July 24, 2021 - The Political Cesspool - James Edwards
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You're listening to the Liberty News Radio Network, and this is the Political Cesspool.
The Political Cesspool, known across the South and worldwide as the South's foremost populist conservative radio program.
And here to guide you through the murky waters of the Political Cesspool is your host, James Edwards.
Well, welcome back to the main event of tonight's live broadcast, everybody.
Welcome back to TPC, the second of three live hours this evening on Saturday, July 24th.
I'm James Edwards, Keith Alexander, in studio with me tonight as we welcome back one of our all-time and most frequently interviewed guests.
It's Mark Weber, of course, and he is on so often because, as I put on the website earlier today, his insight on any given topic is always so sharp and well-informed.
And boy, do we have a good topic for him this evening?
It's critical race theory, the topic that is roiling the nation.
Now, of course, we have covered critical race theory and I think given it a pretty firm treatment, but we haven't covered it while simultaneously offering to you the analysis and perspectives of the director of the Institute for Historical Review.
We bring him on now to join this ongoing discussion.
Mark, how are you?
Very good, James.
It's a pleasure being on.
Thank you for having me on again.
I know this topic's been in the news a lot and a lot's been said about it, but it's remarkable how much traction this is getting and how much attention it's getting, mainly because so many parents around the country have been pushing back against it.
And I think that this won't be the last time we're going to be talking about this subject.
There's so many ways we could approach this.
Again, just with things that have been in the news in recent weeks.
So, of course, you were on with us just last month, Mark, to talk about Juneteenth.
And it was a great hour of radio, as it always is.
I think you were with us just about every month last year with COVID ravaging the nation, with lockdowns and whatnot.
And so we always look for any excuse to have you on because we know it's going to be a solid hour of radio.
And you and I were exchanging a series of emails earlier this week.
And you said, well, how about critical race theory?
And then you offered me some of your perspectives.
And it was coming at it from a slightly different angle than we ourselves have covered on this show in the past.
So why don't you just start from the top?
And there's a lot of different directions we're going to take it over the course of the hour.
Plenty of time to develop this thread of conversation.
Keith Alexander.
Yeah, I mean, what are you doing as well?
One point I want to make, which might surprise some people, that there's a positive side to this whole thing.
Of course, critical race theory is just one small part of a much larger campaign.
It's not so important in and of itself.
It's part of a campaign to, as you well know, a decades-old campaign to discredit and dismantle what's called structural or systemic racism in America and to remove all traces of what's regarded as the country's supposedly racist heritage and replace it with a colorblind, universal society in which, supposedly, race will not matter.
And this doesn't include just critical race theory, includes Black History Month, the 1619 Project, the annual commemorations of the legacy of Martin Luther King, and of course last year, the enormous Black Lives Matter movement.
And all of these, including critical race theory, have gotten tremendous support from major corporations, from Hollywood, mainstream media, leading educators, political leaders of both parties, and in the case of the Black Lives Matter movement, millions of Americans of all races, including many white people, have supported this.
And so critical race theory is just now, you might say the latest front, you might say, in this ongoing campaign.
And it might surprise some people.
I wouldn't be surprised if critical race theory ultimately is not accepted in elementary schools.
And the reason for that, we do some research on it.
It's a pretty vague thing.
It's not very well defined.
And the very name of it is rather theoretical, academic.
The name critical race theory is not very warm and fuzzy, not very appealing.
But that's not the important thing.
The important thing is that the essence of it, something like the essence of critical race theory, is, and I think given the track record of what's been happening, will continue, will be imposed in classrooms, just as it's been imposed in high schools and universities and colleges and in our mainstream media for years.
But again, critical race theory, the very name sounds pretty academic.
It might be more successful if they just rename it and call it something like All Americans Together or Rainbow World or something and call it whatever they want.
But the basis of it, the essence of it, is the same as all of these other programs.
They have as their goal to replace the America of the founders, the America that most Americans have wanted and envisioned for much of our history, with the America that we've increasingly seen taking hold over the last 80 years.
And it's now so entrenched now and so widely accepted, even by millions of people who call themselves conservative, that there's not a great deal of pushback to that.
In other words, the outlook, the idea that America should be a colorblind, universal society, that's widely accepted even by many people who call themselves conservatives.
And ultimately, that's not reconcilable with the America that was founded.
And so in that sense, the critical race theory movement, Black Lives Matter movement, has a point.
The point they make over and over is that America was founded by people who envision this country as a country by, for, and of white people, for Europeans.
That's a fact.
That's a truth.
And it's not reconcilable with the view of America that now has been in place for 40, 50, 60 years, and which white, many Americans now accept.
And there's really no way to resolve the contradiction between the America envisioned by Abraham Lincoln, Thomas Jefferson, and so forth on the one hand, and the America that now the vast majority of Americans, even those who call themselves conservatives, say they want.
Well, let me tell you this, Mark.
This is Keith.
Napoleon said, when you see your enemy making a big mistake, don't interrupt him.
And I think that's what the left has done with critical race theory, with systemic racism, with white privilege, with this whole sequelae of ideas that basically, when you bring it all to a point, when you bring it to a boil, what it says is that there is no redeeming place for any white person.
You cannot, they've taken away from the mainstream conservatives their most cherished possession, and that is their entitlement to call themselves good whites.
There is no such thing.
It's like there's no only good Indian is a dead Indian.
Well, it's now to be replaced with the only good white is a dead white in the eyes of the left.
And sooner or later, the dimwits in the Republican Party and in mainstream conservatism are going to realize that they will be ascending the scaffold along with all the aristocrats and all the other people in this replay of the French Revolution.
And they better make common cause with other whites and have a kind of solidarity, racial solidarity, an identitarian political movement for white people for the sake of their own survival and their own.
Well, that's an interesting thing, Keith.
We're about to come up on a break, so we'll marinate on this over the course of the next three minutes, and we've got the rest of the hour to continue to pursue it.
But that's an interesting conversational piece, Mark.
I mean, we've seen the evidence of the liberal New York father who's sending his child to, what, a $50,000 a year private school who has problems with this, but are his problems entrenched and anchored in some sort of a reality, or is it a momentary backlash that he will soon accept in turn?
We'll think about that, and when we come back, we'll explore it with Mark Weber, the director of the Institute for Historical Review.
That's ihr.org.
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Well, my mom smokes and my dad smokes and I saw them smoking, so I tried it.
They're telling me not to smoke, but they smoke themselves.
When it comes to smoking, are you sending mixed signals?
But when you teach someone a certain way to do things and you go back on that certain way, it sends mixed signals to the person that they're trying to teach.
The parents need to be a good example.
Smoking, if you think you're old enough to start, you're smart enough to stop.
A public service message from this station and the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.
Hello, TPC family.
It's James, and I've got to tell you that I sleep better at night knowing that there are organizations like the Conservative Citizens Foundation.
The purpose of the Conservative Citizens Foundation is to promote the principles of limited government, individual liberty, equality before the law, property rights, law and order, judicial restraint, and states' rights, while, at the same time, exploring the dangers posed by liberalism to our national interests and cultural institutions.
The Conservative Citizens Foundation also seeks to educate the public on the dangers of extremist ideologies like critical race theory and cultural Marxism.
I've worked with the good people at the Conservative Citizens Foundation for many years, and their work comes with my complete endorsement.
For more information and to keep up with all the latest conservative news headlines, please check out their website, MericaFirst.com.
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Well, the
heat is certainly on, ladies and gentlemen.
I was reading an article earlier today about a heat dome that has settled over the United States.
I can tell you it is squarely over our studio tonight.
Keith Alexander and I were getting out of the car in the parking lot and walking in this evening.
I mean, I instantly was just sweating.
It's awful.
It's an awful thing.
But the heat is also on Western civilization.
That brings us back to America in particular.
Mark Weber.
Mark Weber, of course, our good friend and the director of the Institute for Historical Review.
He is, as you know, an accomplished historian, a lecturer, a current affairs analyst, and an author.
He was educated in the United States and in Europe as well.
He holds a master's degree in modern European history.
One of my dear good friends, ihr.org.
And Mark, we were talking to you before the break about, you know, some of the backlash, the initial backlash, I guess, to critical race theory, including people from, like I said, up in New York, white liberals, I'm sure, who are sitting there kids.
They've got no place at the table anymore.
Expensive private schools.
Do you think this is something that they will just digest and accept and turn to go back to Dabney's prophecy back in the 1800s?
Or is this something that might have some sort of a lasting effect?
Well, that's hard to say, of course, because the reaction of many Americans to all of these issues over the past 50 years has been to ignore it until it affects them personally.
And by the time it affects them personally, however, it's really too late.
This has been true about immigration issues.
It's been true about racial issues, a whole range of issues.
Americans will hear politicians enunciate certain principles and certain laws will be passed, and they might not like it, but they don't say much about it because it doesn't affect them directly or immediately.
It's only when it affects them directly that they get really upset.
And that's what we're seeing.
We've seen this happen over and over again.
But by that time, really, it's much too little too late.
You know, Keith put his finger on a very good point.
Really, the old America is already dead.
And most Americans don't want to accept that.
They want to still believe that we can sort of turn things around or it's America's still a great place.
Ronald Reagan used to popularize the slogan, it's always morning in America.
But that's a dangerous thing.
It's a wishful thinking.
It's a kind of fantasy of the future.
The future, as public volume polls show, for most people, is a pretty forbidding one.
It's an anxious one.
People may still tell themselves it's morning in America, but it's harder and harder to square that with the reality we see more and more around us every day.
It would be probably better if the system were to just go full door and just repeal the whole Constitution, change the flag, change everything on the money, and then Americans couldn't even pretend that the old America is still sort of there and in place.
Because nominally, we still have the Constitution in place.
We still go through the process every four years of going through elections.
But the America of the founders, not just with regard to race, but even with regard to foreign policy, that America is long dead.
Internationally, our founders and most Americans for a long time were firmly committed to staying out of foreign wars, of not being an imperial power, to being a republic that's focused first and foremost on making our own society as healthy and as good as possible.
But that America is long gone.
And even though we still have the same flag, as they say, in place, and we still have the same dollar currency in place, those kind of things give a kind of reassurance that's not really true anymore.
We still say the pledge, people still, I guess some people still say the Pledge of Allegiance.
Hardly anybody believes it, whether you're conservative or liberal anymore.
This is really an indivisible nation with liberty and justice for all.
There's plenty of injustice for people, no matter what your point of view.
But that's the dangerous thing.
And this gets to the core of it.
When will Americans and what will it take for Americans to really realize just how serious and perilous the times really are?
Mark, this is Keith again.
Let me just say this.
Pat Buchanan talked about a particular type of he had a name for what is ailing these people that want to stick their head in the sand.
It's called economism.
He said, these are the people who say, what does culture matter anyway?
As long as my stock portfolio is all right.
As long as I can send my kids to this private school until I as long as I can get them a good job and stuff like this, all the rest of this is irrelevant.
But again, we're like the Romans in 410, right before Alaric came in.
Those people still thought they had a Roman Empire and they were wrong.
How did we get to this point?
Well, what caused it?
I'm sure that's several hours worth of.
But just think about this.
Where is the off switch?
What can we do?
Well, I gave a talk exactly on that topic just a few weeks ago.
And that, as you say, could take a lot of time.
How did a country as prosperous, as envied, as optimistic as America, as so powerful as it was, especially in the 1950s and 60s, get to the point where we are today?
That question needs to be answered because what's happening is not what either conservatives or liberals ever wanted or expected to happen.
Something is obviously wrong.
And in my view, both conservatives and liberals give a very inadequate explanation of how things went wrong.
You know, one of the big problems, and this is true, I don't want to point fingers too hard here.
A lot of people think that when things go wrong, it's caused by people whose intentions are bad.
That's not true.
Oftentimes, the intentions are very good.
But when the intentions, when the motives are based on fantasy, when they're not based on reality, the consequences will be catastrophic no matter how good, how noble, how altruistic the motives of people involved might be.
And this is a that's why people across the board will denigrate their opponents as Marxists or fascists because they're not really explaining, they're smearing people.
But the truth is that very bad things in history happen not because people are evil or bad, but because they're just wrong.
And the ideology that guides America today isn't so much evil as it's just wrong.
It's just not based on reality.
The consequences of that inevitably are going to be suffering, disorder, dissolution, disintegration.
But people think, well, it sounds good.
But as one historian said, the problem of the last 50 years is we've replaced what works with what sounds good.
And that's why it's very dangerous to oppose something because we assume that the motives of people are bad.
It's if their ideas are wrong, that's dangerous and it has terrible consequences.
Of course, there's another explanation that is a possibility to Mark, and that's that this is intended to be destructive.
And there is a cabal of people that have been planning this out for generations, for decades, for over almost 100 years.
For example, the cultural Marxists that moved from Germany to America with the advent of Hitler in 1933, by the end of the 1930s, they concluded that one of the ways that Marx and Engels got things wrong was that the real fault line in human society was not economic class like Marx and Engels thought.
It wasn't even religion.
It was race.
That's what Trotsky said at the last internationale that he attended in New York City in 1939.
This is an excellent point to continue.
And this is where things happen.
That's when race came to the fore.
This is something that Mark actually mentioned to me in our email correspondence earlier this week.
Is critical race theory a made in America project?
We'll explore that aspect of this conversation when we return right after these words.
IHR.org, Mark Webber, and the Institute for Historical Review.
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The shadow's high on the darker side.
Well, that's for sure, ladies and gentlemen.
And when the heat is on, you can either become tempered or you can be melted.
And I'll tell you this.
This is why I have so enjoyed the work over the course of the last 17 years we've been on the radio to be able to share in this experience with the likes of men like Mark Weber who have walked through this fire and come out like a diamond.
That's something that not many men can say that they've done.
And so, hey, we know the way the trajectory is trending, but that doesn't mean that it's always going to go that way.
We are still the masters of our own universe and we can have a say in how this story ends.
Mark Weber is back with us as we talk about critical race theory.
Mark, I've got two quick questions and I want to get to these as quickly as possible.
So maybe if you could just give us a quick answer of 60 seconds or so on each and then I want to get back into the origins of this Marxist versus American in nature, etc.
But as Keith Alexander has mentioned this in our previous treatments of critical race theory on this program, basically the theory is to criticize constant and incessant criticism against all things white, all things Western.
So to me, it would appear as though this is a new arrangement on an old song.
They're calling it critical race theory now, but it's really no different than the drumbeat that we've been marching to.
For the old-fashioned critical theory that came over with Adorno and Horkheimer and people like that in 1933 from Germany.
Your response to that, Mark.
New arrangement on a new song with a different name, or is this a different idea?
There's truth to that, but the push for an egalitarian America, that's thoroughly born and raised in America.
I mean, look, already in 1948, the UNESCO issued the famous statement on race.
The United Nations wasn't set up by Marxist.
It was set up above all by Franklin Roosevelt and by the United States government.
The U.S. government was the big push for the League of Nations, was the predecessor of the United Nations.
The UNESCO statement on race is an important foundation for this nonsensical idea that race is a social construct.
Yeah, there's some similarities, but the Frankfurt School, in effect, rejected the essence of Marxism.
Marxism holds that all of history is the history of class struggle.
Well, the Frankfurt School modified that.
Of course, now you can say, well, they're insincere, they're deceitful.
That may very well be, but it's not Marxism.
People, you know, the Communist Manifesto demands an end to employing children in factories.
It demands a progressive income tax.
It calls for free education in schools for all children.
Now, are those Marxist programs?
Should we oppose them because they're Marxist?
Marxists are against monarchy.
I mean, Marxists were for and against a lot of things.
But labeling something Marxist is, if anything, just misleading.
It should be opposed on its own merits.
The Frankfurt School had influence, of course, in America, but its influence was only possible because the outlook and the principles of the Frankfurt School and this whole egalitarian outlook, this egalitarian universalist worldview, was promoted not just by a handful of refugees from Germany, but by the mass media, by Hollywood, and television.
And who is in control of the mass media in Hollywood, though, Maul?
Okay, that's the same thing.
Jewish power and influence.
Same people that were in charge with Marxism.
I understand, but that evades the point.
The point is, the Frankfurt School doesn't have enough, it in itself is not able to be influential.
People will point to some relationship, but it's not necessarily a causal one.
Look, the Black Lives Matter movement has support from major corporations.
That's not very Marxist, is it?
I mean, all this is happening.
The developers, the critical race theory, well, supposedly professors at Harvard developed this thing, just like with some professor who developed Kwanzaa.
But denouncing these things as Marxist really loses the, misses the mark.
It's really irrelevant.
Well, let me say this.
Look, Mark, let me say this.
You're right in terms of classical Marxism, but when the Frankfurt School moved to New York, New York and America was not Germany.
Germany didn't have a race problem.
America did.
America had a large group of racial strangers here.
And they concluded by the end of the 1930s that the real spear point, the proletariat, the functional definition of which is the spear point of the revolution, is not going to be disaffected workers based on economic class.
In fact, Trotsky was very clear on this.
He said, all you have to do is dime a little money in front of the proletariat and they turn into good little bourgeoisie.
He said, on the other hand, the differences with race are enduring.
They're not going to be given up.
They are instinctive.
And therefore, they decided that the proletariat in America should be race.
It should be racial outsiders and to make a coalition of them.
This was basically theories that were coming up by the late 30s in America based on the experience of the cultural Marxists after coming over here to America.
They gave up classical Marxism for cultural Marxism.
And they also changed the cultural Marxism into a racial warfare rather than a class warfare.
Keith, Keith, there's no evidence that Franklin Roosevelt was influenced by the Frankfurt School.
None.
There's no evidence that the New York Times took the views it did in the 1950s and 60s or the Supreme Court in the 1950s because they were influenced by the Frankfurt School.
It's making a relationship that's essentially irrelevant.
A handful of people.
They were Marxists.
They were Marxists, though, in that they did want the poor against the rich and whatnot, and they wanted a more egalitarian society.
They couldn't have that kind of impact of themselves.
Look, it was the United States that pushed this egalitarian racial view that race doesn't matter, that we should strive for a colorblind society.
This wasn't some import from the Frankfurt School.
This was already entrenched and pushed here in the United States.
I mean, is anybody who's pushing for the Black Lives Matter movement even conscious of the Frankfurt School?
Of course not.
I mean, only one in a thousand even can tell you what it is.
This is a very homegrown thing.
And in any case...
See, this is the thing...
Huh?
Mark, I was just going to say, this is the thing.
I understand where Keith's coming from, and I agree with him by and large, but at the end of the day, I agree with you, Mark, and that is that the problem begins and ends with our own people.
Our own people push this.
You may have people trying to poison the well, but then it was our own people who took that poisoned water and spread it throughout all of the world.
They do popularize those things.
People like Herbert Marcuse, for example.
He was an academic.
He was a Jewish academic.
He was a cultural Marxist.
But he's a guy that coined phrases like, make love, not war, and if it feels good, do it.
And he basically brought on the 60s zeitgeist that we both lived through.
So, you know, great oaks will lake on.
I say, though, but the buck has to stop with us.
Go, Mark.
Well, if a group of people just holding views is able to have power and influence in and of itself, how come Americans aren't following Billy Graham?
He was far more influential in the 50s and 60s than Herbert Marcuse, for heaven's sakes.
I mean, look, you have to see a real relationship.
Because somebody pushes some idea doesn't make it popular.
I mean, during the 50s, there were very powerful and important voices pushing for a Christian America or a more Christianized America.
They lost out.
They lost out because their views were overshadowed by the message put out by Hollywood, by the academics, by educators, and so forth.
A small group of people in and of itself are only going to have influence and power on pretty decisive points in history.
But this trajectory has been going on for many, many, many years.
As I said, look.
Well, Hollywood and academia are Jewish strongholds, okay?
And that's why we're not.
But they hold it.
Everybody's been questioning about Jewish power and influence.
Of course.
And why is it so effective?
Which is a big factor.
But the bigger factor is there wasn't much pushback on the part of most Americans.
Even today, look, we've talked about this.
Martin Luther conservatives used to be adamantly opposed to making Martin Luther King Day a national holiday.
When Ronald Reagan signed it in the law, he wasn't influenced by Herbert Marcuse of the Frankfurt School.
He was doing it because it was the thing to do, because the media told him that it was the thing to do.
We got to take a break.
We got to take a break.
Thank you, Keith.
IHR.org, one more segment.
We're going to ask Mark Weber, Marjorie Taylor Greene.
What is she getting right?
What are the Republicans getting wrong about this?
What more should they be saying about it?
These messages from Mark Weber.
Stay tuned.
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We've got one more segment with Mark Weber.
An hour with Mark Weber is never nearly enough, especially, well, we're always talking about important topics with Mark Weber, but tonight, critical race theory.
A little bit of feedback for you, Mark, and then I want to move quickly through this, but first there it is.
Okay, this correspondence coming in from Mark Weber tonight.
This from a listener.
Mark Weber is the best.
He is the man that read pilled me.
And for that, I am forever grateful.
Comment from Mark Weber coming in this evening.
And I shared this, Mark, last week with the audience during our third and final hour, which featured a tribute to Bill Regnery that was anchored by Sam Dixon, Jared Taylor, and Kevin McDonald.
And I shared an anecdote about how Bill would listen to this program.
And I focused on one program in particular where Bill was emailing me throughout the hour as I was interviewing that guest.
And he was commenting repeatedly about how insightful, how good, how great this radio was, and how this guest was.
And how about you?
Will you mention to your guest this?
And could you ask your guest about that and how much he was enjoying the show?
And of course, I bring that up, Mark, because the guest was you, and it was last, about a year ago, this time, in fact, that that particular interview took place.
Is there anything you could say just very quickly about Bill Regnery before we continue our discussion?
Well, one of the most impressive things about Bill Regnery and many others like him is that he did a great thing.
He was dedicated.
He did a great deal without any concern for stature or applause.
And he did so with no benefit to him.
This is very important.
Many people, even who agree with us about a lot of these issues, they want things to happen quickly and they want praise and some sort of adulation in return for it.
Bill Regnery deserves, it should, is an inspiration of people who do what they think is right.
They act on the basis of principle without regard to what the benefit for themselves may be.
This is the kind of, he's the kind of person that you could imagine at the Constitutional Convention in 1787, the kind of men who were there, or the people who signed the Declaration of Independence.
At the risk of their lives, many of them lost their fortunes.
They had tremendous problems within their families as a result of even signing the Declaration of Independence.
And too many of people on our side are looking over their shoulders, very concerned that, well, this might cause problems with that person, or this might cause problems with that, or this.
And Bill Regnery is exemplary in that he said, I'm going to do this regardless of the consequences.
And that's the spirit, the only spirit that one can have if one is ultimately, if any group, if any idea, is ultimately to prevail.
Well, thank you for saying that.
And I thought you would like to know that truth that I just shared.
And that's a very clear gift.
Well, no, you earned it, my friend.
The comment was just.
IHR.org Institute for Historical Review, they're at the top of Mark's website.
You can read a little bit more about what's going on in South Africa.
Now, that, Keith Alexander, would have been a great topic of conversation tonight, too, how South Africa is continuing to aspire.
You know, South Africa is really a canary in the coal mine.
If you want to know how this will all end up, if it continues in America on the same trajectory we're on now, take a look at South Africa.
Well, and we need to cover that, what's going on over there.
It's really gone to the next level in the last few weeks.
But ladies and gentlemen, IHR is an independent think tank and publisher working to promote peace, understanding, and justice through greater awareness of the past.
History matters, and you can support the work of Mark Weber at ihr.org.
Mark, I want to bring Keith back into this conversation, but first, a quick question about what the Republicans are doing now, what they may be getting right, and what they're getting wrong.
So we see Marjorie Taylor Greene out of Georgia.
I generally have a relatively good take on her.
I mean, at least she's doing something different.
Is she just this year's version of Sarah Palin?
Yeah, May.
Okay, that's a good question.
But what is she getting right about critical race theory?
She's on this speaking tour right now, stop critical race theory.
But she won't actually mention the role that race plays in the stopping of critical race theory.
She won't mention that it's anti-white.
This is the thing that the conservatives and the Republicans never mention unless they bring in the fact that it's anti-white, unless they bring in race from our perspective.
The Republicans will not own that they are the party of white people.
Well, that's what you wrote yourself, Mark, in correspondence this week.
It's admirable, but is it too little, too late?
It's a question.
This opposition is it tactical as opposed to strategic?
Will it inevitably falter in defeat, just as countless other so-called conservative resistance efforts over the past 50 years have?
Right.
Mark Weber, Marjorie Taylor Greene, the Republican Party, critical race theory.
What's right, what's wrong about their approach?
Well, I don't know specifically about her.
What I read and what I understand is that many of the people are opposed to critical race theory because they don't even want an emphasis on race.
In fact, many of the people who oppose it will say, I'm like Martin Luther King.
I just want to look at people as individuals.
I don't want to even take race into account.
They echo the lament of Rodney King.
Why can't we all just get along?
In effect, they're saying, well, we wouldn't have these problems if everybody thought the way I did.
I'm like, why are we having this big discussion about race?
The reason we're having this.
And you know what they're doing, Mark?
They're waiting for applause for that, and there's no applause coming.
There's just vituperation from the left.
Once they start with the premise that the country should just be a country of individuals and that that's our only identity, it's already lost.
Because people who do have a strong racial, cultural, religious, some sort of identity other than just being individuals and out for themselves, they will prevail.
That's over and over in history, that's obvious.
And that's a problem in America because the individualist outlook is very much part of the American DNA.
There's reasons for that.
It's an understandable thing given our history and trajectory and so forth.
But no nation can survive if that's all there is.
If people are just out for themselves and their families, they will lose everything.
And because, well, for obvious reasons, I guess, you could say.
Now, I don't know about her, but I do know this.
Sarah Palin and many of these people who call themselves conservative, they now say, well, Martin Luther King is really one of us.
He's really like us.
No, he isn't.
No, he isn't.
Democrats are the real racists and all that type of stuff.
But this is a very important thing.
There's a rubber they can't hide from their racial identity.
The thing that the left is doing now, which I approve of, is they're going to make them own being white.
Well, the larger point is that for many, many years, as Ronald Reagan once said, when I was young, we didn't know we had a race problem.
Yeah, that's because for years, white Americans thought that they could just ignore the issue.
It would just somehow go away.
Or they didn't even want to deal with it.
In the 1940s and 50s, and up until the 60s, blacks didn't even appear on television.
They were highly marginalized.
And the whole issue of race, the understand the idea was, well, we're a good country.
Things are going well.
We're prosperous.
We're powerful.
Who cares about race?
It'll all sort of work out.
It's always mourning in America.
Race can be put off for a time, but it cannot be ignored.
It's part of life.
It's part of who people are.
Because human beings are not just individuals.
We are social beings.
We're defined by our people need to recognize that.
That's it, Mark.
White people need to recognize this.
Until we embrace identity politics going against other racially aware groups, we will continue to bring a knife to a gunfight, and we're bound to lose that fight.
We will not have to be a softball and a hardball and hardball baseball.
They're not even playing the same game.
Exactly.
They're playing checkers, and the real game is chess.
They don't identity politics.
Mark, we've got two minutes left, and the last two minutes is entirely yours.
Go, my friend.
Well, the big point is critical race theory is just part of a much larger thing.
It's one little battle.
It's being fought fitfully around the country.
Yeah, it may be that something called critical race theory never will be imposed in our grade schools.
But already from kindergarten, young children are marinated in Black History Month, remembering Martin Luther King, a kind of rainbow outlook.
That is already well entrenched and well in place in our grade schools across the country anyway.
And whether it's called critical race theory or whether it's called some utopian idea about America with some other name, it's basically the same thing.
It says that America was founded very evilly.
It was founded by people who wanted a white country, and we have to dismantle that.
We have to discredit that.
And of course, the tearing down of the statues is a really key part of it, too.
You know, tearing down the old heroes of America.
You know, all four of the presidents of Mount Rushmore are, by today's standards, white supremacists.
George Washington, Abraham Lincoln, Thomas Jefferson, and Theodore Roosevelt.
They were all by today's standards.
I mean, why should we honor such people?
Well, they were pretty important in our country.
But their worldview, if one assumes that their worldview is essentially a bad and evil one, well, we should turn.
We should destroy their monuments.
We should undergo the same kind of re-education that Americans have imposed on Western Europe and especially Germany since the end of the Second World War.
Or we can take a whole different view about history.
But right now, those people who call themselves conservative and liberal both have a kind of narrative of American history that's unrooted in reality.
And the consequences will be we'll just continue in a course that ever more obviously is one of social disintegration, of cultural breakdown.
That's more and more obvious to everyone.
Where does it lead?
Look at South Africa today.
Another hour go by far too quickly with Mark Webber.
Thank you, Mark, my friend, for all you do and for the example you set for all of us long predating mind folks on the radio for these past two decades.org.
We look forward to the next conversation with Mark Weber already.