I would rather be.
A year ago this week, we were here with two of the guests that are going to be featured this evening.
The two guests who will be featured this evening, Sam Dixon and Michael Hill.
They are not with us tonight.
They will be with us over the phone as we broadcast live a little hybrid program tonight.
Happy Independence Day weekend to you, Sam.
We've got a lot to cover.
How are you?
I am fine.
How are you?
I am fine.
I would be better if you were here, but I am happy to be joined with you on the radio.
Now, you and I have been talking about this show for a little over a week, and we have a lot to cover.
So with regards to the 4th of July, the founding fathers, the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution, all of the things people are thinking about or supposed to be thinking about this week, give us that opening salvo, make that opening statement.
I think it is important that we remember on the 4th of July that our ideas, our form of government, the way we practice business and run politics, these things are our legacy from our ancestors in Great Britain.
The establishment uses the 4th of July, as one might expect, for destructive purposes.
And they tell us that we broke free of British tyranny.
Britain was the freest nation on earth in 1776, and the Americans were the next freest.
We did not break free of any tyranny.
In fact, the ideals that Americans cherish came to us from Britain.
The Bill of Rights is, you have as its template, the Declaration of Rights, which the British Parliament passed in 1692 and compelled the new king to sign, guaranteeing things like freedom of speech, right to a council, and prosecuted by the government and so on.
And they deliberately fabricate this claim that we will re-escape British tyranny because they want to sever us from our European roots.
And this is a very, very bad thing that has haunted our country throughout its history.
It should be stuck.
We should honor our British heritage just as we honor the founding fathers of our country.
How do you reconcile, Sam?
And we're going to get into what they fought for, what they didn't fight for, how a lot of it has been lost in translation.
But I want to ask you this with regards to the accusation that King George was this most wicked, horrible tyrant.
How can you reconcile?
How can this nation reconcile over the course of the first 80 years of its founding, maybe a little less than that, that we had to fight this revolutionary war against the tyrant King George, but at the same time, Abraham Lincoln was our greatest president and an example for others to follow.
When you compare the tyranny of one versus the other, what do you come up with?
Well, there's no question that Lincoln was a tyrant and George III was not.
There's an interesting book that came out recently called America's Last King, which is a biography of George III.
And the historian, the real reveals that George III was a very sincere person.
He wanted to be a good king.
He wanted the support and love of his subjects, including the Americans.
He was not a tyrant.
During and after the French Revolution, he became a symbol all over Europe of decency and order and dignity and freedom in the face of the radicals in Paris, who unfortunately were friends of, were embraced by Thomas Jefferson, who applauded the reign of terror, which is a bad chapter in an otherwise very admirable life of Jefferson.
But when you compare them, most people don't have time to study these things.
And Americans in general live in what Gorbadal called the United States of amnesia, where we learn very little about history and certainly nothing about real history.
But, you know, most Americans, just in common sense, will think back on what they've heard of the war for independence.
Did George III ever burn down whole areas of a colony that were disaffected from him?
Did he ever do what Abraham Lincoln did from Atlanta all the way up down to Savannah and then across South Carolina all the way up to the border of North Carolina when we surrendered?
No, King George never did that.
Did King George arrest members of parliament who opposed him and exile them?
No, he did not.
He allowed them to sit in the parliament and criticize the war and support the colonists throughout the entire seven-year war because he respected parliament's rights.
Abraham Lincoln, on the other hand, arrested people who, Congressman Ladingham being the chief one, and expelled them to the United States if they criticized Lincoln's policies.
Lincoln had southern prisoners of war tethered in front of Northern Hell fortifications to compel the South to fire on its own men.
King George never did anything like that.
There's just no comparison between the two.
And then, of course.
No, I was just going to say, of course, Sam, going forward, Stalin was our great ally.
We fought with Stalin.
We had a problem with so-called tyrants in the 1700s, but Stalin was a great ally who helped us make the world safe for communism.
So what is the point here?
The point is that there's some amnesia, there's some hypocrisy with our standards versus the practice, the theory rather than the practice.
Or what would be the takeaway for the audience that's comparing King George to Lincoln and Stalin and so on and so forth?
The fundamental point is to remember the wisdom of Stephen Wise.
I've quoted this many times, and I'm sure your listeners have heard me quote it, but we learn from studying what other people think and do and how it works.
And the most successful people on the planet are the Jews.
Stephen Wise was sort of the boss Jew of the first half of the last century in America.
He was the major figure in American Jewry.
And he stressed over and over again to Jews never to forget that they have been Jews for 3,500 years, that they've been Americans for only 200 years.
That their heritage as Jews instantly out outranked their status as American citizens, and this really is a very healthy thing.
And we also must remember that our history did not begin on july 4 uh, 1776.
Our history goes back to to Athens, to to Rome, the Roman Empire, to the Anglo-saxons arriving in in Britain, Handis and Horsa who, by the way, are on our national seal, because there was some recognition even in those early days of the country, shortly after the war, that we have an Anglo-saxon heritage uh, but that we have been robbed uh of 2 500 years of our history by this,
this tactic of portraying Europe and our European ancestors as tyrants and oppressors and brutal people.
And somehow we came here and Thomas Jefferson had a good day uh, when he drew up the bill of rights uh at his plantation uh at Nonchisello uh, and he sat at his desk and he scratched his head and he said, you know seriously, that'd be good.
Let me write that down.
You know no, that's not how it worked.
It came straight from Great Britain, straight from the British parliament, straight from the rights of Englishmen, which is what the revolution started out being about.
It wasn't about secession from Britain, it wasn't about breaking free of so-called British tyranny.
It was about asserting rights that we believe we had because we were Anglo-saxons, because we were Europeans.
Well absolutely, and as this hour continues, ladies and gentlemen, we're going to be talking with Sam Dixon, the learned one, about proposition nations versus blood and soil nations.
What did the founding fathers really believe versus what we are told they believe today, and how their message and perhaps intentions have been perverted.
Thinking about independence day, uh, we are going to cover it all uh, as this dynamic duo Sam Dixon in the first hour, Michael Hill to close the show later tonight.
Return to the broadcast for Tpc's annual independence day spectacular.
Uh Sam, I want you to be thinking about this.
Uh, as the break rapidly approaches.
It was actually.
I was talking with our friend Rich Uh, at lunch today here in the upcountry of South Carolina about where I heard this from, and he said, well, the Michael said it and, but it was actually an email I got from you.
I see it right here in my notes.
It was an email that you had responded to another gentleman in conversation about uh, the declaration being at war with the constitution.
So we are going to cover that as soon as we return.
Uh with uh Sam Dixon Sam.
Before the music begins to play and I hear it now, we are here in the upcountry of South Carolina, which I know is a place near and dear to your heart a quick word uh to you, from you to the faithful here, very quickly.
What would you say to those here assemble?
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My native country be and love the free.
I made my love.
I love my walls and risks.
My woods and temple kiss.
We'll stop it right there.
We are an extension of Europe, obviously.
And for that reason and others, there are still things to be celebrated about being an American, but we'll get to that more in time.
Sam Dixon back with us tonight.
Sam, you wrote in an email that Alexander Stevens, the vice president of the Confederacy, in his cornerstone speech in Savannah on his way to Richmond, recognized that the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution were at war with each other.
That is something that I think might come as a surprising statement to a lot of people.
What do you mean by that?
Well, I think we can cite two very different figures, contemporaries of each other, who recognized this and had different takes on it.
You've mentioned Stevens, who I'll mention second, but Abraham Lincoln himself recognized that the revolutionary principles of the Declaration, the wild extremism of the Declaration, was in conflict with the stability of the Constitution.
On his way to take his oath of office, 16th President of the United States, he stopped in Pennsylvania and he gave a speech in Independence Hall in which he said explicitly that the Declaration and the Constitution are in conflict with each other.
And as to the two, his sympathies had always lain with the Declaration as opposed to the Constitution.
So we have from the great man himself that he recognized the revolutionary principles that he would implement as president, like burning down Georgia and South Carolina, like arresting members of parliament, you know, tethering soldiers and soldiers in front of the fortifications to make their own men fire on them.
These things were of the nature of the Declaration of Independence and not of the Constitution.
At the Constitutional Convention, it's interesting that they set up a rather stable government, maybe too stable.
It wasn't perfect.
It was certainly a very opposite thing of the Declaration.
There was only one Roman Catholic at that convention, a guy named Carroll from Maryland, from the aristocratic Carroll family, which is mentioned in the Maryland song, Maryland by Maryland, where they refer to Carroll's sacred trust, which is by one of his ancestors.
But Carroll went to the convention and afterwards he wrote that the Constitution represented the triumph of human experience and history over theory, that they tried to draw up a document based upon human nature and human history and experience rather than theory.
Whereas the Declaration of Independence is all whimsy in theory.
Alexander H. Stevens, like the vice president of the Confederacy, and like Lincoln, also recognized the two documents are in conflict.
His approach was the exact opposite of Lincoln's.
In his cornerstone speech in Savannah, on his way to take off when the capital was being moved to Richmond, he said that the Civil War was being fought to end forever the claims of the Declaration of Independence that all men are created equal, which shocks Americans.
I'm sure it shocks people in your audience there in Greenville, but it's very true.
The words in the Declaration, all men are created equal, as my father said, these are the words of a madman.
No one can believe such things.
There's never been one human being ever equal to another.
There's never been a cherry equal to another cherry.
Nature doesn't know anything about equality.
And you have to take leave of your senses to believe that all men are created equal.
I'm familiar with the argument that people make that Jefferson didn't really mean it, but that's how he wrote it.
And that's what's inscribed on the monuments.
And that's what Americans believe.
And it's a hopeless task to try to argue them out of it by explaining the nuances that Jefferson could have put in there.
So it's a very different document.
And it's really an expression of the kind of nonsense one expects from French philosophers as opposed to empirical, solid, you know, earthbound granite-like Anglo-Saxons.
Go ahead.
No, pardon the interruption.
I was just going to say while we're on this topic, because as you know, I wanted to inject this retort.
And the context is important.
You've mentioned it yourself at one of our conferences.
You mentioned the context of that, that he and they saw themselves as King George's equal.
I would read very quickly from a classic article posted by our friend Jared Taylor at American Renaissance.
He wasn't the author, but the author's name escapes me.
I believe it was Charles Callas.
And I'll just read very quickly.
Those who want to rewrite American history love to trot out Thomas Jefferson's phrase, all men are created equal, while completely ignoring the purpose of the Declaration is a detailed list of 28 grievances that justify separations from Britain.
Again, I'm reading this.
In this context, all men are created equal asserts that the colonists are equal to the British crown and have the right to sever ties.
Jefferson and the signers are announcing that they're equal with the king, not suggesting that human beings are biologically equal.
You obviously just addressed that, Sam.
But just to wrap up this recitation, as has been often pointed out, the Declaration itself does not treat American Indians as equal.
Quote, he, talking about the king, has excited domestic insurrectionists among them and has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers the merciless Indian savages whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, and conditions.
And then you get on to early American history all the way to the 1960s.
The United States Naturalization Law of 1790 passed by the first Congress was explicit in its inegalitarian conception of American citizenship, which limited it to free white persons of good character.
Obviously, that includes Indians, white, indentured servants, slaves, free blacks, and later Asians were excluded.
On and on and on, we can talk about that.
But yes, as you mentioned, that has been forgotten because history has been reinterpreted, and that is what we were left with: the words, not the context, not the background, not all of the nuances, correct?
Well, yes, and you can't win that battle.
The average person doesn't have the time or the education to follow these arguments.
And when you're trying to deconstruct a ringing declaration like all men are created equal, you will lose that argument.
And we've lost it.
We will never win that argument.
It was a terrible phrase.
It's one of the most destructive phrases ever written in human history.
And it appeals to the basic instincts of people, of human beings.
That's why we have the 10th commandment, which is when the 10 commandments were given, one of the worst features of human character is envy.
Thou shalt not covet.
And the thing about all men are created equal, the people who embrace that are never looking below themselves and saying, hey, all you guys, you're equal to me.
They're always looking above with resentment.
The good doctor looking above, the poor doctor rather looking above and resenting the great surgeon, that kind of thing.
And so it appeals to a really bad instinct of jealousy and covetousness instead of an appeal to excellence.
And it isn't limited just to that.
There are other things that the Declaration says that are destructive.
I know almost everybody there will disagree with me, and I respect that.
But I am a Christian.
I'm not an atheist.
But the statement that all men are created are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, that's just not true.
That's insanity.
A Tibetan, in 1776, Tibetans had no rights.
They have no rights today.
People in New Guinea had no rights.
Even the Congo had no rights.
People who had rights were Anglo-Saxons and related Europeans who had a very different worldview than Asiatics and blacks and Latin Americans.
And these rights we had, they did not come from Mount Sinai.
They came from the Magna Carta, from the Declaration of Right by the Parliament in 1692.
They came specifically out of our heritage.
And that's where our rights came from.
And that's why we have these rights, because our ancestors in Europe won those rights for us and decided that this is how they were going to live with each other.
This is how they're going to treat each other.
The idea that everybody in the world has these inalienable rights is just factually false.
I mean, these rights not only could be alienated, they don't even exist.
No Tibetan in history has ever known these rights.
It's just foolishness.
All right.
So fast forwarding now, I will work this question in just very quickly before our second break of the hour and another show going by very, very fast.
Sam was with us here live in South Carolina last year for this program here at this location tonight on the phone, and we're happy to have him any way we can get him.
I want to pause the conversation from the history of it all, Sam, as we reflect on this Independence Day week or weekend, long weekend.
The American flag today, you look at it, what does it mean to you?
Well, I have a schizophrenic view as a southerner.
You know, I'm descended from a general in the revolution, but my father regarded the revolution with reservations.
He said that we should have stayed with Britain, that we should have had a monarchy, but we separated, that there's a lot to be said for a monarchy giving a dignified head of state, even if only in a figurehead, as opposed to the head of state being the most successful candidate every four years.
And so, you know, my ancestors fought for that flag.
I wore my country's uniform.
I believe that, like Socrates said, if you're a citizen of the power of the city, the polis, you have to obey its laws.
And, you know, I try to be a good American, but I also see so many things, so many evils that have been committed in the name of that flag.
That flag has formed over so many evils.
It flew over the terror bombings of Europe.
That's World War II.
We're going to take a quick break, Sam, and I want you to finish that point when we come back.
We've got a five-minute break.
Ladies and gentlemen, are you enjoying Sam Dixon tonight live on your radio?
Let him hear it!
Your daily Liberty Newswire.
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Or complaints about air travel on the rise.
The Transportation Department says it received nearly 97,000 complaints in 2023.
That's about 11,000 more than the previous year.
More than two-thirds were about U.S. airlines, but foreign carriers had their share too.
The increase came as airlines canceled far fewer flights.
There was a 25% increase in complaints over the treatment of passengers with disabilities and more reports of discrimination.
I'm Jackie Quinn.
Former reporter for a small weekly Kansas newspaper agreeing to accept $235,000 to settle part of her lawsuit over a police raid in the paper.
Incident made the city of Marion the focus of a national debate.
Deb Gruver's suit is among five federal suits of that raid nearly one year ago.
Breaking news and analysis, townhall.com.
Louisiana must protect the health and safety of incarcerated workers.
The inmates are toiling in the fields of a former slave plantation.
U.S. District Judge Brian Jackson says they face substantial risk of injury or death in blistering summer temperatures.
He gave the state seven days to provide a plan to improve conditions at Louisiana State Penitentiary.
The state immediately appealed the decision.
Men incarcerated at the Louisiana Penitentiary filed a class action lawsuit last year, alleging cruel and unusual punishment and forced labor in the prison's fields.
John Scott reported.
Flames from derailed train cars loaded with hazardous materials mostly extinguished one day after that incident in a remote part of North Dakota.
Emergency officials do say the threat to those living nearby remains very low, and air monitoring shows no air contamination.
More on these stories at townhall.com.
Hey there, TPC family.
This is James Edwards, your host of the Political Cesspool.
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Let music swell the breeze and bring from all the trees sweet freedom soul.
Let war don't wait.
Let all that free partake.
Let God stand silence break the sun.
Welcome back to our annual 4th of July spectacular.
I will ask the faithful here assembled one more time if you're enjoying our guest Sam Dixon tonight.
I don't know if he heard you before.
Let him hear it now if you're enjoying what he has to say.
An extra hearty round rebel yell from Rich over here to my left.
That's for you, Sam.
Listen, folks, I realize it's incredibly difficult to get excited about or celebrate anything associated with modern-day America because, of course, this system now that governs us and rules us now stands for everything that is ugly and vile.
But if you listen to some of these early American anthems, and I will say the Star-Spangled Banner is a wonderful anthem.
I mean, you're thinking about Francis Scott Key on this ship and the Battle of Fort McHenry, and he's trying to find out how the battle is going by when the bombs explode to see if the flag's still there.
At least they fought for something.
At least they fought.
So it's okay.
It is okay.
We give you permission this Independence Day weekend to listen to the songs like My Country Tiz of Thee and let your mind slip back to a time when our nation actually attempted to realize some sort of potential.
And so let these songs stir your spirit and know that our people will endure.
Our people will endure.
And that's all that matters.
It does not matter if a country endures or a system of government endures or lines on a map endure.
Our people are what matters.
Our collective is what matters.
And we want to tell you all, those who are here tonight in South Carolina and listening around the country and around the world, that we love you and we hope that you and your families are enjoying a wonderful holiday weekend together.
So, Sam, getting back to the Declaration and the Founding Fathers, I know you take the position that was it even a war worth fighting considering how it all turned out.
I would defend them, though, to a certain degree by mentioning that, and I would love to have your response to this, that they could not have foreseen in the 1770s the hellscape that America would become from their vantage point there in that century and at that time.
Had we remained a part of the crown, would we not just be another generation or two down the current path that we're on in terms of not having a first or second amendment as our friends and brothers and cousins in Europe do not have?
I mean, was it worth not fighting at least for the first and second amendment?
Well, that's a lot to talk about.
I think that we would have what we have now basically in Britain today, despite the anti-hate laws, which have been passed by both parties, the Labor Party and the Conservative Party, making it a criminal offense to say things that offend black people or Jewish people.
Still, you don't have anything like the Soviet Union in Britain.
You don't have anything like Abraham Lincoln in Britain.
You still have courts, you still have juries, they still have to formally tell you what you're charged with.
You still have a right to a lawyer to defend yourself.
95% of it is still there.
And the real Constitution, as you said, is in the people.
It's not in a document.
You could take the American Constitution and give it to other countries.
It would not change the situation there.
Franklin Roosevelt, he's one of the worst presidents that we ever had, was a great admirer of communism.
He was very close friends and surrounded himself with communists.
He loved Stalin.
He and his even more pro-communist wife were determined to save communism.
And he once read, he's had these things called the fireside chats, which previous generations would know more about.
But he would make these have these chats with the American people over the radio webcasts.
And one of these, he read out the Soviet Constitution, which guaranteed freedom of religion.
And he told the American people he wear that out so as to refute the falsehoods said by anti-communists who claimed that the church was persecuted in Russia.
But right here, it's right in the Constitution.
You got freedom of religion.
And Roosevelt gave Haiti a new constitution after we evacuated the United States.
That was, it used the American Constitution.
He gave it.
It hasn't done a damn bit of good for Haiti.
The real constitution is the people.
And if we had not broken free of Britain, we would have a much wider country.
We would have a country that would be more coherent in its understanding of history.
And I think we would be better off.
And certainly, we are in a bad position when we're told to hate our ancestors, that we broke free.
It's like somebody appearing on Okra Windry and talking about the parents having a bust to talk how bad their parents were, stirring up intergenerational hatred.
This doesn't work well.
And the demonization of our British ancestors doesn't work well either.
Well, Sam, you know, of course, London is getting pretty dark.
It's at least as dark as the big watermelons.
So, you know, they've got their problems with regards to multiculturalism and multiracialism as well.
But you mentioned Haiti.
Doesn't Haiti have a better constitution than the United States in some regards?
Well, you remind me of something I said before.
You asked, you said that it could not have been anticipated where all this would go.
Well, I don't agree.
I think educated people ought to have been able to anticipate it.
Why are we knowing the history of Egypt, the history of racial amalgamation, the history of people being conquered by foreigners, all these things?
Why would you not foresee the problems that would be created by preaching that all men were created equal and all men, everyone is endowed with these rights?
Well, the blacks, the abolitionists could say quite correctly, well, what about blacks?
Aren't they endowed by their creator with certain inanimate rights?
But anyway, in Haiti, they have a very bloodthirsty head of their state, Desaline, for whom the national anthem is named.
He in 1803 ordered the murder of all remaining white people on the island.
He foresaw the danger of having white people around.
And he wrote into their first constitution, which remained the law until the American Marines changed it in the 1910s, that no white person could own so much as a square inch of Haitian soil.
Only people who had the blood of Guinea in their veins, only people of African.
So he foresaw it.
His IQ may have been higher than people who are knowing the fact.
Well, I mean, listen, it's hard to argue with it.
I guess, you know, again, you have the Declaration, you have the context, which you say is an unwinnable argument because Americans now have the attention span of a goldfish and the historical knowledge of perhaps even less than that.
So trying to get into the nuances in the context is a difficult task.
People don't want to hear it.
It's just easier to say all men are created equal, and that's the motto of the country.
That and Emma Lazarus is gibberish.
But the Haitian Constitution didn't do that.
But we did have all of the other laws and the immigration acts.
And up until the 1965s, it was pretty much a settled question.
I mean, we made it that far.
But you think, though, the seed was baked into the cake and it just took, what, nearly 200 years to germinate?
Yeah, I think we had our enemies working.
You had these radical people always, you know, the Quakers, the very first Congress, the Quakers showed up and said that under the general welfare provision of the Constitution, that the federal government had the power to outlaw slavery.
And so already it was starting in 1792 when the Congress assembled.
And you go from there, the crazed abolitionists, the John Brown element that wanted a race war in the South.
Brown wanted to, he raided Harper's Ferry to give arms to the blacks in the hopes that he could instigate a Haiti-style race war and exterminate Southern whites.
You had a lot of people, half the elected officials of the Republican Party at that time endorsed the John Brown raid.
Well, I'm not as big a Southerner as Michael Hill.
Maybe it's because my bloodlines are diluted with three of my great-grandparents being of New England origin.
But I am a Southerner, and I'm a loyal Southerner.
But the idea of solving the problem by this mass of Southern white people, there were a lot of people like these Republicans who believed that.
And why wouldn't our ancestors have left the United States with the president elected to an outrageous party like that?
People whose answer to the slavery problem was mass murder.
So it's always been there.
Woodrow Wilson cranked it up.
Woodrow Wilson mixed the units of the army that previously had been raised to sort of some state units.
Now they were all mixed up and they have these posters, Americans all.
In World War II, this became the theme of movies, that you'd have these movies over and over again.
You'd have a southern farm boy.
You'd have someone from the Bronx and a Jew and so forth there, but they're all American.
And so this stuff has a...
Yes, a good place to pause.
Your point well taken.
We're going to take one more break with Sam Dixon.
Then in the second hour, folks, we're going to feed off the energy of the live audience here at this live remote broadcast, back-to-back live remote broadcast from Louisiana to South Carolina.
I'm traveling the width of the Confederacy in a week, and we'll be right back.
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Mother Wider still and war.
Folks may think that Pomp and Circumstance is an unusual tune to play on a 4th of July weekend broadcast, but perhaps I would have thought of that an hour ago until I was talking with Sam in pregaming and he made the suggestion and explained why.
Sam, explain it to the wider audience, if you would.
Well, our graduation tune that we play is called Pomp and Circumstance, which was, it originated as something that was played when King George VI, I think it was, really the fifth, entered Westminster Cathedral after his coronation.
It was a song hailing the British Empire.
But anyway, it is a patriotic British song, and its lyrics are a land of hope and glory, mother of the free.
And they like to call their parliament the mother of parliaments.
So yes, these ideas do come from us, despite the claim in the Declaration of Independence that George III was a tyrant.
By the way, most of those claims are false.
The historians will concede that they're untrue.
There are a few of them that are true.
There are a lot of them that are some of them that have been exaggerated and twisted.
But, you know, this is our heritage, and it's a common heritage.
And we should be comfortable with being Europeans as well as Americans.
Nick Romney used to love to say, we don't want to be like Europe, but we are like Europe, Nick.
And we are Europeans, and we're happy to be Europeans.
And we're not eager to be deceived by people like Mitt Romney, who are the pets of the military-industrial complex, who want to sell us on this idea that we're supposed to be fighting wars all over the world to make the Dick and Liz Cheney rich through the ammunitions industry.
Yeah, I think you nailed it.
Well, and now the more you know, folks, you learn something on every program, certainly every time Sam's on, and you learn something tonight.
The next time a friend or loved one is walking down to get their diploma and you hear just the instrumental, now you know the rest of the story behind that song.
Sam just, by the way, was my hero, Vera Lynn, who was the most popular singer in Great Britain in the middle of the last century and was very famous for singing patriotic music.
If you Google it and look for Vera Lynn, L-Y-N-N, and Land of Hope and Glory, you will find that fight.
You asked me if I was familiar with her before the show, and I couldn't place her.
I said no.
I thought about it a little bit more.
As a matter of fact, it was our guest speaker, our Friday night surprise speaker at the conference just a couple of months ago who told me about her a couple of years ago because he had spent so much time in the UK and I did place it after the fact.
So anyway, folks, check it out.
You know, good stuff.
Sam, before we get back to the topic, I asked you a question at the close of one of the earlier breaks, and I think the music was playing.
You might not have heard it.
Just a quick, if you don't mind, a quick word from you to the folks here in South Carolina, what this upcountry of South Carolina means to you personally and the folks here who are always eager to see you when you come.
Well, I feel great attachment to it.
My father was born there.
We were not aristocrats.
We're presentable people.
We're not the Leeds of Virginia.
But he was a descendant of General Andrew Pickens, and he was born in Pickens County, which was named for his ancestors.
And I feel great affinity there.
My ancestors are buried there.
My Matthew Henry Dixon, my first forebear from Europe, is buried near Anderson, South Carolina, in what is now a Baptist Church Cemetery, a graveyard.
And, you know, as a child, my father took me to the Long Canes Massacre site near Edbyville, where the Calhouns, our ancestors, were murdered by the Cherokee Indians in a racist hate crime against immigrants.
You won't ever hear the Indians reproached in that way, but you hear us reproached that way.
But anyway, the racist Indians murdered the Calhouns.
And my ancestors were able to escape, as was her brother, who was the father of John C.
And anyway, my father took this to the grave, which has a Scottish can over it, and said that this was our deed, the South Carolina, the blood of our ancestors that had shed their blood to make South Carolina what it was.
So I feel great.
Whenever I cross the river from Georgia to South Carolina, I feel that I've come home.
Very well stated.
Thank you for sharing that.
With only five minutes remaining, I want to pivot back to the proposition nation versus blood and soil nation argument and conversation.
And I want to read just the opening two paragraphs from a very classic and comprehensive piece that was written by Jared Taylor.
It was written for Radix Journal back some years ago, which is now defunct, but we still have the words and the citations, and it is something that everyone needs to read.
We repost it at our website every 4th of July.
It's on there this week at thepolitical cesspool.org.
What do the founding fathers really believe?
And Jared begins his argument with this: Today, the United States officially takes the position that all races are equal.
Our country is also committed legally and morally to the view that race is not a fit criterion for decision-making of any kind, except for promoting diversity or for the purpose of redressing past wrongs done by whites to non-whites.
Many Americans cite the all men are created equal phrase from the Declaration of Independence.
Obviously, we've been talking about that with Sam this hour to support the claim that this view of race was not only inevitable, but was also anticipated by the founders.
Interestingly, prominent conservatives like Michelle Bachman and Glenn Beck have taken this notion a step further and asserted that today's racial egalitarianism was the nation's goal from the very beginning.
They are badly mistaken, Jared writes.
And then he goes into a very long and exhaustive argument, which is every word carries freight.
I don't mean it's long and exhausted as if it's too long.
It needs to be read.
But since the pre-American days, all the way through, every major American president or every major American politician and all the presidents up to John F. Kennedy, even Lincoln, the obvious Lincoln, they all had similar views on race.
Wouldn't be able to step with us or anyone listening tonight.
But you think that the Declaration, the All Men Are Created Equal, they've been able to boil it down to those handful of words, and it just outstrips all of this.
You just can't, you know, you have to, it's like a lawyer making a presentation to a jury.
You have to keep it simple.
And when you have to go into all this explanation of what Jefferson really meant and the reference to the Indians, savages, and so on.
And people, you've lost it.
And most of you just hear, oh, all men are created equal.
Yeah, it's very hard to argue against something that seems so straight out.
But let me ask you this.
I was just going to say, but in your opinion, though, Sam, I get that, and we've covered that, and I don't disagree.
But the idea of proposition nation versus blood and soil nation, of course, the only nation that can be a real nation is a blood and soil nation.
We're not going to get into all of that.
But as far as the early American leaders, they didn't believe, do you believe that they thought it was a proposition?
No, I think that they just didn't think very clearly.
And they also, to be fair to them, these were people who are engaged in a ragtag fight.
On a personal level, when you're in a bar and a fight breaks out over some woman, your date or somebody else's date, it goes from there.
All kinds of people start fighting and stuff.
And the original source that's caused by it gets swallowed up in the fight.
And that's even truer when you're dealing with something like a war.
That's one reason why I, who did not believe, I don't believe in states' rights.
I don't believe in decentralized government.
I think we have to have a very powerful centralized government to solve this terrible problem that we have in America.
Even I am supportive of Michael Hill's ideas of southern secession because I know that throughout history, wars have started for one purpose and morphed into something else.
Great Britain had its own civil war in the 1640s, and it started out with people saying they wanted the rights of parliament against the absolute monarch.
And by the time it was over, they established under Oliver Cromwell the nearest thing to an absolute monarchy that the people of Great Britain ever had.
Things just spun out of control.
And I don't think they realized that what would happen from this document.
They needed something to get France to declare war on their side.
They had the support of the royal government.
They wanted to get the people that were sort of the Loltaire-type atheists and others.
Do you think that's why they were a little drunk on the Enlightenment to entice France to the cause?
Oh, yeah, that's exactly.
That's well known.
That's not a theory.
It was written as a document and phrase to get France into the war.
Just like Lincoln drew up the Emancipation Proclamation for the purpose of keeping Britain out of the war.
Well, there you have it, ladies and gentlemen.
I guess it's as simple as that in some ways.
Sam, seconds remaining.
Final word to you.
Thank you for being on with us this holiday weekend.
Well, I'm honored to be with you, and I wish I were there with all your friends and supporters.
We may disagree with each other, but we are a band of rowers.
And destiny, I won't be here much longer.
I'm an old man, but some of you will live to see the day our destinies are all bound up together.
Amen to that.
Always will be.
Always have been, always will be.
The disagreements are minuscule and few and far between compared to the bonds of steel cables that band us together.
And no better to join us this weekend than Sam Dixon.
We are going to enjoy a second hour talking with people here in the audience that is amongst us in South Carolina.
And that's always a fun time.
That's normally how we do the entire show start to finish when we come here.
But we did want to work in these guests.
Michael Hill will be with us in the third hour, so stay tuned for all of that.
Sam Dixon, everybody.
One more time, let him hear it.
Yes.
All right, Sam, we'll talk to you again soon.
The little kids are covering their ears from the rapturous applause that you have elicited this.