Aug. 12, 2023 - The Political Cesspool - James Edwards
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You're listening to the Liberty News Radio Network, and this is the Political Cesspool.
The Political Cesspool, known across the South and worldwide as the South's foremost populist conservative radio program.
And here to guide you through the murky waters of the Political Cesspool is your host, James Edwards.
Ladies and gentlemen, I am embarrassed.
I am surrounded by an embarrassment of riches here right now.
Ladies and gentlemen, two of our most favorite guests are seated at the table together.
Roger Devin, who will be coming up next, and then the lion himself, one of the other lions.
We have a few lions here, but Peter Brimelow.
Peter Brimelow.
And I ain't lying either.
Peter Brimelow, editor of VDARE.com.
You just, you walk around the ambulance and just trip over celebrities.
And here's Peter, and he's sitting in to say hello for just a few moments.
Peter, it's great to have you.
Normally you're on for a full featured hour.
Tonight you're just stopping in for a cameo.
Either way, anyway, we can get Peter Brimelow as always our on.
How are you doing tonight, my friend?
Thanks for having me, James.
Great speech today.
Well, thank you for saying that.
And as a matter of fact, that's one of the things I wanted to pick up on, because certainly I wanted to make mention of you in the speech, because things have measurably gotten worse in some ways over the course of the last 10 or 15 years.
I mean, obviously so.
But one of the ways was, you know, you go back, as I mentioned, in the late 2000s, you were still a regular guest on a lot of these cable news shows.
I made a few appearances.
Jared was a regular.
Now, I mean, that's all dried up.
So you say, well, that's a step back, right?
But the point of the talk today was to say that in so many other ways, our people have really come around.
I think actually one of the reasons why the administration has gone besides the border and why they're taking such fantastic legal risks to bring all these people in is because they are frightened.
I don't know whether they're frightened of us, James, or they're frightened of Trump.
But I think the 2016 election was a terrible shock and they're very far from having recovered from it.
I mentioned that.
I think it was entirely their overreaction.
I don't want to give them pointers and give them hints and give them ideas on how to improve their situation, but I think that they overreacted to the threat that he was.
He was not, I mean, they saw him as the avatar for, and Peter, I borrow this from you all the time, white nationalism.
And of course, I don't like that term necessarily.
I know you don't either.
It seems kind of militant, standoffish.
It makes people say, hey, what are you talking about?
That's kind of wild.
I don't object to that.
Well, they use it interchangeably with white supremacists.
Of course they do.
Yeah, that's right.
I don't think I can claim to be a white nationalist because, you know, I think I'm more, my record shows that I'm more than civic nationalists.
But I think white nationalism is completely, in the sense of defending white churches.
Sure.
It's completely legitimate.
And we have people on the side to write for us.
No, I have a guard as white nationalist.
Like you.
And to be sure that we're clear here.
I have no problem with it myself personally.
If you call me a white nationalist, I will receive it in the spirit it's intended as a compliment.
Yeah, quite frightened everybody, but here's the thing.
The thing is that the media uses it in interchangeably with white supremacists, so a lot of times people just say, oh, what are you talking about?
Anyway, we won't chase rabbits on the definitions of those terms.
But the grand scheme of things, Peter, and what we were talking about earlier today is, do you see that there could be some existential crisis that manifests itself in the very near term?
Not theoretically, not something that maybe generations from now will have a chance to turn the rudder here, but that as a result of the left's overreaction, and I don't think they could stop it.
I think they're so drunk on hatred of white people that they have no sense of awareness or discernment.
said that earlier tonight do you believe that we're rapidly hurtling towards something that is going to well i mean all it would take frankly is 2016 again No, I mean, at that point, when you look at it, that's when it started.
Yeah.
Total control.
They control the executive branch and the legislative branch.
Now, of course, they threw it all away.
From the Democrats' point of view, that's just the spectrum of death itself.
And it could happen again.
You can't be sure it won't happen again.
I think Trump will probably be in prison.
I don't think they're going to allow him to come back no matter what it takes.
On one hand, I hope I'm wrong.
I'm going to vote for him.
I'm going to vote for him because it's the right thing to do.
But I wonder if it's better for our people if he becomes this martyr.
I don't want to volunteer anyone for martyrdom.
But nevertheless, if that's what our people need for the greater good, then God's will be done.
I think that if you're right, by the way, I don't see any way out of this.
It's not that he's guilty of any particularly, it's just that they have the judges and they have the jurors in these jurisdictions.
They could configure ham sandwiches if they wanted to.
that's what he's facing i mean uh and i again the terrible thing is that they've all said i mean the the the response to this would be no the mass demonstration And that's, I think, why they spent so much time crushing Jim Casey.
Exactly.
In Charlottesville.
I mean, if you learned any lesson, what was the lesson they wanted to transmit from J6 in Charlottesville?
If you're a dissident, if you don't go along with the narrative of the system, you better not come out of your house because you're going to go to jail.
Of course, it's the anniversary of Charles Wilton.
Which was a total coincidence.
Jared didn't plan it for that reason, but he did.
I mean, my God.
That was serendipitous in some ways.
But anyway, nevertheless, so is it better for us, in your opinion, that Trump win or lose?
Well, it's obviously better that he win.
Here's the real question.
If he does win, and pardon the interruption, but this is the question I meant to ask.
If he does win, do you think he will come in with a vengeance that we didn't see in 2016 when he populated his administration with neocon retreads?
Or do you think he'll make the same mistake?
It almost doesn't matter, you know.
At least the communists will be out of that.
They won't be able to dismantle the country at the pace they're doing now.
I think probably we will see quite a lot of revenge from Trump.
And I also think we'll see, who knows, they'll probably accuse you of being a Martian agent.
They'll just invent something else.
I mean, they are terrified of him winning.
And the problem is they now know that he can win.
That's interesting because, I mean, even according to their polls, he never led in a system poll against either Hillary Clinton or Joe Biden, but he's leading now.
And I think that that's remarkable because you've had, since Hillary Clinton, since 2016, you've had another seven years of demographic replacement.
It's a bit like the Terminator, isn't it?
Throwing things at him.
Well, so where are these people coming from?
They just can't get him down.
Is it the economy that's buoyed him in the polls?
I mean, what do you think?
How has he turned it around?
I think that he has successfully established himself as a symbol for white America.
It's beyond reason.
It's not a totally national thing.
He's almost like a Jungian figure, you know, and he has all the right enemies.
Sure does.
I mean, of course, he drives everybody crazy.
Paradox is about Trump.
The people who most support his cause is the most.
Because he can't be relied upon to do anything.
But other than they can't relied on Knox Death either.
And that's the problem the Democrats have.
He's capable of anything.
A lot of the gifts that he has given to us perhaps were inadvertent, but maybe he will be the modern-day Samson that just brings the whole showdown on top of his head.
Or maybe it'll take something, but I think whatever happens with him, he's going to be a necessary stepping stone to the next phase of our people's evolution.
Peter, we've got about a minute remaining.
Vita.com, folks.
If you're not there every day, if you're not supporting the work of Peter and Lydia Brimelow and Vita.com, I mean, this is one of the, if the movement were a tripod, you would be one of the legs along with American Renaissance.
And I can't even think of who the third one would be.
I mean, you are a foundational cornerstone of everything, Vita.
Oh, that's fantastic.
Amazing.
So you have to come to the castle sometime.
I would love.
We're going to come when you put that dragon back up at Christmas time.
Peter.
I'm serious about it because we want the castle to be a place where dissidents can have conferences.
And the town is completely supportive.
So, you know, it's everybody else who lost a conference to get in touch with us.
Yeah, the media really has to hustle to find somebody in town that'll say anything less of glowing praise than Peter Brimelow, everybody.
We're coming up on our next break.
It's a great Peter Brim.
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The book pulls in some of the biggest producers of pro-South content, including James Edwards, the host and creator of The Political Cesspoo, and Wilson Smith, author of Charlottesville and Told, Arkansas congressional candidate and activist Neil Kumar,
host and creator of the dissident mama podcast, Rebecca Dillingham, author of A Walk in the Park, My Charlottesville Story, Identity Ditches, Patrick Martin, and yours truly, Michael Hill, founder and president of the League of the South, as well as several other authors.
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If they keep it up, it's up there.
Keith, am I right?
Is it an embarrassment of riches around us?
I mean, everybody who hops on is just somebody that we would normally dedicate an entire show to.
We're just having them one after another.
But also to, it is the place, as I like to put it, where ideas and solutions present themselves.
You have to have this sort of in-person fellowship and camaraderie to have this exchange of solutions.
We have a rare bird here.
This guy has a foot in two canes.
Well, tell us, I know that you are a very big personal fan of Dr. Erf Roger Devlin.
His so-called manuscript things, as well as his philosophy and his white advertisements.
He's like a colossus.
You'll take that.
You'll take that adjective, won't you, Roger?
Yeah, you're the weight of a colossus.
But his book.
Sexual Utopia and Power.
It has a standing place in my life this week.
All right, well, let's say hello to him.
And he's, hey, Keith, he's got your Sears Sucker suit on.
I'm surprised you didn't wear the Sears Sucker night.
It ain't Labor Day yet.
We dress the same way.
I'm wearing what he was wearing yesterday.
And yesterday I was wearing what he was wearing earlier today, I think.
Well, I kind of split it now.
Okay, yeah, yeah.
Well, Keith had a wardrobe change.
It's like one of these, you know, big star like Keith.
It wasn't a wardrobe malfunction.
You're a big star like Keith.
It's like some of these pop stars, they got to go into the dressing room in between their numbers and they come out in a different hour.
That was Keith tonight.
I saw him and then he came back and said, he's dapper, that's for sure.
But anyway, Roger, great to have you back.
It's always good to talk to you, but always better even still to talk to you in person.
So let's talk about the takeaways from the conference.
I want you to paint a verbal picture for everybody listening tonight who could not be here, what they've missed, written.
Oh, oh, well, now you want me to talk about the talks?
Well, you talk about anything.
You experience the atmosphere, the talks.
Well, personally, I was very happy to meet Ricardo Duchesne, somebody whose work I've admired a long time.
And I see him back there, actually.
He gave a very highbrow talk on liberalism, how the problems with liberalism go, you know, they're not recent.
They go all the way back to John Locke.
They're grounded in the basic philosophy of liberalism.
That's an idea I've been wrestling with every day myself now because I'm translating Alanda Benoit's book called Against Liberalism.
I was just telling Professor Duchesne that, you know, their thinking is very much along similar lines.
So either man is well worth reading on the subject of liberalism.
I'm glad you mentioned him, and as soon as you spoke his name, he appeared, I suppose, back at the table looking his hat.
What kind of hat is that, Keith?
Fedora?
No, that's a fedora.
It's like a 50s.
50s.
Yeah, he has like a Sinatra hat.
Yeah, Sinatra.
He's picking a Sinatra hat.
But didn't he wear a fedora, a Sinatra?
Well, Fabrizio has that one.
I think it did me at a John Fedora.
Oh, Fedora.
Nevertheless, I think we can all agree that Ricardo Duchesne is well dressed tonight.
Well, and of course, you gave a great talk.
Very upbeat.
I'm amazed at your ability to be upbeat.
I think in a way you're like me.
There are some people who have, like Greg Hood.
Now, he gave a good talk.
Now, he has zero illusions about the regime we live under, I think.
But you and I occasionally are not quite cynical enough.
Like, you were talking about how you thought you were going to win that lawsuit when they called you.
Sure, how can you not?
I mean, it was slam dunk black and white.
I love any opportunity I can to retell that story and take advantage of it.
That was literally the case.
You could not lose.
Yeah, as you say, it's like a textbook example of defamation, saying somebody's in the clan.
But Sam Dixon knew, you know, Sam Dixon knew you were going to lose.
He told you.
He sure did.
And I think Greg Hood's got that same perfect cynicism about the regime.
I've come along, as I said, as I said.
In 2017, I put my hand on Sam's shoulder.
I said, Sam, look, I'm not doing this to prove a political point with this lawsuit.
You don't want to be known in a majority non-white area as the leader of the Klan.
I've done it because I feel as though I've been damaged.
I think it's threatening to my family.
I think that you've got to fight this.
And he said, I put my hand on his shoulder.
I said, I'm going to restore at least a little bit of your faith.
I think it's going to, the law is on our side.
Yeah.
Well, he told me better.
He said, there is never, there is no chance the system is going to reward and find in your favor.
And boy, not only did they not, they did it in the most absurd way imaginable.
Keith.
Well, what it shows is you're totally corruption of our judicial system now.
You are sort of court, but will not give people their own dissolve to do positive.
See, it's just on the ground that's in vote reputation purpose.
In that case, the normally decided public case is based on star decisions, Caesar President, or else if it's a statute or a constitutional matter, it's legislative history or statutory such.
In the Brown case, they threw all of that out the window of lace and so on.
So black sociologists have great dogs, but we're interested in the real department of wealth.
And so they based yours on a piece of favor.
James, James, the law was on your side, but the lawyers were against you.
And that's all that matters now.
What matters to judges?
Whose side you're on.
If you're on the side of the system, you're going to win.
Are you on the side of our side?
You're not.
Well, it was referred to action judgments.
Yeah, the jury of my peers.
Anyway, anyway, the point is, as recently as 2017, I still had a shred of hope that, you know, through the process, elect the white people.
I have now no hope in the justice system.
And Sam puts it, the just-us system.
J-U-S-T slash U-S.
Just us or in the elections themselves.
So this is where I am now, Roger, where I wasn't quite in 2016 when we filed that lawsuit is I don't want to make America great again.
I want to leave it behind and learn from the mistakes.
But nevertheless, with a couple of minutes remaining, continue to share your reflections and observations from the conference.
It's amazing what wonderful people we're able to gather here.
Ruben Kalep came all the way from Estonia.
He was prevented from coming a couple of times because of the COVID mandates.
He didn't want to take the vaccine, but he was able to come in person this year.
So I just got to greet him again.
I was in Tallinn as we were discussing.
Yeah, six weeks ago, I was in his country addressing a conference that he was also at.
And now he's been on both sides of the white world together over the course of this summer.
Yeah, and you did a great job, by the way, that night, Roger, when you last appeared with us, which was just earlier this summer, at breaking down that wonderful gathering in the capital of the state.
That's right.
Three conferences in one month.
You were all over the place.
Well, and of course, we ran on June the 27th a copy of the stock.
Correct.
On our website.
Oh, yeah, yeah, yeah, okay.
On our website, we posted Roger's speech, which one of the speeches you gave on the International Fear of Europe.
Well, hey, Roger, tell us, what are you working on now?
You're always up to something, aren't you?
Yes, yes.
Cameron, Occidental Descent, reviews, articles, you name it.
Well, I'm translating.
I'm translating for Greg Johnson some works by Alanda Benoit, as I mentioned.
I just completed a few weeks ago a book on populism, and I gave a speech on that in Europe, and that book should be out any week now.
And I'm in the middle of another book by Alan de Benoit on liberalism, against liberalism, it's called, and that should be out next year from Counter Currents Police.
He's a fascinating figure.
Yeah, he casts another guy that cast a wide shadow, but not everybody in our listening audience may be familiar with.
So tell us a little bit about him.
He's a French philosopher, but he's not an academic.
He's retained his freedom by staying outside the academic world and living as a freelance writer.
And he's very productive.
He turns 80 this year.
I only ever got to meet him once at a Washington Summit, I think, conference some years back in Washington, D.C.
But yeah, he's pretty highbrow, but he's fairly accessible for anybody with half an education.
You might take a look at my speech on populism to get an introduction to a few of his recent ideas.
So as you work with these translations, there'll be a counter-current?
Yes, yes.
Yes, in fact, Greg Johnson is serializing the translation.
It's coming out as I do it, and then when it's all done, it'll come out in book form.
Roger's so big, one movement stall worth is just not enough to contain him.
You can find him at Countercurrents and Ren.
Well, you wrote the review for the Honorable.
That's right.
That's right.
And I want to thank you for that again.
Keith, we got seconds remaining.
And he's the only psychologist on hell.
And I write for Occidental Quarterly and occasionally for V-Dare as well.
Those are my big dogs.
Wonderful.
Yeah, yeah.
All of the big dogs.
Well, that's wonderful.
Roger Devlin, everybody.
Hey, let's hear it for Roger Devlin.
Thank you.
Corruption.
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The Fulton County DA is expected to present the Trump case to a grand jury as early as Monday.
Former Georgia Lieutenant Governor Jeff Duncan has confirmed to the AJC he has been called to testify to the Fulton County grand jury on Tuesday.
This means Fonnie Willis will have to begin presenting her case regarding allegations of Donald Trump conspiring to overthrow the 2020 election results in Georgia as early as Monday.
Willis has said for a few months now that an announcement on an indictment would be coming this month.
The Fulton County Sheriff's Office has up security at the courthouse and surrounding streets have been closed if an indictment is sought.
This will be the fourth indictment the former president has faced in recent months.
I'm Scott Kimmeler.
Ahead of any potential indictment in Georgia, Trump met supporters at the Iowa State Fair on Saturday.
I voted for Trump the first two times.
If he's a candidate, I will definitely vote for him again.
I think it would be nice to have somebody come in with less drama and trauma.
Polls, though, show Trump with a commanding lead over his GOP rivals despite the indictments.
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That would make it the second deadliest wildfire in U.S. history.
Hawaii's Attorney General is conducting an official review into the state's response to the devastating wildfires in Maui.
The probe will also focus on the lack of warning sirens ahead of the state's worst natural disaster.
A ban on assault-style weapons is being upheld by the Illinois Supreme Court.
A law banning assault-style rifles and high-capacity magazines was passed by state lawmakers in January and signed into law by Democratic Governor J.B. Pritzker.
It came about six months after the Highland Park mass shooting.
It killed seven people.
The law faced months of legal challenges with opponents arguing it violated both the state and U.S. Constitutions.
I'm Dave Collins.
This is USA News.
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Ladies and gentlemen, we have done a lot of remote broadcasts from many different events over the years.
But I am hard pressed to find at the halfway point of any given show where we have had this many guests who could demand or command rather an entire show or at the very least an hour by themselves.
So far tonight, you have heard live from the floor of the 2023 American Renaissance Conference, not on the phone, not dialed in, but here with us in person across the table from us.
Reuben Callep, Stephen McNallen, Brad Griffin, Peter Brimilow, Roger Devlin, and now joining us, one of my all-time favorites, Mark Weber, is back with us live, and he is here right now.
Mark, how are you doing tonight?
It's great to be across the table from you.
It's great being with you.
I'm with you and Keith here this evening.
We've been on the air together and I'm happy.
I don't know if anybody else has said this, but you gave a great talk.
Thank you.
Well, Mark, you know, as I told you, thank you guys.
As I told you, to have that compliment come from you meant certainly a little bit extra.
And I appreciate you saying that.
And then I made sure to make mention of you during that particular talk to invoke the name of Mark Weber is what made it so good.
But yeah, you have been on the show so many times, but the first time to be with us live and in person.
I haven't seen you in person in some years.
And so I was so delighted last night when we ran into each other.
But anyway, let's ask you the same question we're asking everybody else to start off with.
Your takeaways and observations from the conference so far.
I think this is one of the most upbeat or encouraging conferences.
And the reason for that is that what people say at this conference is more relevant, more pertinent, and more obviously true than it has been in the past.
People talking theoretically about racial, social realities, cultural realities in America in the past often did so in a kind of theoretical gender way.
Here, it is relevant to what's really happening now because in America today, things are breaking down in a way that's obvious to just about everyone now.
That's really clear.
And so it's more relevant than it has been in the past.
Is there any sort of schizophrenia in play here?
Because as you say that, I agree with everything you're saying.
Certainly I said it earlier today myself, but in many ways, things are worse than they've ever been before.
But at the same time, there are reasons for optimism that didn't exist before.
How do we settle that?
Because first and foremost, people need to be aware that we have a problem, and this problem's been in place for a long time.
And it's only the hard knocks of reality that are crashing in on us from all sides that are making people aware that the issues that we've been talking about for a long time really matter.
They really matter.
And more and more people are aware of that.
And one of the important things that you did in your talk was cite as specifics, chapter and verse, of a whole lot of examples to show how many millions of Americans now are acknowledging things they would not have acknowledged or not talked about openly a few years ago.
Situations and circumstances has forced this moment that perhaps even with our very best efforts, we couldn't have brought the people towards.
Well, and it's inevitable because we've been on a path for a long time by leaders who are carrying out policies based on false premises about life, about history, about reality.
And the inevitable result is the crisis that people see all around us.
I don't think you have to have an oracle to see that we are probably, or be an oracle to see that we are probably heading towards something in the very near future that is going to usher in some sort of a resorting.
Now, of course, at the same time, Mark, as you know, people have been saying that for decades, but we've never quite gotten there.
You believe that it could be nearer now than in the 70s, any day now that's going to collapse.
I've been hearing this kind of predictions for many, many years over my lifetime.
I have more of a lifetime experience than you have.
But now, this is borne out by even a general widespread awareness that we're really, these are really big problems.
It's not just charts showing increase in the national debt or those kind of things.
It's a real sense, not only that these problems are bigger, but none of our leaders, and I mean Republican or Democrat, offer any plausible, really credible idea about how this can be made better, how this is going to turn around.
That's the really most important thing.
People have lost faith and confidence in our leaders, both Republican and Democrat, to turn things around.
That's a big difference.
Okay, I mean, certainly it is.
And so here we are.
But do you think, and this was another point that I made today, do you think that what is happening with Trump will be enough in itself to spark the sort of upheaval that's going to have to happen before things are settled?
Or will it be something a little bit more dramatic and unfortunate than that?
For me, Trump has always been an expression of things breaking down, a reaction by lots of people who are very unhappy.
The big difference from 2016 is that when he was elected in 2016, many people believed his slogan, he was going to make America great again.
Now, I don't think people believe he's going to make America great again.
They're registering their protests.
They're registering their protests.
This is a great point.
This is an important thing, yeah.
And Donald Trump, I mean, even if you like Donald Trump, you have to admit he didn't succeed in doing a lot of the things he said.
A lot of mistakes, obviously.
Even appointing people to high positions that later he said.
Almost unfathomable mistakes that he made.
He populated his entire administration with the exact people that he campaigned against.
But I wonder, you know, and I don't know if this is too much of an over-the-top comparison if it's sort of like Napoleon in exile.
He's gone down to Mar-a-Lago over the last four years, and now he's coming back.
But I asked this question of Peter Brimelow, and I could probably be convinced either way of this.
Is it better for us if he wins or if he is martyred?
If he wins, you might say the deep state, the powerful establishment, even the military, I think, would not even accept the results of such an election.
Really?
You think it would be that side that doesn't exist?
Yeah, that bad.
that bad.
I cannot see how millions of people who believe in the trajectory we've been going on, and I mean the military deep state, would accept the results of something like that.
Well, I think you're right, Mark.
I think that if you win a coup, you always have to have the military on your side.
And I think we're basically at that point.
If Trump wins, somehow they will find a way by hook or crook for him not to serve.
If it's assassination, if it's imprisonment or a coup d'etat or whatever.
They're going to make sure that there is not a second term of Donald Trump and where that will leave us is in uncharted territory.
I would ask you this very quickly Mark that Trump is leading according to their polls.
He never led against Clinton He's leading only among Republicans.
I don't think he's leading there was a real there was one real clear politics poll that showed him leading over Biden.
I mean obviously within the margin of error may change within the margin of error.
I mean it's very scant.
But it never happened against Hillary or against Biden the first time that he led in any poll.
It didn't need time.
Right.
And I wonder if that's accurate.
Where these people are coming from, do you think it's the economy that's bringing them back in?
It's a big disappointment with the whole system because Biden, many people have forgotten this.
When Biden took office, he promised he was going to eliminate systemic racism in America.
But where's the delivery on that?
Where's the delivery on oil?
Well, if they eliminate it, they can't keep bilking it.
Well, that's true, that's true.
But to go back to your point, if Biden is re-elected again, the great question is, will millions of Americans who are very unhappy do anything really to oppose it, or will they just sit down?
That's the thing.
That's what I'm saying.
Well, that's why I think it may not be the Trump election itself.
I don't think that makes it hard enough on the people yet who are certainly coming around to our way of thinking.
I don't think Trump losing the election itself is going to be enough.
Watch out, Keith.
To bring about the event.
I think it's going to be something like an economic collapse or a world war.
Well, I mean, when civilizations, when societies fall apart, how do they do it?
The answer is slowly and then quickly.
I said that today.
I said it very gradually and then all the time.
And then fast and then quickly.
Is there anything protecting the United States from suffering, well, I say suffering, just experiencing the same ebbs and flows of civilizations and empires throughout the world?
America's situation is a lot better than many other empires because we still have tremendous resources.
There's a large internal market.
The dollar is still number one world's reserve currency.
America still has some big cards to play.
It still has advantages like this.
At the same time, it's a society now that doesn't even have any clear narrative of its own identity as a country.
I mean, our Democrat leaders, the leaders of our establishment, repudiate all that our forefathers and the founders of the country stood for.
How can a country go to the future when it has no identity and sense of its own past?
I mean, that's just one example of how this is a really systemic, I mean, really deeply ingrained crisis.
But the question is, will millions of Americans who are unhappy simply just accept it because they don't want to sacrifice anything, let's just go along?
Or will there be some real reaction?
I mean, a brave reaction.
One of the amazing things about all the talk about the insurrection of January 6th is how ineffectual and how unplanned and how unorganized it was.
Well, they weren't even armed.
There was no insurrection.
You can't have an insurrection with unarmed grandma.
Well, they didn't even know what I think they were going to do once they got into the building anyway.
Amen.
They're milling around.
But the point is, the point is, will there be any more real follow-through or action or something?
They're going to have to get uncomfortable first.
They're going to have to suffer first.
I mean, that's the only people who are comfortable don't take risks.
Anyway, okay.
Mark Weber, IHR.org, one of my very favorites, this guy.
Mark Weber, give him the big round of applause.
Hey there, TPC family.
This is James Edwards, your host of the political cesspool.
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In message one, we said that Satan, the father of lies, John 8, 44, gave the left evil spiritual power the more they use the lies.
The political left today is the beast.
Now, the Bible confirms that the dragon gave him, the beast, his power.
Revelation 13, 2.
The extra evil spiritual power that comes from the beast by their lying is what accounts for the string of the leftist criminals in the government that have never yet been prosecuted.
It also explains why American capitalists support communism in the 21st century.
Note one, that behavior of capitalists was predicted by Vladimir Lenin, a sell of the beast.
Note two, Henry Ford was a capitalist, and he would have never gone communist.
The difference between Ford and the present-day end-time capitalists is that Ford was born and educated in the kingdom of Christ, 19th century America, the New Jerusalem, Revelation 21.
Well, greetings, ladies and gentlemen, and welcome back to the political cesspool, the premier broadcast, really in the world, in this age of global outreach that we take for granted now.
I'm sitting in for James Edwards.
This is Rick Tyler.
We're at the American Renaissance Conference, of course, which it's been another stellar event thus far.
Everybody, I think, is really enjoying it.
I'm getting nothing but positive feedback as I talk to people.
I'm always, you know, interested in what everybody else is ascertaining about an event such as this.
And Jared Taylor never fails to come forth with an event that you look back reflectively and you say, you know, I thought the last one was going to be the best that I'd ever been to, but now this one surpasses the previous years.
So part of the reason for that, though, on this particular event that we're at right now is James Edwards being here in the flesh, in person.
James gave a phenomenal talk.
It was extremely well received by the audience.
I was gauging the reaction of the crowd and watching everybody.
And James, I've heard James speak a number of times, and he never fails to give a very, very exciting, stimulating talk.
There's just something about James, just like on the air, he's a natural, if there ever was one.
Well, he also is as a public speaker.
He's got a natural gift, and you can tell that he's shooting straight and talking from the heart, and he has a very, very keen power of observation.
And of course, the title of his message today was about the cause and the reason for optimism.
And he did really make a good case for that while not looking at it through rose-colored glasses, just citing the facts that we are witnessing the pendulum begin to swing in the right direction.
Now, you know, we have light years to go as far as ever bringing about restoration or revival in our very Mauryban culture as it stands right now.
But James nevertheless cited the statistical realities that a great many people who are, you know, heretofore have just been kind of blasé and lackluster, they are starting to get it.
They're starting to understand.
Now, it may be too little too late.
And like I said, James wasn't being glib or looking at it through rose-colored glasses.
He was being realistic.
But again, the title of his message, it being a cause for optimism, was right on point.
And it's good to have the balance, to be realistic, but at the same time, not be overly pessimistic, as many people tend to be.
Usually people either go one way or the other, white pill or black pill, optimism or pessimism.
But we're getting a good, healthy dose of realistic critique of the state of affairs at this Amerin conference, while at the same time, the understanding and realization that there is a lot to be optimistic and cheerful about.
Now, I'm sitting across the table right now from Pete Quinonis, and he has a podcast, and he's going to tell us a little bit about it, if you're not familiar with it, as to the when the podcast can be heard and the content.
And Pete, take it away.
Yeah, the podcast is seven years old.
It was formulated as the Free Man Beyond the Wall podcast.
It was strictly libertarian up until things started changing in 2019, but COVID definitely put it over the edge for me, and I started creeping ever farther right.
So it's gone through a bunch of changes covering theory, covering history, covering just whatever was happening that day.
But it's really turned into more of like a revisionist history podcast where I have people on to come on and destroy some of the myths.
I think that when you look at when you look at the way things are today, and as my friend Thomas calls it, we live under the Durenberg regime, that really the one way to start to destroy that regime is to change people's perception of what World War II was.
So that's something that I've been really trying to concentrate on for the last year, year and a half, is really going hard at the World War II narrative and throwing other things in there.
Talked about, I had Matthew Raphael Johnson, Dr. Matthew Raphael Johnson on the other day, and we talked about the history of Ukraine.
We went back centuries and brought it to today why that's happening.
So yeah, just trying to change people's perceptions of what history is, because I think if people have a tendency to look at what's happening today and judge it by what happened 70, 75 years ago.
And if they're judging it upon something that is a falsehood, then what you're seeing in the world today, their vision of the world and what it should be, and what they're willing to accept is going to be false as well.
Well, it is indeed true that if someone doesn't know the facts about history, there's no way that they can possibly interpret the present, and certainly they can't prognosticate accurately about the future.
So I was thrilled to stumble upon a book called The Forced War here this weekend at a very good price.
And I had somewhere along the way lost my copy of that book, but it used to be distributed or made available through, I believe, American Free Press or maybe even its predecessor, The Spotlight.
And it's here on one of the book tables today.
And it's a great treatise about what really led to and caused World War II.
And Dr. Johnson, of course, does a great job.
He's very, very interesting to listen to, former, I guess, university professor.
And you don't have any hard time or trouble recognizing that and believing it when you listen to him.
He really knows the facts, especially when it comes to Russia.
Well, I'm sitting in this chair, and I think Mark Weber was sitting in the chair before me.
Mark Weber started me down the path of this 25 years ago.
I was introduced to IHR 25 years ago, and then I started questioning that part, that specific part of the narrative of World War II, which seems to be the overarching morality that we're supposed to live under.
And yeah, so being here and seeing people, especially a legend of historical revisionism by Mark Weber is exciting to me.
And yeah, that's, this has been, this is my first Amran, so this, you know, I was excited.
My hands were, I don't really get fan, like, turn into a fanboy when meeting people.
But meeting Mark Weber today, I was just like, I think my hands were shaking.
Yeah, well, Mark, Mark's a great guy and a great talent and a great intellect of the movement.
And it is really exciting and great to be around people like that.
These events are so important for that reason.
And there's no substitute for being with people present with them in the flesh like this.
And we know that COVID obviously put a big damper on the ability to hold events like this.
Amran, of course, missed one year because of that.
Thank heavens that everything's back in motion and forward here.
Now, you mentioned, again, your associate that refers to our era, our time being the Nuremberg, how did you phrase it?
The Nuremberg regime.
Basically, he's a former lawyer, and he looked at how the law was, basically they created law at Nuremberg to prosecute and execute these men.
They were just basically looking at, hey, what did you do?
Okay, we're creating a law on the spot that that's illegal.
And then they decided to execute all these people.
And then when you look what happened afterwards, how fascism is such a danger that Frankfurt School people like Theodore Aderno wrote the authoritarian personality where he has the F scale and however you score on that, it's where you, your potential to be a fascist.
And when you look at everything that they were criticizing in that book, it's basically right-wing, historic right-wing thought.
Family, religion, justice, and swift justice in many cases.
And by naming it the Nuremberg regime, basically what you're looking at is you're that right-wing thought has become criminal since Nuremberg.
People want to argue, oh, the Nazis were left-wing, the Nazis, the National Socialists were not winged.
That doesn't matter.
What matters is what came out of that.
And it looks like what came out of the Nuremberg, what came out of Nuremberg was if you have any kind of historic right-wing thought, you're a thought criminal.
And you are, we see it today, you're less than human.
All you have to do is label somebody a Nazi, and their life doesn't mean anything anymore.
You can punch a Nazi, you can kill a Nazi, and you're a hero.
Of course, there are commies running around government, academia, everywhere.
And if you mention their crimes and you try to relate them at all and equivocate with anything the National Socialists were accused of, oh, you're just equivocating, and that's not allowed.
And they can just run rampant and do whatever they want.
They can basically control policy and it's fine.
You know, the Nazis were, the National Socialists were, the fascists were evil, just the epitome of evil.
And the communists were, they meant well, they just screwed up a little bit.
Well, you know, there's nothing more odious than when under the color of law, there's the pretense of justice.
And Nuremberg was the epitome of absence of due process.
And it really was the, maybe, you know, one of the ultimate mockeries of justice, no different than a Soviet-style show trial.
And unfortunately, this is what we're becoming accustomed to in our country today.
And so I think that's a very apropos label that you all have come up with there, that this is a Nuremberg regime we're under now.
That really does drive the point home.
And of course, for people who don't get it right off the bat, it might cause them to, for the first time, consider Nuremberg because most of what people think they know about the subject, the forbidden subject of the six million, where does it come from?
It comes from what came, you know, emanated from Nuremberg.
So my hats off to you for the podcast.
And with what frequency do you produce this program?
Three episodes a week come out Sunday, Tuesday, and Thursday evening.
And I also have a substack, PeteSubstack.com.
I try to do three days a week.
Normally I do three days a week, but doing three episodes a week and three, writing three times a week and everything else that happens in life, you, please allow me some slack.
I haven't missed, I've only missed one episode of my podcast in the last six years, and that was this week because lightning struck my computer and just basically blew it out.
And I still recorded a little message saying, I'm a slacker, I'm sorry.
I put out an episode.
We commend you for that level of production.
That's no small endeavor to put out that much material.