May 16, 2020 - The Political Cesspool - James Edwards
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You're listening to the Liberty News Radio Network, and this is the political cesspool.
With your masquerading and you always contemplating what to do, in case heaven has found you, can't you see that it's all around you?
Well, that's a great song, ladies and gentlemen.
I was listening to that song with my kids this week.
I actually read to them the tale of the Pied Piper of Hamelin, Germany.
And we'll get to that in a moment.
But welcome to tonight's show, The Political Cesspool, Saturday, May 16th, Year of Our Lord 2020.
I'm your host, James Edwards.
Keith Alexander.
With me tonight, as always, we have got a show tonight.
We're going to welcome to the program Horace the Avenger himself, Mr. Tim Murdoch.
We're going to follow the white rabbit with Tim.
We're going to remember Bob Whitaker, former Reagan appointee, a friend of mine, called home a few years ago.
Michael Gaddy, also on the program tonight in the third hour.
And he will be remembering with me a man who has blazed a trail for the rest of us to follow that is still with us, but equally deserving of remembrance.
And praise.
Well, but before we do that, we are going to re-examine a groundbreaking travesty of American jurisprudence.
I was first, though, playing the song Crispian St. Peter's, the Pied Piper.
Well, that legend dates back to the Middle Ages.
That's when the earliest reference is describing a piper dressed in multicolored clothing who was a rat catcher hired by the town to lure rats away with his magic pipe.
When the citizens refused to pay for his service, he retaliated by using the instrument's magical power on their children, leading them away as he did the rats.
Now, you can read that in the Brothers Grimm and some other collections of European fairy tales.
Believe it or not, though, there is an element of truth to that story.
The present-day city of Hamelin continues to maintain the information about the Pied Piper legend and its origins on its own official website.
In fact, just not long ago, the town marked its 725th anniversary of the disappearance of the town's former children.
And to this day, you cannot play music or sing or dance on the street where they were last seen before they disappeared.
Keith, your thoughts on the Pied Piper?
What does that story tell you?
It tells you a story of diabolical power, which is what I'm going to cover with our audience, I guess, sometime in this first hour.
This is, you know, tomorrow is the anniversary, the unfortunate anniversary of probably the most famous and arguably the worst Supreme Court decision in the history of the United States, Brown versus Board of Education.
Well, Keith, it's interesting I asked you the question.
You gave that answer.
I was going to say that the moral I learned from that story is to pay your debts, but I liked your answer better.
It's a story of diabolical power.
Well, that is, I guess, the roundabout reason I brought that song up.
It's not known if the Pied Piper was used to inform The decision rendered in my libel lawsuit, but he certainly could have been.
There's no evidence we have that he wasn't.
They did go back to the fables.
And what was so interesting about that lawsuit, of course, we've talked about it and talked about it for years now, but it was interesting for this.
I mean, there was always a chance where we're going to lose that case.
But what was so interesting was that the judges actually.
Go ahead.
Well, no, yes, you're getting to the chase.
The judges themselves in their decision said, yes, case law, case precedent is on the side of the plaintiff, which was me in that case.
But forget all of that, we want to rule against them.
And since case law and case precedent is on his side, we're going to go with the whole Aesop's fable thing, judge a man by the company he keeps.
And that's going to supersede case law and precedent.
And as and that decision did have some actual historical ramifications in the fact that it did do away with existing libel law in the state of Michigan, which of course could be used as a precedent to do away with libel law nationwide.
But it wasn't as wide-ranging in terms of its devastation as the Brown versus Board of Education decision was.
This is something we do every year with Keith.
Keith normally breaks it down for us for about an hour every May.
That's what we're doing tonight.
And how do those two cases, Keith?
Well, what's the question?
What do they have in common?
Well, here's what they have in common.
That type of legal non-reasoning or non-legal reasoning had its genesis in the Brown versus Board of Education case.
When you, what's the whole thing if you can't, you know, blind them with brilliance, baffle them with BS?
Well, that's basically what happened in the Brown versus Board of Education decision when you couldn't get to the results you wanted using starry decisis, in other words, other reported case law that established a principle that would apply to your case.
When you don't have that in your favor and you don't have constitutional or legislative history on your side, which are the two standard ways in which appellate decisions are decided, well, then you get creative just like the court did in your case and Brown versus Board of Education by relying on, of all things, sociology.
I guess it's not too far of a stretch after relying on sociology, the so-called doll studies of a black sociologist named Kenneth Clark.
It's not much of a jump to go to Esop's fables.
You know, basically anything you can hang your hat on, you can do it.
It was the start of what and called the do-right school of appellate review.
You basically decide which side of the case is right in your mind before you start examining the precedents, and then you try to get cobble together precedents or rationales from various sources to justify your result.
And of course, that's exactly the opposite of what honest appellate review by the courts historically did.
They checked the principles, applied them, and came to a decision, either one they liked or didn't like, based on decision-making.
That was departed from and in the Brown and the decision basically transformed American life.
Let me read something to you from this article that we posted a while back called Southern Resistance.
Here's what it says.
In 1954, the Supreme Court fundamentally transformed the United States with Brown versus Board of Education.
By targeting our children and their education, much of the groundwork for the current regime was laid.
The ruling was preordained and engineered because Plessy versus Ferguson, that's the one that said separate but equal, satisfied the 14th Amendment.
And the segregation that it underpinned were entirely and indisputably constitutional.
Fergus Marshall of the NAACP and later our first of several affirmative action justices until the fraudulent sociology of Kenneth Platt's laughable, poorly designed dial studies and suppressed contradictory evidence to argue a theory that blacks had poor self-esteem because of white racism.
Hold on right there, my friend, Keith Alexander, the legal scholar.
We are separate tonight.
I'm out of town, Keith calling in from home, neither of us in our home studio at the station.
But this hour, we are going to re-examine that groundbreaking travesty of American jurisprudence, the Brown versus Board decision here on its ominous anniversary.
Stay tuned.
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That song has just such a killer bass guitar part.
And of course, the flute or the piccolo is what really makes that one stand.
That's a fun song by the late Crispian St. Peters.
And I guess there's a story in there that America itself has followed the Pied Piper of multiculturalism.
But yes, indeed, getting back to the point of this hour, fables, not law, being used to serve as the basis for president-setting legal decisions.
Well, that was my experience in the just us system.
But again, it was hardly the most egregious travesty of American jurisprudence.
That was the Brown versus Board of Education decision.
But what they have in common is, one, set the precedent for whacked out rulings, as Keith said, just basically anything you could hang your hat on.
And it would have been different in my case if the judges had said, here are the case law that defend our decision.
And by the way, don't forget, Aesop's Fables said this.
But no, they actually said case law backed my position.
The restatement of torts, the legal Bible itself backed my position.
But, you know, in this day and age, we rule based upon our political biases.
And, you know, what are you going to do about it?
And that's where we're at.
Keith, let's talk the remainder of this hour.
The anniversary of Brown, tell us what day and year it was, how it happened, how it came to be, and how we still suffer from it.
Okay, well, the date was May the 17th, 1954.
It was a rehearing.
The case had originally been heard in 1953, but they could not, the left could not get the requisite number of votes, five, to change the law.
So Felix Frankfurter, who was the lone Jew on the court at that time, asked the chief justice, then a fellow named Fred Vinson from Kentucky, allow a rehearing at a later date.
And Fred Vinson, being a southern gentleman, allowed him to do that.
Again, proving Bill DeRosher's famous homily, nice guys finish last.
So they came in a year later and they came up with new arguments.
But what was not known at that time was that Frankfurter and a former law clerk of his, another member of the tribe like a Frankfurter named Ellman, were carrying on a back-channel communication where Ellman, who was working for the Solicitor General's office at that time and supposedly, you know, on the other side,
was being fed information by Frankfurter about the positions taken in the private conferences of the Supreme Court, telling them exactly what every Justice on the Supreme Court had to say, weighing in so that they could craft their arguments to directly answer the questions of those judges.
We're not into this.
And Frankfurt was brought to court at the time.
He was one of the founders of the very left-wing American Jewish Congress back in the 1920s.
And was surprisingly enough in constitutional law texts that you'll read in law schools today, Frankfurt is considered a conservative.
He's about as conservative as Karl Marx and Vladimir Lenin, I would say, or maybe Trotsky.
He was an extreme leftist, as you would expect most Jewish leaders to be.
And he was the one who basically used Skull Douglas with his gore or method Ellman to load the dice and to preordain, as Giles Corey in that article, Southern Resistance, said, the result in this case.
And the person who was arguing for the other side, John W. Davis, a very fine lawyer, appellate lawyer, he'd have argued more cases before the Supreme Court at that time than anyone else, the partner in a very high-fluting Wall Street law firm called Davis, Wardwell, and Polk.
He had all the law on his side.
He said that the case law and the arguments of the other side were basically nonsensical.
But nonetheless, like Domer Pyle said, surprise, surprise, surprise, when the decision came down, it was nine to nothing in favor of Brown.
And they basically said that separate but equal facilities do not pass muster under the 14th Amendment.
Now, a lot of people aren't familiar with the 14th Amendment.
There are basically three parts to it.
The first part is the citizenship part, the second part, the due process part, and the third part, the equal protection part.
Basically, they said that separate but equal, which had been the law set by Plessy versus Ferguson back in 1896, was no longer the law.
They said that on their scholarly pondering of the record, they said that the Supreme Court, not the Supreme Court, excuse me, the Congress that ratified the 14th Amendment, that the legal history or the legislative history of how that came about was inconclusive.
And that was a blatant lie because what happened was the Congress that ratified and put into law the 14th Amendment was at that time government of the District of Columbia.
They didn't have a mayor and a city council ruled them directly.
And that particular Congress established at the same Congress a racially segregated school system for the District of Columbia, for Washington.
So consequently, they obviously didn't think that racially segregated schools violated the 15th Amendment.
And that's the crux of the decision and the arguments made by Chief Justice Earl Warren, who took over as Chief Justice, again on a corrupt bargain, when Fred Vinson died during the interim between the original argument and the re-argument.
And when he died, the report by Philip Ellman was that Frankfurter met with in secret and professed this mock horror and said, I'm shocked, shocked.
And then he looked at Strike in the eye.
The death of Fred Vinson is the first real proof I've ever had of the existence of God.
So, you know, we have a leftist, two leftist collaborators that basically hijack the Supreme Court.
Now, we don't know what they used to make the other justices go along with it.
Could have been extortion, could have been other things.
Who knows?
Ill health, at least on one of them, probably two of them.
But they wanted a unanimous decision and they got it.
But even the New York Times in the newspaper article on Monday or Tuesday following this said that the decision was based on sociology and not law.
And that should have been a red herring.
I mean, a red flag right there.
And of course, it caused southerners who relied on segregation to have a decent school system and a decent society were enraged.
And the resistance was immediate and extreme.
You had the Southern senators and congressmen in the U.S. Congress sign what was called the Southern Manifesto.
I think there were two congressmen that didn't sign it from the South, but everybody else did, pledging their massive resistance to this decision and their determination to see it reversed.
So that was the beginning of the leftist takeover of the American government.
And furthermore, it was the beginning of a period of crazy judicial activism like the one that you suffered under in your recent defamation case.
Ladies and gentlemen, Keith Alexander at his best.
He is truly in his wheelhouse on during a discussion like this.
And we're so thankful to have his brilliance as a part of our team on a weekly basis, but particularly tonight.
Keith, you were on fire.
I agree with you.
We could have gone two hours on this.
I got several follow-up questions to what you were saying when we come back.
The number of COVID-19 cases in Arkansas continues to rise as the state works on reopening.
Governor Isa Hutchinson.
What I look at is our hospitalizations, which is still one of the lowest in the country at less than 100.
I look at the number of cases, but more importantly, the testing that we're doing and our positivity rate.
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Parts of New York are starting to reopen.
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We have half the state now in terms of regions, which is now in the process of reopening.
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House Republicans say they won't restore a controversial member's responsibilities.
House Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy says he didn't tell Steve King that he would be exonerated and reinstated to the committee assignments he was removed from last year.
Congressman King's comments cannot be exonerated, and I never said that.
King's controversial statements about white supremacy and Western civilization has led to the Iowa Republicans' removal.
Committee assignments are decided by the steering committee, and he'll have the opportunity to make his case.
Talking to members on the steering committee, I think he'd get the same answer that he got before.
Steve King is in a primary fight in Iowa for his House seat.
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You know, I was at the Republican National Convention along with Sam Bushman as credentialed members of the media.
We were there in the arena when Donald Trump officially received the Republican nomination for President of the United States.
I ran into Steve King, just traded a passing hello.
He didn't know who I was, but I said hello to him.
But anyway, I was just listening to the news and the news before we came back this segment.
And that's how far we've gone.
I mean, Steve King literally said nothing.
And the reason I bring this up, this story up, is because what they were talking about, he can't serve on any committees because of what he said about Western civilization.
Well, what he said about Western Civilization, he said just about a week or two before the Republican National Convention.
This was going back now four years ago.
And I think he just said that you can't have people from other countries make up Western Civilization.
He's exactly right.
I mean, that's just one of the most fundamental.
Everybody knows that to be true, but we got to pretend that that's offensive because we're offended by everything.
I mean, that's how far we have come in the 66 years it has been since the Brown versus Board of Education decision.
It will be 66 years ago tomorrow, May 17th, 1954.
Keith, I've got a couple of very quick questions.
If you can answer them quickly, I know we've kind of taken, you're unbridled this hour.
You're running free in the pasture and you're doing what you do best, but I want to ask you just a couple of quick, quick, quick questions.
If we can get quick answers and then we'll let you get back to it.
When you look at the most ominous dates in American history, the founding fathers won our independence.
They chartered a course and we were off to the races in the late 1700s.
I think there's three dates that totally derailed their vision and the America that they had intended for this to be.
Lee's surrender at Appomattox, the Brown versus Board of Education decision in 1954, and then the 1965 Immigration Act.
Which of those three events, Keith, do you think was the worst and why?
Well, I may be biased, but I think that the Brown decision was the worst because everything else was follow-up, like the 65 Hart Seller Act, the 65 Immigration Act that you referenced.
That would never have come about had there not been this great left-wing victory in the Brown versus Board of Education decision.
Because, Keith, very quickly, I mean, you're saying, because, I mean, look, I mean, as Southerners, we all lament the fact that our ancestors fell short of the goal in that war, but America, for all intents and purposes, still existed into the 1950s until what we're talking about tonight, correct?
I believe so.
That's what I would say.
I would argue that.
And, you know, everybody extols and praises the Brown decision that's in the establishment, but it's like the emperor's new clothes.
Nobody wants to admit how this decision, which affected public education in America, was basically the beginning of the end for public education in America.
Public education in America has gone in the toilet.
But it wasn't just that, though, right?
I mean, it wasn't just what it did to the public schools.
As bad as that is, that's not the entire legacy of Brown.
The legacy of Brown is that, was this really the first case where existing law and precedent be damned, we are going to rule based upon our political opinions.
Was this really the first time that it happened, or was that already sort of baked into the cake prior to Brown?
No, I don't think it was baked into the cake before Brown.
I really think Brown was the first time that they decided an important case and basically said, precedent and legislative history be damned, we're going to make this decision.
And of course, Chief Justice Warren was not much of a scholar.
He was a politician being paid off by White Eisenhower for delivering the electoral votes of California.
He was governor of California before he became the Chief Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court.
And he delivered those votes to Eisenhower in primary election at the Republican convention in order to put him over the top 45 electoral votes.
And his price was to be made elevated to the Supreme Court for the next opening that occurred.
And that next opening just happened to be the Chief Justice when Fred Vinson died.
So we got a guy that really, you know, he became a synonym or an exemplar of everything that was wrong with the court system.
I remember when I was a kid seeing bumper stickers saying, impeach Earl Warren, and they called it the Warren Court with, you know, vitriol in their voices because he just did as he damn well pleased in this case.
And it was, you know, it was a great shock to people who thought were governed by law and order.
You know, the Federalist 74 written by Hamilton explaining the proposed new federal government or proposed new federal government to the American people famously said that the federal judiciary was to be the weakest and least dangerous branch of the federal government.
It didn't have power or enforcement.
It just had will, judgment.
That's all it had.
Well, they never, and the founding fathers, I don't believe, anticipated the pernicious influence of Jewish power and influence on American society.
And this was a Jewish coup, make no mistake about it.
That's what this whole decision was.
They wanted left-wing change, and the best way and the easiest way to get it, and it was suggested by Gunnar Meerdahl, who was a Swedish Scandinavian economist slash sociologist, who wrote a famous book in 1944 called An American Deliver, The Negro in America.
And he basically said that the court would have to make the change, and that apparently got the attention of people like Frankfurter, and that's what they wanted to do.
The Supreme Court is the least democratic branch of the federal government, and it also has lifetime tenure.
So if you want to do something that is really controversial, you don't have to worry about Supreme Court justices getting cold feet because they're in like Flynn.
They're in until they breathe their last, unlike congressmen, senators, and presidents.
So if you got a hot potato, the new rule was go to the Supreme Court with it, and they'll be extolled by all the academics as being brave and courageous and whatnot for basically usurping the power of the legislature.
Fascinating expose tonight, Keith.
I really appreciate, I appreciate being the last of our kind, the last people who will tackle this topic here on this network.
This network is a godsend to people who value freedom of speech and diversity of opinion.
For all the celebration of diversity, I will tell you the practitioners of tolerance and diversity do not appreciate diversity of opinion, do they, Keith?
Not at all.
That's for darn sure.
And, you know, look at the decision.
They could have stayed within the parameters of the existing case law and reached the result they wanted under the separate but equal doctrine.
They could have said, well, you know, these facilities, these black schools that you have in these, there are five different locales that were in one consolidated case.
They may be separate, but they're not equal.
And we're going to give you a short period of time to make them equal.
And equal would be, I think the only fair way to do it would be expenditures.
And if you don't do that, then we're going to say that you haven't met the constitutional standard.
And you're going to have to let black and white students go together in the same school.
And that would have lit a fire under people and would have basically given black people what time has shown they really wanted.
They really don't want the integration.
They want a bigger piece of the pie that they're in charge of.
For example, in Memphis now, the public school system is an all-black affair almost with black teachers, administrators, school board heads, school board members, all of that.
And basically they've got their own private school system financed by white taxpayers.
Well, I was just about to say, Keith, I was just about to say one of the aspects of the legacy of Brown is the fact that it gave rise to the segregation academies, aka private Christian schools, one of which is my high school alma mater, Briarcrest Christian School in Memphis.
No, they used to.
They used to.
I mean, the founding president and principal of Briarcrest said, you know, absolutely, this is why we're here.
I mean, now they would trip over themselves to deny their history.
And think of how many, I mean, to go to kindergarten there is $20,000 a year now.
Think of how much money these people are raking in because of Brown.
But they're all for it, though.
But they're not, really.
Let's think about that.
What has happened to white children is that their ability to climb the social ladder has been taken away from them.
If you live in a place like Memphis, you know, you would be throwing your child into the black hole of Calcutta if you allowed them to go to a regular Memphis public school.
Well, I'm going to steer your thunder here, Keith, because the music is playing.
I know what you're going to say.
Whites can only have the number of kids they can afford to send to private school unless they homeschool as we do.
And that is 100% true in a place like Memphis.
And that is another legacy of Brown, the ominous anniversary of which is held tomorrow.
66 years.
66 years.
My, how the country has changed.
We'll be right back.
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Welcome back.
To get on the show, call us on James's Dime at 1-866-986-6397.
All right, everybody.
Well, welcome back.
Keith Alexander doing what he does best tonight, breaking down what used to be a continuous legal issue.
Now, even the conservatives celebrate this.
And Keith, it makes me sick.
I won't mention his name because I won't sully our airways by mentioning his name, but I was listening to another radio program that I typically don't listen to.
In fact, I never listen to it.
But I just happened to be scanning through the channels the other day and I tuned into it while I was driving home.
And a guy had called into this particular radio program, and he said, well, now we're able to reopen my business since we've entered into phase whatever of the reopening plan.
And the white workers have come back to my business, but the black workers are refusing to come back.
They want to keep their unemployment, which you get in addition to the standard unemployment, you get another $600 a month during the coronavirus epidemic.
Or what they claim is the coronavirus epidemic.
But anyway, you're getting your regular, what would be your unemployment plus $600.
Well, anyway, so a guy, a business owner, calls into this particular radio program, and the radio host goes off on this guy for this racist statement.
Now, all this guy is doing is presenting a statement of fact, a statement of fact, you know, as a business owner.
He said, this is what I'm seeing.
And he's, you know, I'll talk to a racist, but I have the, you know, authority to, you know, stare you down.
Well, let me tell you something.
The guy who actually was doing the staring down, this, you know, really macho radio host who's a conservative who's touting all the tenants of the left, I didn't know who this guy was, but I met him one time when I was on CNN and he knew who I was.
And he said, you know what?
Y'all say all the things on the political cesspool that I wish I could say.
And if I ever get any appearances that I can't handle, I'm going to try to get you on these appearances.
He was a fan of our show.
But that would lead you to believe that he, of course, agreed with our statements and our positions.
But when push comes to shove in the public light, far different than privately, he's going to stand down any guy who's going to speak the truth that could be misconstrued as being a racist statement.
And I wonder how much of that mentality went into Earl Warren.
I wonder if Earl Warren thought that one day after he was dead, little black boys and girls would be erecting monuments in his honor for going to back to bat for them.
But of course, that's never the case.
They are much smarter than us in that regard.
They erect monuments to their people, to their heroes.
Only insane, deranged white liberals would do the opposite.
And that sort of flawed, really pathological thinking is what made America go far off course 66 years ago tomorrow.
Am I right, Keith?
You are.
And, you know, I used to say things like, well, that guy's not a candidate for the next edition of Profiles and Courage, is he?
But as time has passed, I realize these people are doing just what they were designed to do.
Neoconservatism is to conserve what?
It's to conserve the gains of the left.
They are to police true conservatives and tell them you can't talk badly about Brown versus Board of Education.
That's over and done with.
You can't talk badly about abortion.
You know, we have a Supreme Court decision on that too now.
Basically, they are not going to admit that everything wasn't hunky-dory and perfect up to this point.
It's just the latest initiative of the left, they will give some type of half-hearted resistance to, and then they'll be resolved to protect that along with Brown versus Board of Education and every other leftist triumph that's happened over the past 70 years.
You know, it's interesting, James, to think about this.
What if?
And the what if that I have to ask about this in the Brown decision was Congressman and then U.S. Supreme Court Justice from South Carolina named Jimmy Burns, one of the most talented politicians of the mid-century period.
He was asked by Franklin Roosevelt, who appointed him to the Supreme Court, to step down from the Supreme Court in 1942 so he could head up the war effort, the mobilization of industry to military production.
And he did that job so well and so effectively, everybody in the federal government, left, right, and center and everything else, was singing his praises.
He was able not only to provide, to change America's industry, to provide America with munitions and instruments of war, he provided it for the Russians and for the English.
I mean, he and for the Chinese nationalists.
I mean, nobody has done a better job than that.
And the reason he stepped down was he thought he had an understanding with Roosevelt that in the 1944 election, he would be the vice presidential candidate for the Democrats.
If he had done that, he would have become president rather than Harry Truman.
But Harry Truman was the Jewish choice because he was an integrationist.
In fact, Harry Truman, when he got in, I think it was in 1948, he created this thing on this committee on integration and said that we had to do this because basically the communists are going to win if we don't because they're going to point to our segregation that we have nothing to offer to third world people.
That was his flimsy excuse for that.
And if we'd gotten Jimmy Burns either as president, because he was vice president before, we would have had a staunch segregationist as president that wouldn't have pushed any of this stuff.
He probably would have told the Solicitor General and others not to, you know, to put a really strong defense on and would have, you know, made sure that we didn't get liberals like Chief Justice Earl Warren on the Supreme Court.
And furthermore, if he had stayed on the Supreme Court, had not listened to Roosevelt, he would have on the Supreme Court stood up to Frank Furter and we probably would not have had this decision.
If he had been the Chief Justice, I guarantee you he wouldn't have granted a rehearing of the decision.
And we would have an entirely different history if Jimmy Burns had been treated fairly.
But, you know, money talks and B.S. walks, and that's what Jewish power and influence trades in.
Well, Keith, I got a question.
I mean, you know, for anybody that's an observer of history, it was Earl Warren who desegregated the schools.
It wasn't Martin Luther King.
When are the blacks going to erect monuments to Earl of Warren?
That's what he wanted.
When is that going to happen?
Yeah.
Well, you there?
Are you there, James?
I hear you.
Yeah, are you there?
Okay, can you hear me?
Yes, I hear you.
I was just saying, I mean, Earl Warren was the one who desegregated the schools, not Martin Luther King.
All of the black actors in this.
Ferguson Marshall, according to Philip Elman, could have gotten up in front of the Supreme Court at that second hearing and recited Mary Hang the Little Lamb and the decision would have been the same is already cooked up by him and Frank Furter.
He was bragging about it in an article that came out in the Harvard Law in the late 80s.
And people like Dean Owen Griswold, who was a fabled old scholar, said that Frank Furter and Ellman both should have been disciplined and Frankfurter should have been kicked off court pulling those type of shenanigans.
But of course, that's all after the fact now.
But see, this what we dealt with, see, you deal with the type of mendacity that you run into with the left.
And the Brown decision is a perfect example of that.
And America has been going downhill ever since.
Look at the standard test scores for schools in Memphis in 1954 when they were segregated.
And look at those same schools today as a result of being integrated by Brown and the progeny of Brown.
You know, they had two decisions, they had Brown too, which said all deliberate speed, and all deliberate speed was almost 15 years later before they really started to press on them to integrate.
And when they did that, everything went bad.
You know, our old friend Bill Rowland had to drop out of public school and go to a variety of what you call segregation because the public school was so bad at the time and there was so much violence.
And it's been bad since, you know, the public school in a place like Memphis, nobody wants to point out, but, you know, it's like for the new clothes, the standards and the grade point averages and the standardized test scores have all gotten the toilet.
And it's all a result of the Brown decision.
Well, ladies and gentlemen, this has been Keith Alexander's presentation on the Brown decision.
We do it every year, don't we, Keith?
And for good reason, with one minute to go, remind everyone why we do this every year, right around this time.
We need to know the Trump the track in the past, and we need to be wary.
And we need to understand that because of things like this, you can't just win the next battle.
We've got to undo a lot of stuff to be able to recapture the nice America that we used to have.
I remember showing you fairly recently a copy of my sister's annual from 1965 before busing hit in the early 70s.
And look at that school, you know, which today is a hellhole.
I mean, it was, it was, you describe it, James.
You saw it.
Well, it was, it was wonderful.
It was a world that I never experienced, a world I never had the chance to live in.
It was an all-white public school.
There is nothing wrong with any race preferring to be with the people who share the same history and culture and heroes and faith and customs.
Think about those comments in there.
First of all, the way the children looked.
This was a working class to lower middle class school.
Well, everybody was attractive.
Everybody was fit.
Everybody was good looking.
It was a high trust society.
And you could certainly pick up on that from the and very respectful and very mannerly.
So, what a world we've lost thanks to the left.
Ain't that the truth?
Well, Keith, hang on.
You're with us for one more segment in the next hour.
Then we're going to get to Tim Murdoch.
Our featured guests of the night is in the can, but don't go away.