Aug. 19, 2023 - The Political Cesspool - James Edwards
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You're listening to the Liberty News Radio Network, and this is the political cesspool.
The Political Cesspool, known across the South and worldwide as the South's foremost populist conservative radio program.
And here to guide you through the murky waters of the political cesspool is your host, James Edwards.
Welcome back, everybody.
Second hour of tonight's live broadcast from Alabama's Southern Cultural Center.
I'm James Edwards, along with, and I am honored to call him not just my friend and my colleague, but my co-host for one night only, Mr. Jared Taylor of Amrin.com.
How's he been doing tonight, guys?
I really enjoyed that conversation between Jared and Brad Griffin, and we're going to bring Brad back in the next segment, and we're going to continue it.
But first, but first, I wanted to take a quick departure with Jared and ask him, you said at Amrin last week, there was an iron curtain that fell on America that absolutely kept people like us from making the sort of national TV and radio appearances that, now, I would say we, I was able to get in on that very briefly.
Now, when I first started the radio program in 2004, we were able to have a series of very high-profile interviews.
You and Peter had been around already by that time quite a bit longer.
And I think an Amerin conference had actually been broadcast live on C-SPAN.
The 1990s, by today's standards, were really a golden age of freedom of expression and freedom of thought.
It's the 1990s when the Minnesota Twin Adoption Study came out.
These were identical twins, separated at birth, reared by completely different families.
And when you studied them, they were so overwhelmingly similar.
This was the importance of genes.
Another very important study was the Minnesota Transracial Adoption Study.
These are people who had set out to prove that blacks and whites are absolutely the same, give them the right environment, the same environment, they'll turn out the same.
So you take a black child and a white child, adopted into a middle-class white family.
And in the early years, it seemed promising, but by the time they were adolescents, the black people were just like average black people, white people just like average white people.
And we had the bell curve, we had Michael Levin writing things, we had Daniel Seligman writing a really great book about race and IQ.
All of this seemed that we were really moving towards clarity on these things.
Believe it or not, in the 1990s when I first started American Renaissance, I could almost imagine in the not too distant future a PTA meeting in which one lady gets up and says, well, of course there aren't any blacks in the AP Physics course.
Just remember there's that 15-point IQ difference.
And then the PTA goes on to organizing the school Christmas party.
All right.
Yes.
But then things stopped.
About the year 2000 was a big change.
I would say it was a little later than that because Peter Brimlow and I did a joint interview with CNN.
The question was, are whites racially oppressed?
That was 2011.
I made a series of appearances, three in one month on CNN.
And you remember how the CNN appearances used to go.
They'd either fly you up to New York or they'd send you to a local studio.
There's different ways to do it.
You did a lot of these things.
A lot of these things, I would say it was around 2010.
Now, you might have had more action in the 90s, but from my perspective, it was still going when we got on in 2004, and it dried up almost entirely in 2010.
Now, they still talk about us.
They just don't talk to us.
And so there's a difference there.
There's two ways to get in the news.
If you're intimately involved in the story, say it's like a man bites dog story, and you're part of the subject matter, they can come to you for interviews.
So if you've done something that's newsworthy, but the other way, the way you really want, I think, is to be brought on as a commentator or a pundit.
So we had a lot of appearances with national news, you and I, we, being brought on to offer commentary on a topic that was an area that we were known for addressing.
And that's what you want.
Those are the things that have completely dried up.
That's right.
But why do you think that they would ever have had us on?
I can understand why they've dried up.
Why did they ever have us on to begin with?
Well, like the Paula Zahn show, remember her?
You were on her show.
I was on her show.
I was invited on their Donahue program twice.
Once for about 15 minutes, and that provoked so much interest, they had me back for a whole hour.
Part of it was, I think, as it turned out.
You did Queen Latifah, too.
Did Queen Latifah?
I used to refer to her, Yes, Your Majesty.
No, Your Majesty.
She got a kick out of that.
But I think at the time there was still a certain amount of interest.
This notion that we are right and everybody else is not only wrong, but immoral, had not yet gelled.
And now, of course, well, I say, of course.
Why do you think that it did dry up?
And why do you think now it went from pretty steady appearances or at least intermittent appearances to nothing at all?
My suspicion is that it had to do with the fact that they could not refute us.
They realized, well, it's not a good idea to have these folks on.
But things changed, for me at least, very dramatically in 2016.
And that had 100% to do with Donald Trump.
The idea was they had decided that Donald Trump was this vicious racist.
All he had to do was say that some of the Mexicans coming across the border were not exactly the people we want as neighbors.
And oh boy, oh boy, you are a bad guy.
Then they discovered that people like me were going to vote for Donald Trump.
Their idea was, okay, we're going to interview this insect, Jared Taylor, and we are going to listen to the hateful, horrible things he says.
And then we're going to, by implication, say, okay, Donald Trump is supported by this miserable person.
He must be equally an insect and racist and contemptible.
I don't think people know the extent to which you and I communicate throughout the week, at least on email.
And we've been doing this for so many years, and I always seek the advice of my bettors and my elders, people like you and Sam, Dixon, and others in our ranks.
But we have this email chain, and I can remember in 2016 seeking your advice.
You mentioned how Trump impacted the way the media treated you.
Well, of course, because of the Donald Trump interview, we had gotten ⁇ we were talking about this actually earlier today, Jared.
Just, I mean, every press outfit.
But I said no to all of them because, of course, they were just using me to try to taint Trump.
And as you said, this is the kind of despicable person that supports.
They actually said I was a slave-loving, I can't remember what they called me, but advocate for slavery, all kinds of stuff.
But so we didn't do those.
Well, my analysis is this.
They've been trying to pump Donald Trump up as this horrible racist boogeyman by talking to you, talking to me.
And then, because their idea was if we portray him as a horrible person supported by these horrible persons, then right-thinking Americans are certainly not going to vote for this guy.
And they miscalculated.
He became president, and they were stuck with this Frankenstein monster of a white supremacist, white supremacist president that they had created in their own mind.
Let's skip this break.
I want to skip this break so we can continue this and get back to Brad as quick as possible.
We'll skip the break.
We're about to play this clip before we transition again.
But I think you're 100% right about that, Jared.
I think what you said is spot on.
And their overreaction to Trump, they were overreacting to the avatar that they made of him.
I mean, he was not the threat that they made him out to be, but they acted like he was.
And it is because of what I think is that mismanagement that led to the polarization and the collapse of faith in the institutions.
I agree 100%.
The function of Trump was to bring these rabid people out from their deep holes underground.
They could not contain themselves.
And once they decided that this guy was the Frankenstein monster, they couldn't help themselves.
And I remember a New York Times journalist, I can't remember his name, he said, traditionally, our job is to tell the news as it is.
In this case, this Trump guy is so dangerous that we need to change our approach and write so that this guy is defeated and destroyed.
He said this, a guy who says that openly, you know that he's speaking for a thousand of his brother journalists who thought that.
Oh, well, this was one of the polls we've cited, is that I can't remember, I think it was up to 92% of the Trump base believes, rightly so.
I can't believe it's only 92%, that the establishment media, I don't like to call them mainstream because I think we're mainstream now with a vast portion of the country, but that the establishment media is basically a synonym for the Democratic Party.
I wanted to say one more thing about the media and then I want to get Brad Griffin back in on this conversation.
Excellent exchange that we were having in the first hour.
We've got a clip here, Jared, just to go back very quickly to some of your media appearances.
I always think I at least hold my own, but I have never seen an interviewer so flummoxed by an exchange with a guest.
Let's listen to just this 50-second clip, if we can queue it up and play it now.
That is the idea.
I know very well our founding fathers were slave owners.
And I know very well that they probably did not imagine that America would be today what it is.
However, appalled by the idea.
Furthermore, what you're saying is somehow whites were about to choke to death on their own homogeneity when people like yourself kindly arrived with diversity and saved us from ourselves.
No, we built a wonderful country that your ancestors could not have been.
That is why people like you come here.
And the more you come in larger numbers, you will change the country my ancestors built into something else.
And it is completely normal for me to wish to oppose that.
Mr. Taylor, I've taken enough of your time.
That was an ABC News interview.
That was a pretty big one.
And by the way, I've actually watched, it was an hour-long interview.
You just caught the last 50 seconds there, the whole hour.
I don't want this to be taken the wrong way.
I would say the first thing that came to my mind was you ravaged her, but in a rhetorical sense.
But yeah, that was pretty brutal.
Well, that's what she deserved.
I cannot tell you how disgusted I am by non-white people who have come here.
Their ancestors came here, what, 20, 30 years ago, and they tell me diversity is our nation's greatest strength.
In other words, we were living in this dung heap, and then they kindly showed up bearing this inestimable gift of diversity so that we wouldn't have to live with these ornery old white people anymore.
I tell them, do you realize how arrogant you sound?
This is just disgusting to me, but that's what they've learned in school.
We brought diversity.
We're wonderful.
I tell you what we're going to do, ladies and gentlemen, if the people in the room tonight couldn't hear that clip because it was in our headset, and we're not plugged into a PA system here.
But I'm going to put that exchange, that full interview that Jared Taylor had with this hostess of ABC News at the time, and we're going to put it on our website, thepoliticalspool.org.
You need to watch the whole thing next week.
I have never seen such, not showmanship as if it was a carnival, but such marksmanship from one of our advocates.
This is it, Jared.
I mean, this goes back to the topic, and we're going to bring Brad back on now, but it goes back to the topic we opened this hour with.
That right there, what you just heard, what you did to that ABC News reporter, that's why we're not invited on.
People are catching on.
People are coming to our way of thinking.
And when you can cut through their arguments like a knife through hot butter, better just ignore.
Absolutely.
I just don't understand why they ever had us on, though, because you were always that good.
But anyway, all right.
So Brad Griffin back with us now.
So to continue this conversation, Brad, we were talking about how the perceived threat of Trump, how the establishment perceived him as sort of this white nationalist avatar, far exceeded the actual Trump.
But nevertheless, inadvertently or not, he got us to where we are today.
And in that way, he was a gift from God.
But I question, why didn't they just sit on the ball?
Everything was going their way.
They had then and still have now control, full control of all the levers of institutional power.
You wait out Trump.
He's just a blip on the radar.
And then you go back to running out the clock with demographic destiny.
In your opinion, Brad, I mean, this overreaction has done everything to bring people to where they are now in terms of their collapsing faith in the institutions.
Were they too blinded by their radical and unfathomable hatred of whites to pump the brakes?
I mean, why couldn't they see that, hey, you know, this is just going to go away if we don't overreact?
But they didn't.
And I don't think they can for some reason.
Well, I mean, it's obviously they're in a panicked, emotional state.
And I want to give another shout out to take the conversation back to what you were talking about in the last segment.
I remember in 2015, there was a journalist from the New Yorker.
I don't know if you remember his name was Evan Osnos.
I remember him very well.
I remember he got up with me and we went to a conference here.
And he came in here and he was like, he wanted to know what people were thinking about Trump.
And he's just like, this is just crazy.
This ain't ever going to happen.
These people in this building living in an alternative universe where the South is going to rise again and all this Christian stuff and white people and all the things.
It's just unbelievable, right?
And I remember he wrote his big article, and sure enough, you know, like I was just, we were just talking about like the spirit left the building and swept over the land.
And the number of radicals, which used to be small until Trump just began that meteoric rise, and that's why they're just so determined to get him because they blame him for this phenomenon.
And going back to what we were saying earlier about how in the 90s it was so different.
It was a golden age for free speech.
Well, that's because the consensus politics was just so much stronger back then.
Think about it.
The Republicans nominated Bob Dole in the 90s.
They could have had Pat Buchanan.
Yeah, they could have had Pat Buchanan.
Yeah, the most, I mean, that was the state of the right in the 1990s.
And here's one reason why they shut you down, Jared.
And this is a huge thing.
Most people make up their minds for life about their politics, their values, when they're in their 20s and 30s.
In the year 2000, I was 20.
Now, I am either one of the exactly one of the very youngest Gen Xers, one of the oldest millennials.
And you had a window right there starting around 2000 till the panic happened when Trump was elected and they shut everything down in 2018.
A whole generation of people came up on both the left and the right who were raised on the internet.
And that's when the internet was relatively free.
That's correct.
And what's a major change that's happened over the last 20 years is a whole generation has passed.
A whole generation of people have died off.
Me and you are in middle age now.
This is a generation under us.
And that transformative impact is, you know, people grow as people grow older, they grow in political influence.
And so you're really seeing the millennial right is really reshape, is really challenging and reshape.
And it's both the left, too, on both the left and the right.
It is true that there was a wonderful period of free speech on the internet.
And you could kind of gauge the various infringements that began to be implied to it.
But Twitter, for example, it started off claiming to be the free speech wing of the free speech party.
And I think they genuinely believe that.
The restrictions on what you could put on Twitter were absolutely minimal.
You could say politically absolutely anything you wanted.
I think what then happened is that these people, these lefties, these billionaires who owned these free speech platforms, once they saw their own personal views being trampled into the dirt by people like me, people like James, people like you, they began to think, well, wait a minute, the problem is not our ideas.
The problem is free speech.
So we better muzzle these guys because our ideas are losing.
And then you get people like, as I say, Barack Obama says that free speech, when he's talking about the internet, he's talking about free speech.
This is a threat to our democracy.
So, yes, this was a wonderful period.
But then, again, a different kind of iron curtain came down.
People like me got kicked off the internet.
And instead of following their own terms of service, in which you could say just about anything politically, Twitter rewrote its terms of service and said, basically, we can kick anybody off anytime for any reason, just as long as it suits us.
And that was bye-bye for my account and thousands and thousands of others.
And that, as you point out, these are the actions of terrified people, not the actions of confident people.
You will never be forgiven for what you did in those 20 years of poisoning the minds of all those young people.
Now, while they panicked, obviously, and I joke with James about this all the time.
James, you were the median Republican voter in the year 2023.
Now, way back in the day, they weren't taking you seriously.
And that's why you could come on CNN.
There was an attitude I can remember back then of people were like, remember after 9-11 and George W. Bush rallied the nation to go shopping?
There was a sense that people, it was more loose back then because people had a sense that people couldn't really be moved to care about anything, much less like the preservation of the white race or social justice or whatever.
But the whole mood has changed.
It's militant now, whereas it was very complacent in the past.
So what do you think about that?
Well, I think you will.
I feel very lucky that I grew up in a period in which I did not have to start in kindergarten being told that I was part of the cancer of human history, that my sex, my race, the fact that I think I'm a normal boy makes me a villain.
And I meet young people these days, 20, 25, who have gone through that and have tumbled to what so much is in it at stake.
And they know at age 20 more than I knew at age 45, 50.
It is very impressive, these young guys who have been beaten so hard and they've been tough enough to resist it, that they have a view of the world of maturity that I find absolutely admirable.
Sam, I remember a very memorable remark Sam made at your conference.
He said, back in the day, Brad, before we had the internet, if you wanted to find the truth, you had to go find some obscure newsletter or maybe, you know, encounter a leaflet somewhere past that on a college campus.
And I saw Dr. Ed Fields at your conference, and he's been around since the 50s and 60s.
I can't even remember that era.
I can't even remember that era.
And like the, I mean, think about how dominant the consensus was in our politics in the 50s.
And think about that trajectory over time.
And it's completely changed.
Well, Sam Dixon is absolutely correct.
I would go to these early meetings, and the only people at the meetings were just strange.
You had to be strange in order to write off to some obscure P.O. box in Olaf or poke around in the dusty corners of some big university library and find John Baker's book on race or whatever it was.
These were kind of peculiar people.
And I'd look around the room and I think, good grief, is this these are people I'm fighting for?
Well, I guess I am.
Increasingly, increasingly, the people who have woken up to what's going on, they are sharp on the ball.
They've got pretty girlfriends.
They've got good jobs.
I am immensely confident in the fact that we have so many great people who are going to be carrying the struggle forward.
We will continue the struggle in the next segment right after this break.
Are y'all having fun still?
We're halfway through the show.
Okay, we'll keep going then.
We may stay here all night long.
We'll see.
Stay tuned, everybody.
Liberty Across the Land.
You're listening to Liberty News Radio.
USA News, I'm John Schaefer.
Leaders from Los Angeles and San Diego are assuring residents their cities are prepared for Hurricane Hillary.
The city is prepared.
We're not waiting for the storm to hit.
We have already begun working 24-7 to be ahead of the curve and to be ready as soon as the storm reaches our shores.
Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass said at a news conference that the city has deep experience responding to crisis situations.
San Diego Mayor Todd Gloria made similar comments at a separate news conference.
While I know this storm in particular is bringing about much concern and uncertainty, I want to reassure San Diegans that their city is prepared to respond swiftly and effectively to the impacts that this storm may bring and ensure the safety of all San Diegans.
Hillary is expected to make landfall as a tropical storm Sunday night or early Monday morning.
A new poll shows Florida Governor Ron DeSantis now tied with conservative businessman Vivek Ramaswamy for second place in the GOP primary field.
An Emerson College poll finds growing support for Ramaswamy among younger voters as DeSantis registered a big drop from the 21% he held in June.
You may be seeing less of Donald Trump this week.
Former President Trump is suggesting he won't participate in the first Republican primary debate in a post-on-Truth Social.
Trump said his poll numbers are extraordinary as he's polling well ahead of the other Republican candidates and questioned why he would make an appearance.
Trump's opponents, meanwhile, have pressed the former president to attend, former New Jersey Governor Chris Christie.
If he believes he's the best person to go against Joe Biden, then show up on Wednesday night and stop being such a coward.
Trump says also that Monday's scheduled news conference in which he planned to release a report on his so-called election fraud is no longer happening on the advice of his lawyers.
I'm Michael Kastner.
The FBI is looking for a Florida proud boy who failed to appear in federal court for sentencing.
Christopher Worrell was convicted on seven counts stemming from his actions during the January 6th riot.
This is USA News.
Cashback is not available on Cassin, New Jersey, Wisconsin.
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Ladies and gentlemen, a little bit later on in the program tonight, we're going to hear from a variety of guests.
John Friend from the American Free Press.
He's my friend.
John Friend.
And we had the chance to go out with John last night and have a great supper.
And you're going to hear from John Hill, the closest living descendant of General A.P. Hill from Virginia.
You're going to hear from some other people as well.
But right now, we're continuing the conversation with the incomparable Jared Taylor and Brad Griffin.
So here we go again, Brad, from your website.
I'll read.
It's truly incredible when you think about it that our elites would put our institutions under this amount of stress in a time such as this.
But I guess we shouldn't be too surprised after you take into account Iraq or transgenderism or now the war in Ukraine making foolish decisions is the hallmark of our current ruling class.
Brad, you continue.
Elections are how the ruling class legitimize their rule in our system.
The key thing is that both sides trust that the process is fair and legitimate.
The loser has to feel like they are full participants in the next election.
Defeats are permanent defeats, but they are torching all of that to own Trump.
And then you ask the rhetorical question.
How many people have been radicalized by these four indictments?
Is there anything that any of us could ever possibly do that is more destabilizing to the system than what they are doing to it themselves?
There is no coming back from this level of loss of trust in the system.
That's Brad, your words.
Jared, would you agree with that?
Is that wishful thinking?
Do you think people will go back to eating it out of both hands?
I think that is very profound and very eloquent.
Now, it is possible Americans have notoriously short memories, and perhaps this will, after five years, have glimmered away into the past, but I doubt it.
This is really crossing the Rubicon.
Yeah, I totally agree with that.
And I'm just trying to think of how many times in history do things get like this bad, and then all of a sudden people, yeah, I've just had a change of heart.
I'm just going to mellow out and calm down.
No, that's not the way this works.
Actually, things can change very fast, but like only after like a massive, huge, destabilizing conflict.
Then people turn into moderates.
And then you have an era like you have in the 50s.
Is that the inevitable ebb and flow of history throughout civilizations and nations?
You see empires rise and fall, and what's the old cliché?
Hard men make good times, good times make weakness, so on and so forth.
I mean, is this something that is just almost inevitable in the human condition?
I definitely think so.
I think we cycle through things, and things aren't just the end, but I mean, we go through different stages, and we're definitely in a disintegrating conflict on the eve of conflict stage.
It's so obvious.
I mean, if you just look around you, I mean, all the signs are there.
It's obviously.
Something that occurs to me is what happened.
Remember what happened after May 25th, 2020?
This is one incident.
That was when George Floyd laid down his life for all of us and ascended into heaven.
Now, that one event, that one event was really ultimately insignificant, but it sparked the most violent, destructive riots in the history of the United States.
No fewer than 200 cities had to declare curfews.
30 states brought out the National Guard.
This was a cataclysm.
What this means is something had been building up for decades that was touched off by this one single, ultimately unimportant event.
Now, what I'm leading up to here is perhaps we will get over the fact that Trump has been indicted when he is the leading opposition candidate.
We may get over that.
But this is the kind of preparation for the future May 25, 2020.
This is the kind of thing that could make people so disaffected, turn their backs so violently on the United States, that when something unexpected happens, that can touch the mark.
That can set up very, very surprising things.
I mean, I've speculated about this.
Is the establishment going to unleash their minions next year?
Another real possibility, James, that we have not thought about, but it's obviously obvious, is what will Putin and Saudi Arabia be doing to cost Biden the election next year, especially in terms of jacking up the price of gas prices in order to harm him and the elections and the economy into a tailspin on top of all this.
That's absolutely possible as well.
Brad, this is again something you've mentioned it before, and you wrote about it this week.
But before we get to that, I'll give this comment from our friend Michael Hill.
Michael Hill said just a few days ago: although many won't believe it, we are standing at a crisis point in American history.
This is a combustible situation that could ignite at any moment.
It is just waiting for a match.
When neither side of the political spectrum, Dr. Hill continues, when neither side of the political spectrum trusts power in the other's hands, you are close to one of two events, either a civil war or secession.
I pray we'll get the second.
And I've talked about this, about how you have these nascent secession movements from everywhere from Idaho and Oregon to Texas and even New Hampshire.
But you wrote, Brad, and you said this in your recap of the Amerin conference, which was so well reviewed, by the way.
We're going to mention that in just a moment.
But the Amerin Conference, is this the last time we'll be able to enjoy a few months of normalcy?
what's coming next year is truly unprecedented not just within the lifetimes of everybody alive today but in the history of the uh american republic never has the leading candidate for president and the former president himself been indicted by his rival and and and running through i mean i don't think i think it's the biggest thing that anybody could be talking about right now I don't think there's anything bigger than this right now.
You know, you talked about the necessity to run a democracy, whatever you want, what do you want, however you define it, requires that people can understand that if power changes hands, we are still part of the family.
We are in power, then we become the loyal opposition.
It's always appeared to me that in a multiracial democracy, that becomes less and less possible.
If the power is in the hands of one race and then it looks like another race is taken over, boy, that is less and less a loyal opposition.
You don't have that feeling that we're all in this together.
And when, as you get, as you say, we had these sort of smirking, gloating blacks who are putting into the dock a man that they consider the public face, the most prominent face of white supremacy, you are talking about a complete breakdown of this so-called democracy along racial lines.
Wasn't it Aristotle who argued that democracy rests upon like fellowship, like a philia is what he called it, like a fellow feeling identity.
Like we're all ethnic southerners here.
We could have like a really small government, libertarian kind of paleo-libertarian kind of state with maximum freedom.
If it was just us, but like we're not in it, we're not, needless to say, under multiracial liberal democracy, that trust isn't there.
And what they have inherited from the past is the system is just breaking down.
Yes, yes, I agree.
I agree 100%.
You have to have a certain amount of commonality.
You have to believe that, okay, this time we lost the election, but the guys who won, they're fundamentally good guys.
Ultimately, we are in this together.
We have different ideas, but we can work it out.
And when it becomes a cleaved multiracial democracy, that becomes impossible.
Sam Dixon, who always says profound things, I have tucked more in my mind, more Dixonisms from more comments and anecdotes from Sam than anybody else that I can recall.
But he said something, and I'm going to take a blind stab in the dark at this to paraphrase it correctly.
And I'll certainly not hit the nail as eloquently as he did, but I believe in his speech last week at Amron, he mentioned someone was asked in the past, when did you know that Civil War was inevitable?
And I think they're talking about the Spanish Civil War.
And that's when he said, when I recognized our people were not our people, inso much as we have with whites today, there are a certain group of whites, and you know them when you see them, and you know them when you talk to them, these are not my people.
We have the common past.
We have a common history.
We have common ancestors.
These are not our people.
And when you have people who are not your people, that is, in fact, the very definition of the Civil War.
Yes, I believe that's exactly what he was saying.
Responding, one of the things I saw is I saw Brian McClanahan, who runs the Abbeyville Institute, he had a video out the day, and he was like, why are young conservatives interested in identity politics?
And I watched a video, and Brian was like, you know, why aren't people talking about the size of the government or the economy?
And it just hit home, it just hit home to me how small of an affair our actual Civil War was.
I mean, we have all these, people are tearing down the monuments today, but it's not about what happened then.
It's about what's going on, the polarization that's going on today.
It has nothing to do with the 1860s.
I mean, the argument back then was like a small affair, and there was different versions of just Republicanism.
But otherwise, people agreed that, you know, it was they were Americans were white people, that we were overwhelmingly, they took for granted that we were the Protestant religion.
There was a consensus around the Republican form of government.
There's just a family dispute over the relative size of the government.
This was in a time when you encountered the government through the post office.
But where are we at today?
The conflict stays about how that sense of identity has been absolutely shattered.
We'll let Jared Taylor comment on that after we take our next break, the final of the second hour.
Before we shift gears in the third hour, one more time and bring on John Friend John Hill.
If he gets back here and maybe a few other surprise guests as well, we're broadcasting live from the Southern Cultural Center, SouthernCulturalCenter.com here in Alabama.
We'll be right back, everybody.
Stay tuned.
Hey there, TPC family.
This is James Edwards, your host of the political cesspool.
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In message one, we said that Satan, the father of lies, John 8:44, gave the left evil spiritual power the more they use the lies.
The political left today is the beast.
Now, the Bible confirms that the dragon gave him the beast his power.
Revelation 13, 2.
The extra evil spiritual power that comes from the beast by their lying is what accounts for the string of the leftist criminals in the government that have never yet been prosecuted.
It also explains why American capitalists support communism in the 21st century.
Note one, that behavior of capitalists was predicted by Vladimir Lenin, a sell of the beast.
Note two, Henry Ford was a capitalist, and he would have never gone communist.
The difference between Ford and the present-day end-time capitalists is that Ford was born and educated in the kingdom of Christ, 19th century America, the New Jerusalem, Revelation 21.
All right.
Welcome back, everybody.
Final segment of the second hour.
One more hour to go still from Alabama's Southern Cultural Center.
James Edwards, Jared Taylor.
We've been talking at length tonight with Brad Griffin, our good friend from OccidentalDescent.com.
I want Jared to repose the question to you, Brad, that we were discussing just before the last break, but not before I read once again from your excellent website, talking about where the people are now.
Brad, you're right.
Consider Peter Brimelow and V-Dair.
In what sense is V-DAR and extremist website in 2023?
Nearly all Republicans now want to curtail third world immigration, and at least 70% are explicitly opposed to the great replacement.
The so-called normal or mainstream Republicans have been reduced to a rump 15% of the party.
May my paleoconnish views on immigration, trade, and foreign policy haven't changed in 20 years.
You're writing about yourself there, Brad.
But it is people like Charlie Kirk who have radically changed over the past six or seven years.
My friend James Edwards, you conclude, is the median populist right voter in 2023.
Comment on that very quickly, and I want Jared to repose the question of the last segment.
Yes, the disables have been turned, and this is why they're so freaked out.
What view, James, do you have?
I can't think of anything that would be considered marginal in today's right, today's Republican Party.
I can't think of a single thing.
Well, maybe one or two.
Everybody has an outlier.
But I mean, the outsiders these days, the extremists are people like David French, Charlie Sykes, Bill Kristol.
I mean, to be in the dissident right today, I would say you would have to be a globalist, neoliberal, you know, like culture doesn't, I'm not interested in the culture wars.
That's the real deviant view.
We're the mainstream now.
Back to Brian.
Brother Griffin, you had, at the last segment, you had said something about this guy named McLanahan, who he is baffled that white people are being concerned about their own racial interests when in fact, if I understood correctly, he's saying, why aren't they talking about the size of government?
Did I understand that correctly?
Yeah, the size of government and the economy.
Or taxes or the usual baloney Republican stuff that they can't get away from.
Well, Brian is real focused on the old South and stuff.
And you've got to remember that was a society where the tension and explosion was over the dispute was over these things like economics, whether we should have a centralized government that supported tariffs and penalized the South with his agriculture.
But we are so far, we are so far, what happened was it's the 20th century.
And that is that that is.
He missed the whole century, it seems to me.
Right, right, right.
This division that we have in our politics now, if I could trace it back, it doesn't go, this current riff, which we're about to come to blows over, in my view, goes back to the 1920s.
But how on earth can he have missed Black Lives Matter, CRT, all of this utter insanity, the great replacement, we're dwindling in numbers, and you still can't figure out why white people are suddenly developing a racial consciousness?
I mean, that just sounds like profound stupidity to me.
Well, in Brian's defense, and I defend him, it is easy, especially for people like, you know, of our bent, to get bent on history and nostalgia and to get lost in books thinking about the 1840s or 1850s, 1860s.
But that's not where we're going.
Is he asking a rhetorical question?
Because is he asking a rhetorical question or is he saying basically we shouldn't be concerned with identity politics that we should be more concerned about?
In fairness, I only caught half the video.
It was very provocative.
It's an interesting thought cover topic.
It created a stir before I came to the conference.
All right.
All right.
Well, let's start wrapping this up with some final thoughts because we're going to transition again in the third hour.
John Friend, John Hill, other guests, and a few surprises before the end of the program tonight.
I have really enjoyed this deep dive, though, between Jared Dadler and Brad Griffin.
But we are, again, just to circle back very quickly to what next year may portend, certainly a constitutional crisis.
Because Jared, you and I were talking in one of the breaks a moment ago that you're going to have all of these different states in which Trump has been indicted.
They're going to be dusting off the election eligibility laws that they haven't opened up in decades, if ever, to find out, hey, you know, can you run if you're a convicted felon, if you've been indicted, if you can't vote if you're a felon, can you be the president?
I mean, in some states, you can't vote if you have a felony on your record.
And then, of course, there's a difference between federal charges and state charges.
In a federal case, you know, a president, presumably even Trump himself, could pardon himself.
I mean, that's another issue that's never been dealt with before.
But in Georgia, for instance, that's a state charge.
And I believe, and I think I read this last week, that even the governor of Georgia, if you were so inclined, Brian Kemp, who was no friend of Trump, even if he wanted to pardon Trump, I believe you have to go through some sort of a bureau of parole in Georgia, and it takes five years, even if they intend to parole you.
So lots of questions are going to come up.
And I'm telling you, I can't reiterate this enough.
Gentlemen, as we said here tonight, everything, the world's still turning.
Everything seems kind of normal.
I mean, there's a lot of trends going in our direction.
There's a lot of unrest.
But it still feels, as you said, people are still going to see Barbie at the movie theater.
Next year at this time, where are we at, Brad?
And then to Jared.
Well, I mean, where are we at?
One thing that's a hallmark of our era, I would say, is like, and this is the same thing I'm getting back to the South and the War Between the States.
It wasn't slavery that caused the War Between the States.
Like I was joking with Professor Main on Twitter today, what about the Civil War of 1789, the Civil War of 1824, the Civil War, I mean, 1820, the Civil War of 1834, the nullification crisis, or the Civil War of 1850.
So there was a whole series of compromises.
Slavery was always over there, but generation after generation after generation, people compromised and settled their disputes.
They let Missouri be a slave state.
They let California be a free state.
The nullification crisis famously would reduced the tariff.
But like when he got to the 1860s, they just refused to compromise.
And that's what's, that's the same kind of atmosphere you see, the willingness to, it's either my way or the highway, like Lincoln said, a house divided is against itself, can't stand.
It's going to either be all or nothing.
That mentality is back.
Is that not the case with these indictments?
What I can imagine, what I can imagine is Trump continues to poll better and better and better.
There's not even a primary, perhaps, because he sort of practically wins by acclamation.
And then right when we get to the point where we're supposed to vote, he is convicted and the marshals show up and they take him to jail.
Now, some of his supporters, by no means am I recommending this, it would not surprise me in the slightest if you get some people showing up with AR-15 saying you are not touching this man.
I can imagine that.
Everybody can imagine.
Yeah.
Well, and what a showdown and a horror that would be.
Absolutely.
And I want to ask you this.
It's with regards to Trump, imagine the crushing pressure.
I mean, the crushing pressure of facing several lifetimes in prison for dubious over dubious charges.
And he is still, I have to commend him for this.
I have to give him all the credit in the world.
All three of us have been through a lot, but we haven't been through anything like this.
And even if he's in his 70s, no matter how old you are, you don't want to spend whatever's left of your life in prison.
And to his eternal credit, I will say he is weathering this with an otherworldly type of resolve.
I mean, I think the worst thing that could happen is if he pleads out or if he agrees to drop out, if they'll drop the charges, I don't want to volunteer him to be our martyr, but I mean, do you think, you're shaking your head.
What do you think?
I mean, I think if he did that, though, then it's on him and it wastes the potential of this moment.
He's not that kind of man.
He's not that kind of man.
He is going to fight all the way to the end.
No, no, but I agree with you.
If I had a tenth of what's hanging over his head, I couldn't sleep at night.
Couldn't sleep at night.
Of course, I often think about that.
Our Confederate ancestors, anybody in a command position the night before in a major battle, wow, what's going through their minds?
What's going through their minds?
We have faced tremendous pressure, what we thought, but nothing like a commanding officer before a major battle or an ex-president facing all of this pressure.
And I've been involved in litigation, didn't enjoy it, but even one lawsuit takes hours and hours and hours and hours.
You're honest.
Not only in court, but dealing with your lawyers.
How are we going to present the evidence?
And he's got this crushing ton of litigation right in the middle of campaign season.
Wow.
Wow.
Well, I beg your pardon?
Talk about this resolve.
And, you know, he just seems to laugh it off.
I don't see any sign that he is under any psychological pressure at all.
Most people visibly age while they're in office.
He didn't seem to age.
He's got some kind of almost magical psychological fortitude that I can't even hardly imagine.
I've seen some.
Final word to you, Brad.
We've got two minutes left.
I want to thank you again.
I want to be able to get this in.
I want to be sure to thank you again for spending the bulk of the first two hours with this final word to you.
I mean, I've even seen Trump with his resolve.
You know, we've had all these woes, like, you know, lawsuits.
Some guys went into prison in Charlottesville for a year or two.
Trump is facing half a millennia in prison.
We've lamented the demise of our Twitter and YouTube accounts.
Now, I even saw he even won Dr. Hill's respect for that.
And that is quite a development, I would say.
That he's going to be the guy who's going to take it down.
He's going to be our Samson.
Yeah, that's true.
Yes, he could be the Samson without even pulling on those columns.
Just practically doing nothing.
He could bring the House down because of the way he has polarized this country without even trying.
And, you know, the great thing about him, he, as I said before, he forced all of these liberals to show their true colors.
Just how hateful, how intolerant, how utterly arrogant they were.
And if that was the only thing he'd done, I think we'd be eternally grateful.
Samson at least had to exert a little bit of energy to bring the house down.
If Trump can continue to breathe, it will happen.
Brad, final word.
Seconds remaining.
Oh, I mean, it's just been a great conversation.
And that's.
Yeah, yeah, yeah.
I'll just leave the thought of, you know, Trump going down like Samson, doing all, doing everything.
And, you know, I gave him so much crap for he didn't, he failed on this policy or that policy.
But if he's the guy who brings the whole house of cards down, it'll be worth it.
That's right.
That's absolutely right.
Thank you, Brad Griffin.
Occidental Descent.
John Friend of American Free Press is up next.
So many great people here.
One hour to go.
James Edwards and Jared Taylor, TPC Live from the Southern Cultural Center.