Feb. 29, 2020 - The Political Cesspool - James Edwards
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You're listening to the Liberty News Radio Network, and this is the Political Cesspool.
He never hung his head up at Kitty's place.
I should have been a cowboy.
Si en la noche Oh, I should have been a cowboy.
All right, everybody.
Well, I'll tell you why we played that song tonight.
I had an opportunity to go with my wife and children on a homeschooling field trip earlier this week, and we went to the Agra Center.
And there at the Agra Center, they were doing a little demonstration on how to be a cowboy.
And it had a Wrangler there who was rustling up some, well, they didn't really have the steer in there, but he was doing the lasso trick and telling people how to ride a horse.
And the kids got to have a picture on the saddle and wearing some spurs and all of that.
And it got me thinking about that song, that old country song by Toby Keith.
Should have been a cowboy.
There's a line in that song about Jesse James, which, of course, got me thinking about some of our southern heroes again.
And that is going to be the topic of this first hour of tonight's live broadcast.
We're going to be talking about Southern resistance.
And then the second hour, we're going to talk to you about the coronavirus.
Is it Much Ado About Nothing or a coming Black Swan event?
Tom Kaczynski, our good friend, the former town manager of Jackman Maine, has become our resident authority on the coronavirus.
And I mean, he has dug deep into the research surrounding this.
All the headlines, we're going to go well beyond those headlines tonight with our coverage about the coronavirus with Tom Kaczynski.
That's in the second hour, but first, Southern Resistance.
So I was reading up again after the field trip, made me think about that song.
And then there was the line about Jesse James.
And I was reading about all the glory days, I guess you could say, when men could be men and men fought.
And you had those Missouri bushwhackers.
You know, they weren't regular army.
The people who rode with Quantrell and Bloody Bill Anderson.
But I'll tell you what, hero is just the same, Keith Alexander.
Yep.
That was a different war in the Trans-Mississippi theater of the war.
It was basically a guerrilla war.
And I think that probably the Outlaw Josie Wales movie was a pretty good indication of what it was like.
For example, Bloody Bill Anderson had his troops armed with revolvers.
And for example, there's one instance where they were attacking a union group of soldiers and they had single-shot rifles.
And when he saw that, he knew that he had them because he'd wait for the first shots to go by and then rush them with six shooters.
And it was all over.
But see, that's the type of fighting they did.
It was like, they called them bushwhackers.
And that's probably a great description of what they were doing.
Well, it's really interesting.
I don't remember if it was Quantrell or Bloody Bill, but these guys learned how to fight in some ways like Indians.
They used Indian field maneuvers of camouflage and surprise and attack.
And a lot of people say that's the way the South should have fought that war as a guerrilla, as a guerrilla-style war.
And if the entire South had done that, of course, we came very near to winning that war as conventional gentlemen, as a gentleman's army going against a very savage Union force.
But yeah, I think if they'd have employed those tactics that the Bushwhackers did across the western and eastern theaters, it would have been a different world.
Yes.
Basically, the South's defeat is a perfect lesson of why nice guys finished last.
There was only one Union town burned to the ground by Southern troops in the war, and that was either Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, or Chambersburg, Maryland by Jubal Early's troops as a protest for Sherman's March to the Sea.
Meanwhile, that was standard fare for the Union troops.
43 towns were burned to the ground in Mississippi alone, and Mississippi wasn't even a major theater in the war.
Oh, well, that was just the savagery of the United States.
And of course, Americans still, the American armed forces still use that savagery today.
They did it in Dresden, which, by the way, the anniversary of the firebombing of that defenseless civilian city was just earlier this month.
And it's just a terrible, terrible thing.
But we do remember our heroes.
And listen, I don't care if they got a little rowdy, frankly.
I mean, you know, people say, well, you know, Frank and Jesse James were outlaws.
These were bad guys.
I mean, look at what they did to their family, to their father, to their, I think they hung their father and stepfather and imprisoned the mother and the sisters.
And, you know, come on.
And then, of course, the whole thing about Lincoln sacking the legislature of Missouri to begin with, to deny them the opportunity to fight as regular soldiers.
They had actually voted to secede, but they never got to enact it because the Union troops came in shortly thereafter and prevented that from happening and sent troops in to prevent it from happening.
But, you know, Jesse James and his family were not a bunch of rowdy lower-class individuals.
His father founded a college.
In fact, it's a college that Mark Few, the longtime coach of the Gonzaga University basketball team, attended.
I was reading about it.
I forget the name of it, but you can look it up on Wikipedia.
Well, I'm glad that they continued to fight after the war.
I'm glad that the war didn't end for them at the surrender of Appomattox.
Well, let me ask you, Keith, Frank and Jesse James are heroes.
A guy like John Brown is a terrorist.
What's the difference?
Well, you know, it was hard to put yourself in the position of the South right after the war.
You had radical Republicans that were, you know, bent on revenge, and they would have hung hundreds, maybe thousands of ex-Confederates had it not been for the stalwart bravery of Andrew Johnson in defying them as the president.
And I think that Andrew Johnson doesn't get near as much credit as he deserves for preventing that type of outrage from happening after the Civil War.
I was talking to my dad about this earlier this week.
There's a legend in our family that when my great-grandfather was at William Jewell College.
Okay, right.
When my great-grandfather was a teenager, a young boy, a young teenage boy, they went up to Missouri.
And at this time, Frank James was much older, but he was a ticket taker at a museum in, or not a museum, rather, but at a theater, a movie theater in, I guess not even a movie theater, just a theater theater in Missouri.
And they were able to meet him.
And wouldn't that be something to shake the hand of a man like that?
Well, I tell you what, it was a, You know, it was a terrible chapter in American history, and it didn't need to be terrible.
They could have just let the South go.
In fact, that's what Copperheads were.
Copperheads were people that said, well, the South wants to leave, let them go.
That didn't mean that they were necessarily partisans for the South.
Some of them were.
A lot of them weren't.
But nonetheless, they didn't see any need to fight over it.
It was Lincoln and Lincoln first and foremost that brought on the actual warfare that was the Civil War.
Well, this isn't the Southern resistance we're talking about this hour, although it is fun.
We are going to be talking about the Southern resistance of the 1960s, the 1950s and 60s, and then we're going to be comparing that to what we saw at CPAC this week.
The CPAC, oh my goodness gracious, folks.
Wait till we get to that at the end of this hour.
You thought minstrel shows were something in the past.
No, they're not.
They're not.
You know, well, I got one more thing to say.
We're going to get into that Southern resistance of the righteous resistance of the 50s and 60s and then compare that to what we see out of the so-called conservative movement now.
We'll be right back.
Hey, listen up.
This is a deep state alert.
Former Texas Congressman Steve Stockman, who moved to arrest Lois Lerner for contempt of Congress, has been imprisoned by the very office that Lerner led.
You heard right.
Stockman hit the Obama administration hard and they hit back with the full force of the federal government.
The guy who said he wanted Mark Levin as Speaker of the House was the first to threaten Obama's impeachment, exposed Hillary's selling steel to the Iranians, and blocked both Obama's immigration and gun bills from even reaching the House.
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The planet does not need for us to think globally and act locally so much as it needs us to think family and act personally.
The solution to so many of our problems at all times and in all places is to fall in love, get married, and have some kids.
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Women and ghosts sleeping out all night beneath the desert stars.
With a dream in my eye and a prayer in my heart, I should have been a cowboy.
I should have learned to roll around.
Wearing my sixth shooter, riding my pony on a cat and drive.
Stealing a young girl's heart.
Just like Gene and Roy, singing those campfire songs.
Oh, I should have been a cowboy.
Speaking about being a cowboy, I don't think I've ever walked into my parents' home and my dad be watching anything on TV other than an old black and white Western.
Ever.
You know, they have from the time I was a kid to the last week.
One of the free channels that we get broadcast here in the Memphis area is Grit TV.
It's on, I think, channel 5.4.
And it's nothing but old Westerns, one after another.
I saw all the Randolph Scott Westerns, all the John Wayne Westerns, and even all the Audi Murphy Westerns from that day.
But you know what's funny today?
Out near where I live, there's a steakhouse called Wyatt Earps.
So we went out to Wyatt Earps and had a steak today, my dad and I and my cousin and my son.
And then after that, we went out into the woods behind my house.
We found this little pond with a beaver dam.
And it was just a great day.
I mean, the simple things in life, folks, are what it's all about.
That's the kind of America we want to restore.
But it just had a great day with my dad and my son just walking around.
We took some BB guns out there.
My little boy was out there shooting the BB gun.
And just a great day.
And speaking about Frank and Jesse James, you know, I joke sometimes that I was named after Frank and Jesse James, but that's not true, although it would have been a fine legacy to be sure.
But my name is James.
My middle name is Franklin.
And my brother's name is Jesse.
So if my parents weren't naming us after them, they missed a hell of an opportunity.
Well, you know, that will take us into this topic of southern resistance.
Let's get into it.
Because basically, what we are on the verge of right now with this presidential election is the complete and utter transformation of the old America into this new multicultural nightmare that the left seems to have dreamt up for us.
And they've been basically implementing it ever since the Civil Rights Movement, ever since Brown versus Board of Education, even earlier than that, Sweat versus Painter and the integration of the armed forces under Harry Truman.
All of this stuff is very interesting reading.
And we found a great article in Occidental Observer a couple of weeks ago called Southern Resistance.
It was a review of a book by a person named George Lewis, who isn't a southern sympathizer.
But then on the other hand, he does take the Southern resistance seriously and looks into what it actually was, as opposed to just dismissing it as a bunch of knuckle-dragging troglodytes the way that most histories that you read about that period do.
And Giles Carey of Occidental Observer did a review of that book, and it is excellent.
I'm really wanting to lay my hands on that book.
You said, Keith called me last week, and he said, I found an article that I've been waiting for my whole life.
Now, imagine those words coming out of a man like Keith Alexander's mouth, a guy who was so well read to find an article that strikes him to that extent.
And it was this article called Southern Resistance.
And we posted it, we reposted it at thepolitical Successful.org on Monday.
And it talks about the Southern resistance of the 50s and 60s.
And Keith, tell them why it was so striking to you, why it was something that you wanted to spend a few minutes tonight talking about.
Because it goes into the details of what the resistance actually did, who they were, what they said, what their strategies were.
Instead of just looking at the thing through rose-colored glasses from the left and thinking, you know, it's just the ultimate victory of good over evil.
And the only thing that could possibly have been motivating resistance to the civil rights movement was deeply dyed evil of the worst sort.
And also got into why our southern heroes, even in the 50s and 60s, amazing how it was exactly 100 years after the war that you had that 1961 to 65.
But while they ultimately were able to be repelled, but anyway, Keith, break it down.
Now, give us the Cliff's notes for the rest of this segment and then the segment to come.
Anything and everything they need to know about this article, and it was lengthy, so we're going to have to ask you to verbally break it down.
Okay, well, the first part, they identified just like I do and like we do here at the civil, at the political cesspool, the real genesis was the Brown versus Board of Education decision.
This was done purposefully.
This was not just a coincidence that this particular type of case happened.
It was all engineered by Jewish power and influence who was operating through groups, front groups like the NAACP.
The NAACP, for example, black people, if you listen to the reports that you will catch, you know, through the news anytime today, 20 years ago, 40 years ago, you get this impression that black people think that they accomplished the civil rights movement by themselves.
Well, they not only didn't accomplish it by themselves, they were minor players.
They were bit part players.
The brains and the money and the influence that actually worked to transform everything was Jewish power and influence.
For example, the NAACP, which you think is a quintessential black organization, was founded in 1909, and they did not have a black head of the NAACP until 1975 when Dr. Benjamin Hooks of Memphis, a lawyer/slash minister, was given that position.
And ever since then, it has had a black head.
Before then, from 1909 to 1975, the head of the NAACP was always a Jewish male.
And guess what happened?
After 1975, the NAACP became a paper tiger.
Basically, the only time you hear about the NAACP now is if they want to say me too to some other development in the panoply of movements for black rights, or if they're having a sexual scandal or a financial scandal, which seems to be quite often.
Their effective years were when they were under explicit Jewish leadership.
Now, what happened with the Brown decision, the reason it was so diabolically clever is what is the least democratic branch of the federal government?
You know, you have three branches, executive, legislative, judicial.
Well, the least democratic, of course, is the judicial branch.
And that's why in Federalist No. Number 74, Alexander Hamilton wrote that the Supreme Court of the United States, which is really the only court specifically provided for in the Constitution, was the weakest and least dangerous branch of the federal government.
It has neither will nor power.
It just has judgment, is what he said.
Well, he didn't reckon the advent of Jewish power and influence in America, which happened basically it started in the 1890s with the second great wave of immigration when a lot of Jews started immigrating to the United States between 1890 and 1920.
Then in 1924, you had the Johnson Anti-Immigration Act passed, which basically called a moratorium on immigration from overseas.
And of course, Jews point to that as this horrible thing that led to all of these Jewish people in Europe being incinerated in the Holocaust and whatnot.
But that's not what it was at all.
An awful lot of those people did come to the United States, Canada, Mexico, and other places like that.
And the ones that were there when World War II started were basically the ones that had, you know, they'd had an opportunity to leave, but they decided to stay.
And again, you know, a lot of the details of the Holocaust are, you know, subject to question, to say the least.
But using the judicial part of the government was great.
They had basically by that time gotten key people in key positions and they were ready to transform America.
How are they going to transform America?
We're going to tell you after these words from our sponsors.
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So, folks, we're talking about this article we reposted entitled Southern Resistance.
And you can find it at thepoliticalscessful.org.
We posted it last Monday.
And it talks about what happened, what transpired that led to another Southern resistance about 100 years after the war between the states and why it was so important and why it was so necessary, how it was organized, how it was carried out, the kind of support that it had, and when that support began to wane in the mid to late 1960s, once people found out that it was not a lost cause, not a losing cause.
What's right is always right, but it wasn't the path to prosperity.
And so many people base their positions on whether or not it's expedient and whether or not it's something that's going to help them look after number one rather than a principle and what's right against all costs.
Well, anyway, we've got a couple of artifacts in here in the studio tonight.
I've got a listener of this radio program, God bless him.
Kevin sent me, not Kevin McDonald, that's the website from which we got this article, though.
Kevin sent me some personal effects of Revello P. Oliver.
Now, Revello P. Oliver was one of the original founders of the John Burke Society, but he was also a very well-known partisan for, as Jason Kuna might call it, white well-being.
And he was a racial realist.
He was conscious to the racial question.
He was part of the resistance to the civil rights.
Well, he's got an article in what I'm holding in my hand, the March 1966 edition of the Journal of the Citizens' Councils of America.
Now, that was the predecessor to the Council of Conservative Citizens.
And he has an article on page nine of this book entitled, Can Liberals Be Educated?
And it shows Dr. Oliver speaking at the Citizens Council.
And to his immediate left is the former governor of the state of Tennessee, Prentiss Cooper.
So back then, you got to understand, Keith, as late as the 60s, you could have people, you know, sitting governors were saying the things we were saying here on the program every night.
And it goes back to this article.
You actually brought in your yearbook, your high school yearbook from the year of 1965, which was a year before the Citizens Council.
And it is just a different world.
And this article explores that world, why it was necessary that the people fought, how they fought, and why they lost, or at least why they lost at that time.
The battle's never over, not so long as one of us breathes.
There's actually a great line.
I got to turn it back over to you, Keith.
There's a great line in this article.
Listen to this.
The parallel cancers of Zionist and leftist theology had poisoned nearly every branch of the Christian tree.
White advocates should not take this to mean that Christianity is irredeemable.
The root is still pure.
The gnawing fear is that perhaps we will not fight.
But what people even deserve to survive if they refuse to protect their own children?
We have rebounded before.
After the fall of Rome, the West didn't die, but rather massively contracted.
The Dark Ages weren't so dark.
As long as we monastically keep the flame and preserve the texts, our civilization will persist.
A foundation from which we may be able to give future whites the opportunity to rebuild a society of their very own upon the ashes of post-Western degeneracy.
Listen to this.
This is a beautiful line.
Where even a few of us remain, so too does the West.
And that is why we fight.
Keith, tell them what the rest they need to know about that article in the remaining time we have this section.
Okay, well, there was, you know, some buildup before the Brown versus Board of Education decision.
And one of the key figures in that is a former U.S. Supreme Court justice named Jimmy Burns of South Carolina, who later became the governor.
He was on the Supreme Court during the Roosevelt four administrations, and Roosevelt talked him into resigning from the Supreme Court so that he could head up the mobilization for World War II effort.
And he did that as a patriotic American and did a bang-up job in doing that, as you can tell by the way that the war turned out.
But when the fourth term of Franklin Roosevelt was coming up, they always had a northern liberal running for president in the Democratic Party and a southern conservative as vice president.
Well, they need to pick the vice president.
Jimmy Burns was the natural choice for that, but Jewish power and influence worked behind the scenes to make sure that Harry Truman, who is a more liberal individual, would get it.
Now, if Jimmy Burns had become the vice president and Roosevelt had died and the vice president took over, which is what happened in history, then we would have had a staunch segregationist as the president of the United States rather than Harry Truman, who started the ball rolling with integrating the armed forces, for example.
And also they had cases like Sweat versus Painter where they said that blacks had to be allowed to go to the University of Texas law school.
But the real, it was preamble before Brown.
Brown was what really got it started.
Now, Brown was a decision based on sociology, not on law.
The legal way to overturn a precedent is either by looking for another precedent that conflicts with it or by looking looking into legislative history.
The precedent that said that segregation in the public schools would be proper was Plessy versus Ferguson.
There's nothing wrong in the 14th Amendment, nothing in the 14th Amendment that said that separate but equal was not consistent with the 14th Amendment.
Well, Felix Frankfurter, the one Jew on the court at the time, got a guy named Alexander Bickel, a former law clerk for the Supreme Court who was known to be the king of research, to look into the legislative history of the 14th Amendment so that they could make the argument that the Congress that passed the 14th Amendment would not have tolerated racially segregated schools because it would have been a violation of the 14th Amendment.
What he found was just the opposite, that the very same Congress that passed the 14th Amendment into law also was governing Washington, D.C. at the time, and they created a racially segregated school system in the District of Columbia.
So basically through some back-channel communication and a lot of underhanded tactics by Felix Frankfurter and a former law clerk of his name, Philip Ellman, who is working on the other side for John W. Davis in the Solicitor General's office, that's Davis of Davis, Wardwell, and Polk.
He was probably the most prominent lawyer of his day for arguing cases before the Supreme Court.
They basically saw that they were going down at the first hearing and Frankfurter asked for a rehearing and Fred Vinson of Kentucky, who was a person who was, you know, a Southern gentleman, granted it.
He died in the interim and that led the way for Earl Warren of California to become the Chief Justice and he led the court in a different direction.
Well, that's Brown versus Board of Education.
Well, of course, it really took about 15, 16 years, 17 years, before it was really implemented, as I showed James by looking at this annual that I brought in 1965.
There was not a lot of integration in Southern schools.
And the reason was black people didn't want to send their kids to white schools and white people didn't want to send their kids to black schools.
You know, birds of a feather flock together.
When I was going to school, they had what they called freedom of choice, where if you wanted to go to a school in which you were a racial minority, a black wanted to go to a white school or a white wanted to go to a black school, they would go so far in the Memphis area as to hiring a taxicab to take you back and forth to school.
But people didn't want to do that.
But as the famous French philosopher Rousseau said, sometimes people need to be forced to be free.
And that's what happened with busing, the Swan versus Mecklenburg decision.
But what this particular article does, it shows you what resistance was mustered by Southerners, and it was quite impressive.
You had the Southern Manifesto in 1956, where basically every elected official in the South for a federal position, that's be like a congressman or a senator, signed this and pledged they were going to resist the implementation of the Brown decision.
And they made some really eloquent pleas and statements that you'll never hear in normal history books, people like James Eastland of Mississippi, Richard Russell of Georgia, Strom Thurmond of South Carolina, Harry Byrd of West Virginia.
All of these people, these were smart people, but they could not contend with Jewish power and influence, wealth, and the control, ultimately, of the media.
And it talks about how much Bird of West Virginia was on board with the program back in the 50s and 60s during the Southern Resistance.
Well, there's a Harry Bird Sr. was, and then Harry Bird Jr. is one that you're thinking of that later on.
But he was also adamantly opposed to the Brown decision and the racial integration of schools.
But see, that was the key.
By taking over the schools, they basically force-fed to our children all of this liberal consciousness.
And by the time I came along, you know, it was popular to be a liberal.
But then when it came to, you know, what was really going to happen and what the consequences would be, people recoiled from that.
We'll be right back, folks.
We're going to compare the resistance of our fathers and grandfathers in the 50s and 60s to the conservative movement of today.
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Morallaw.org Welcome back to Get On The Show.
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Well, folks, again, it is impossible to break down such an in-depth and comprehensive article, even in an hour of commercial talk radio.
So we would encourage you to read it for yourself.
Southern Resistance at thePolitical Cessible.org.
It was posted last Monday.
It talks about the factors that led up, primarily Brown versus Board, that led up to the great Southern Resistance of the mid-50s to mid-60s, what was involved in their organizing and in their tactics, and then why the support ultimately started to wane.
But it is an eye-opening piece.
It's a comprehensive piece.
It's a piece you need to read.
Now, let's compare that very quickly to what we saw in Washington, D.C. this week at the so-called Conservative Political Action Committee.
So here's Mark Meadows, United States Representative out of North Carolina.
Conservatives are fired up.
We're ready.
Well, what have these people ever conserved?
Modern-day corporate conservatives, the kind of so-called conservative that would be welcome to speak at CPAC, has conserved nothing except for the advancements of and victories won by the radical left.
That is what they exist.
American conservatism, as somebody wrote on Twitter, is the full-throated defense and celebration of neoliberalism.
Every victory of cultural liberalism, gays, transgendered feminism, integration, is adopted and championed by conservatism.
It is just as much an enemy as progressive liberalism, if not more so.
Now, here is the female GOP chairwoman.
Great to spend time today with our party's rising stars to a man and woman, because it's equally men and women.
They're all non-white.
All of them.
All of them non-white.
Now, here's Donald Trump having hands laid on him by an exclusively, a room full of exclusively non-white partisans.
And he's still not going to get more than 2% or 3% of the black vote, no matter how much he harps about the black unemployment rate.
He's going to get about 3%, and that's the 3% who mistakenly voted for it.
And you know what they say, that insanity is doing the same thing over and over again and expecting different results.
Well, you're right.
For example, I heard Ben Ferguson, who is a local radio host, talking on his show.
And he said, you know, every generation has its great cause.
Our father's great cause was to eliminate racism.
Well, he needs to read this article, Southern Resistance, because exactly it is just the opposite.
Basically, the upper classes of and the more intellectual people in the South were inalterably opposed to it.
Now, here is a quote by Ross Barnett, who is portrayed in all the history books as being some type of knuckle-dragging guy.
Read this.
Former governor of Mississippi.
Right, who was fighting the integration of old Miss at the time.
He said, gentlemen, you are trampling on the sovereignty of this great state and depriving it of every vestige of honor and respect as a member of the Union of States.
You're destroying the Constitution of the great nation.
May God have mercy on your souls.
Hold on right there.
Hold on right there, Keith, because I want to finish by you going back and giving some parting shots on this.
But I'm glad you gave that quote by Governor Barnett because that was a quote that featured a well-thought-out sentiment.
I mean, it had a primary effect.
Yeah, a literate man.
Now, let's go to this minstrel show that they put on at CPAC.
Listen to what passes for conservatism in the current year.
Here, once again, is our Diamond and Silk.
These two black women who are always featured very prominently.
They are the show today.
The voice of American conservatism.
And here's a clip.
The minstrel show that is American Conservatism Today.
And they met with Donald Trump this very same day.
Private audience in the Oval Office.
Here we go.
The last four letters in Democrats.
Yeah.
Rats.
Rats.
R-A-A-T-S.
Yeah.
And their symbol, the symbol happened to be a donkey.
Did y'all know that?
Their symbol is a donkey.
Yeah.
Oh, but to you, Democrats.
Uh-huh.
You may make our ass out of you, but you won't make an ass out of us.
No, you won't.
You won't do that.
Not to us.
No, you won't.
You can keep your free stuff.
Keep it.
Because we don't want it.
That's right.
Now, the last four letters in Republican is I can.
I can.
Think about it, y'all.
Think about it.
I can.
Yeah, I can think for myself.
Myself, I can pull myself up by my bootstraps.
Yes, I can.
And I can obtain the American dream.
Yes, I can.
All right.
So that's one of your keynote presentations at CPAC this week.
And if that's the best foot conservatism can put forward, for God's sake, put me in the camp of Governor Wallace and Barnett and the whole crew.
Put me in the camp of Jesse James.
And we need to get back to the mindset that those people had.
And let me tell you what that mindset was.
I mean, the town hall question for every politician during this election season coming from our folks should be, what specifically are you going to do for whites?
And it's like I said before, and this isn't an original thought.
I don't guess there is one under the sun.
But our position on any issue should be determined by the answer to a simple question.
Is this good for white people?
Now, we're told that the people who thought like that, the people who are much smarter and well-equipped than us, were wrong in thinking that.
No, they were all too right.
They're being proven more and more right by the day.
And that's the whole current argument about identity politics.
Everybody is entitled to identity politics except for white Gentiles.
And why do they want to deny it to us?
Because they know that we would be an irresistible force if we embraced it.
And there would be, at the very least, gridlock towards moving the ball forward on liberalism if they did that.
That's why people like Ben Ferguson and Thomas Matthew Condadetti of the American Enterprise Institute and others are dead set against identity politics, but only for whites.
Every other group uses it.
And until white people, white Gentiles embrace it, they will continue to bring a knife to a gunfight with very predictable results.
Now, going back to this article, by the time of the 64-65 great civil rights legislation, the 64 Civil Rights Act, the 1965 Voting Rights Act, and of course, the real nail in the coffin of the historic American nation, the heart, the Seller Kennedy Immigration Act of 1965, which gave preference to people from the third world over European immigrants to the United States.
Of course, the only people opposing that were the southern members of Congress and Senate at that time.
And they were right.
History has proven these people to be right.
Everything that they predicted would happen because of that has been happening.
Now, we had two big integration battles, one at Little Rock High School in 1957, the other at Ole Miss in 1962, in which federal troops were brought in to force the integration of those institutions.
Well, that's absolutely a violation, a direct violation of the Posse Comitatus Act, which was the first order of business for Southerners after Reconstruction.
And it said that the American military cannot be used as a police force against the citizens of the United States.
That's exactly what was done.
But again, because all the microphones were monopolized by Jewish power and influence, that message didn't get out.
People don't realize that to this day.
But look at the Posse Comitatus Act and compare it with what happened at Old Miss in 1962 and Little Rock in 57.
To the extent that a single article can encapsulate the resistance of that decade-long period between 1954 and, well, I'm going to go a little bit longer than a decade to say 1965, 66, and that's when it started to wane.
This article really packs it in.
And that's why I have said to the point of exhaustion this hour, go back and read Southern Resistance at thepolitical Successful.org.
With a minute remaining, I got to read you the final paragraph.
Now, I did it in the last segment, but I'm going to read it again for emphasis because this should show you and remind you of why we must continue, no matter what the odds and no matter what the cost.
And this is how that article that we've spent the entire hour breaking down wraps itself up with.
The gnawing fear is that perhaps we will not fight.
But what people even deserve to survive who refuse to protect their own children?
We've rebounded before.
After the fall of Rome, the West didn't die, but rather massively contracted.
The Dark Ages weren't so dark.
As long as we keep the flame and preserve the text, our civilization will persist.
A foundation from which we may be able to give future whites the opportunity to rebuild a society of their very own upon the ashes of post-Western degeneracy, where even a few of us remain.
So too does the West.
Ladies and gentlemen, that is why we fight, and that is why we ask for your support here at TPC.
Regardless of the outcome, regardless of the odds, we will fight to preserve the West.
We will fight to give future generations a chance to rebuild a civilization worthy of their patrimony.
That is why we fight.
And don't listen to these neoconservatives that tell you that they are, you know, that everything in the civil rights movement, in the feminist movement, in the homosexual rights movement, in the No Fault Divorce Initiative, all these things are righteously.
Well, that's what you got at CPAC.
That's what you got at CPAC all week.
CPAC is the phony opposition to liberalism.
If you are really opposed to liberalism and the changes it is causing to be wrought upon the historic American nation, you will reject those voices and listen to us.
Look, as I said, CPAC exists to conserve the advancements of the left.
If that's what is conservatism, then we're something else.
Whatever we are, we are.
But we're not what they are.
They're just another branch of liberalism, if that's what they're doing.
They're trying to protect liberalism, not true conservatism.
And of course, they're just trying to be accepted by society because they're very weak-minded individuals, and they're not leaders.
We're leaders.
We want to be paid first and foremost.
They don't want to have any real effect of changing America back to what it was.
But we do.
We want to truly make America great again.
And we will.
Now, listen, folks, we're going to take a radical departure.
We're going to talk about the coronavirus.
What is that all about?
Bunch of new about nothing, a true black swan event.