March 25, 2017 - The Political Cesspool - James Edwards
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You're listening to the Liberty News Radio Network, and this is the political cesspool.
The Political Cesspool, going across the South and worldwide as the South's foremost populist conservative radio program.
And here to guide you through the murky waters of the political cesspool is your host, James Edwards.
Okay, third and final hour.
We're going to be a little different tonight.
Number one, we have the man himself, talk radio legend Sam Bushman.
Sam Bushman has actually been listed as one of the, officially listed, mind you, as one of the top talk radio hosts in all of the country by Talkers Magazine.
Every industry has its own trade journal, don't you know?
But of course, in addition to that, he is the host of the Liberty Roundtable Show, LibertyRoundtable.com, the flagship of Liberty News Radio Monday through Friday.
Great friend of our program.
Couldn't do it.
Wouldn't be here without him.
We love him.
He's not afraid of the person.
Let me put a rumor to rest from you in Australia.
He's not a Bushman.
Okay.
Okay.
All right.
Well, listen, what's going to be a little different is Sam is going to be spearheading this hour.
I'm still going to be here, but because of the topic at hand, the confirmation of Gorsuch and the vote on Ryancare, Keith is a little more appropriate to be co-host of this hour.
I'm going to kind of sag back so it's not three's a crowd when you got three heavy talkers.
So I'm going to sag back, let Sam take over this hour.
Keith will be his right-hand man.
I'll chime in on occasion, but first, I'll be his wingman.
I've got a glass of sweet tea and a chocolate-covered bullfrog in the green room with my name on it.
So with that, Sam, over to you.
What's up with Gorsuch?
Thank you, brother.
Neil Gorsuch.
The conservatives seem to love.
They were jumping for joy.
I, believe it or not, was one of them who gave a lot of praise to Gorsuch.
When you look back in his past, he's done a lot of good.
He's been very careful in his demeanor, but he's been considered a man who interprets the Constitution in its traditional sense, not in a, it's an ever-breathing, living, growing document, but more of a founding fathere traditional sense.
And I've supported that view.
However, when Neil Gorsuch had his hearing this last week, he was on the stand being grilled by everybody for hours on end.
12-hour days, four days of it.
And literally the conservatives were all giving him softballs, but a couple Democrats busted out some hard-hitting reality checks on who he was.
Let's start with the discussion between Neil Gorsuch and Dick Durbin, appropriately named to dress this guy down, nevertheless.
I find it fascinating, but the exchange talked about two main things, all related to settled law.
Now, to me, settled law has to do with God's law, which has to do with the supreme constitutional law.
But no, not in this case.
Settled law has to do with what the liberals created as unchallenged law, of immoral law run amok with cucks at the helm, chicken to battle for liberty.
And so what happened is he was questioned by Senator Dick Durbin of Illinois.
And here's what he said regarding unborn children.
This is Neil Gorsuch, the so-called pro-life conservative guy, right?
Gorsuch stated, quote, the Supreme Court of the United States has held in Roe v. Wade that a fetus is not a person for purposes of the 14th Amendment.
Cleverly worded, but nevertheless.
When Durbin asked if he, meaning Neil Gorsuch, accepted that, the judge replied, quote, that's the law of the land.
I accept the law of the of the land senator yes.
And when pressed on same-sex marriage, Gorsuch acknowledged the Supreme Court has ruled such marriages are protected by the Constitution.
Anyway, he went on and he doubled down on several points, but what he accepts is this idea of settled law.
I reject the notion of settled law because you can never have settled law against God's law.
In other words, government can never have settled law that's pro-death.
Law, by its very nature, is moral, is pro-life.
And anybody who accepts the contrary is a liar from the pit of hell.
Okay, so I don't mean to be rude.
I know Gorsuch is trying to get on the bench, and if he stands up for liberty too much, he'll never get there.
I get it.
But I also get that you can't sell such critical issues down the river because once you do, again, the settled law debate comes in, and they just mock and jeer and manipulate and say, you know what, we've already settled that.
Well, you'll never settle going against God.
You'll never settle going against the supreme law.
The whole proper role and purpose of government is to protect life, liberty, and property, and that's all there is to it.
And if government doesn't achieve those ends, what good is that government?
And so then Gorsuch's battle continued further.
Not only did he not only did he betray the pro-life view, not only did he reject appropriate God-given moral law codified in the Constitution, not only did he reject the pro-life stance, but he really sold us down the river on this same-sex marriage as well.
Because if you destroy marriage and you destroy the right to life, what do you have to protect anymore?
And so the battle raged on and Neil Gorsuch gave up the moral high ground on a couple of other critical points to be focused on.
He was talking about democracy and the checks and balances in our government.
He did a brilliant job for the most part.
He talked about, you know, the courts are the lowest branch or the least influential, powerful branch of government, and how the Congress is the most powerful and influential because they make the laws.
He broke that down absolutely, very astutely.
But then he melted down and he referred to a democracy as if he thinks we have a democracy.
The founders could not have been more clear.
They rejected a peer democracy.
They said you have a republic if you can keep it.
They focused on the checks and balances, on the proper role of limited government based on representation and the rule of law, based on one of the greatest differences articulated by the founders.
The first in the entire world, we created a government based on God's law, not government's law.
And that God's law trumped, pardon the phrase, government law every time.
And so Neil failed because he referred to a democracy as if he thinks he has one.
He referred to this idea of checks and balances, but then he said this.
Judges are the least powerful branch of government because they are there for life.
Okay, that's a lie.
That's a dishonest statement.
Judges are there upon good behavior.
They have life tenure upon good behavior.
Now, that good behavior part's critical because if they don't obey the law, if they act as judicial activists, if they manipulate and try to create law from the bench, they need to be impeached.
And that's the House of Representatives' sole jurisdictional responsibility.
Then the Senate can come through and clean up and work on criminal activity if there is some to be reckoned with.
But impeachment is the way to rid yourself of belligerent activists, law-violating, not abiding, violating judges.
And so, I make myself clear on several points.
Neil pretended he made the high ground.
He was very artful at not answering any questions and not letting anybody know what he thinks and being very vague.
That's what attorneys are great at.
But in this case, he lets some critical realities slip that we need to be cognizant of.
WorldNet Daily wrote an article about this whole thing, and many of us are very concerned now that Judge Neil Gorsuch may not be who we think he is, and he may just sell us down the river.
Now, he could be posturing so that he'll get confirmed by the Senate.
And I pray that's the truth.
But when you give up such moral high ground points such as these, I submit to you that Neil Gorsuch, intentionally or otherwise, lost the moral high ground.
James?
Well, when we come back, we're going to let Keith sink his teeth into that.
Sam, great setting of the table by you, and we will be back with Keith and Sam right after this.
Hello, everyone.
James Edwards here.
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And now back to tonight's show.
All right, so Sam Bushman, as you just heard, made a strong case, well, strong breakdown, I guess you could say, of what's going on with Neil Gorsuch.
Even Richard Spencer is very cynical of establishment Republicans, and rightly so, had some good things to say about Gorsuch originally.
And we covered that on the show.
I don't remember exactly what it was now, but basically that he was the embodiment of what a WASP should be, uppercrust elite.
He would be a Protestant on the Supreme Court, a white Protestant on the Supreme Court, which he'd be the only one.
And so that was kind of generally the take on Gorsuch, knowing very little about him at the time of his recommendation that our camp was having.
You heard some concerns and comments that Sam had.
Your take on it, Keith.
Well, I've been suspect of Gorsuch from the very beginning, James.
I don't trust, I agree with Sam that it would be no great tragedy if his attempted elevation to the Supreme Court were not confirmed.
He shows all the earmarks of being another David Souter or at very least a John Roberts, the type of person that will sell you out at the strategic moment.
It's amazing to me how they always find so-called conservatives that are willing to bend and buckle to the prevailing liberal ethos of the United States elites.
On the other hand, if you nominate a leftist, I mean, you get a leftist on steroids, a leftist to the third power, like Sonia Sotomayor or Elena Kagan.
This is just a problem because, as James says, the Republicans and the Democrats are two wings of the same bird of prey.
This is what we've always had.
Now, I am particularly suspect of any list of potential Supreme Court justices that's created by the Heritage Foundation on one hand and the Federalist Society on the other.
Neither of these groups are particularly brave conservatives.
In fact, as Sam was pointing out in his approach to all of this, what is there left to conserve based on what they're doing?
Sam is taking kind of a religious viewpoint as his North Star for criticizing Gorsuch.
Let me do it from a legal standpoint.
But I'm also taking the rule of law from a moral point of view, though.
This idea that it's settled law because they said so before.
What they've really done is turn upside down the whole judicial system, and now they act like it's settled.
Well, from a legal standpoint, the problem tracks back to Brown versus Board of Education.
The settled approach to appellate law and deciding appellate decisions is the principle of starry decisis.
In other words, you follow established precedent.
In the Brown case, there was a very clear established precedent, Plessy versus Ferguson.
A court that functioned in the way that the founding fathers expected the Supreme Court to function would have said that we have no basis to overturn this because we have a controlling precedent, Plessy versus Ferguson.
If there's going to be a change in America's approach towards racial segregation in the public school system, for example, that needs to be affected through the legislature.
That's the proper way of doing it.
But on the other hand, the left has no respect whatsoever for the principle of starry decisis or the normal way of doing things.
When Gorsuch said that the Supreme Court is the least effective branch of the government, he is hearkening back to Alexander Hamilton's famous comment in Federalist Paper No. 78, in which he described the federal judiciary as the weakest and least dangerous branch of the federal government.
That was obviously the intention of the founding fathers.
However, since Brown, it's become the most dangerous and the strongest.
It's also the least democratic, as Sam pointed out.
These people are elected or selected for lifetime tenure.
In effect, it takes a two-thirds majority of both houses of Congress, the House of Representatives and Senate, to get them out of office, which means, for all intents and purposes, they're in for the lifetime.
Now, why would you give the least Democratic part or branch of the federal government the most power?
Well, that's exactly what has happened since the Brown decision.
As I've told James and we've discussed on this show numerous times, if there had not been a Brown versus Board of Education, there would never have been the anti-prayer in school decision.
There would never have been a Roe versus Wade decision.
None of these decisions would have taken place but for the revolution in the approach to the so-called power of judicial review that was affected in the government through the Brown decision.
The Brown decision was like the discovery of the philosopher's stone in the Middle Ages.
Alchemists were constantly trying to figure out how to turn lead into gold, and the process was called the Philosopher's Stone.
Well, what happened here was that the Supreme Court found how to allow the 3% to rule America against the wishes of the 97%.
Gorsuch has shown all of the earmarks of being the type of guy that is going to cave to the elite pressure.
So I agree, Sam, that quite frankly, I would not be cast into a deep depression if his nomination went down, went south.
Here's the thing, Sam, and I'm with you.
I want the best guy.
Keith wants Ann Coulter.
I don't know if that's going to happen, but we could probably do better than Gorsuch, although Gorsuch is probably better than what we would have gotten.
Certainly better than what we would have gotten with Hillary.
But the thing is this, we're going to talk about Ryan Care in the next segment.
Ryan Care goes down, Gorsuch goes down, Trump's 0 for 2 on his biggest initiatives, and then you had the Muslim ban, which wasn't really a ban.
And this is all based on this precedent, too, that we're accepting, in my opinion, a lie here, because the whole way that we've turned government upside down and the courts becoming the most powerful branch of government violates president in the most epic way possible, Keith.
Well, I know, and that was the bridge we crossed in the Brown decision.
Lot of people want to uphold the righteousness of the Brown decision and say somehow liberalism went wrong.
No, this was the blueprint.
This was the template.
Whenever the left wants to change society and they run into tough sledding in the legislature or in public opinion, they always resort to the Supreme Court and to the federal court system.
They do what they are doing right now, for example, regarding transgendered bathrooms and gay marriage.
Because if you want to support precedent, the gay marriage issue and the pro-life issue, we've got a couple of hundred years of precedents defending both of traditional marriage and the rejection of death.
And now they got 30 years promoting those things about, and now they're acting like that's the precedent.
That's the reality.
That's our fault.
We have less than one year on transgendered bathrooms and gay marriage and stuff like that.
And that's why you've got to have stronger T than the average conservative ideologue's viewpoint, somebody like a Ted Cruz would have, for example.
You can't allow yourself to be constrained by starry decisives, if you're a conservative, when your adversaries on the left refuse to be similarly constrained.
That's one of these things where it takes two to tango.
If they're not going to be constrained by starry decisives, for example, we shouldn't feel that starry decisis prevents us from overturning Roe versus Wade or overturning Brown versus Board of Education, for that matter.
We need to have people that say that there was an error made by the Supreme Court.
It was an arrogation of power.
It was the taking over the Supreme Court and changing its procedures undemocratically and wrongly.
And we've got to basically set aside those wrongfully decided decisions.
Two lions in the studio.
Sam Bushman and Keith Alexander.
When we come back, we're going to shift gears from Neil Gorsuch and his confirmation hearing to Brian Kerr in the fall of the Republican proposed health care reform.
Stay tuned.
Your daily Liberty Newswire.
You're listening to Liberty News Radio.
With news this hour from LibertyNewsDaily.com, I'm William Grigg.
Supreme Court nominee Neil Gorsuch told his Senate confirmation hearing on March 21st that the highly contested 1973 Roe v. Wade abortion ruling is a binding precedent.
It is a precedent of the United States Supreme Court, Gorsuch stated in response to a question about his views on the Roe ruling.
So a good judge will consider it as a precedent of the United States Supreme Court.
During last year's presidential campaign, Donald Trump, who had previously described himself as very pro-choice regarding abortion, promised social conservatives that he would appoint a Supreme Court justice who would vote to overturn the Roe ruling.
At present, the undermanned high court appears to be divided equally between judges who would preserve Roe and those who would reconsider or repeal it.
When pressed about Trump's remarks last year, Gorsuch said that as settled precedent, Roe adds to the determinacy of the law.
What was once a hotly contested issue is no longer a contested issue.
We move forward.
The Roe ruling struck down the abortion laws of all 50 states, replacing them with a federally created license to kill unborn children at any point during the pregnancy, if doing so can be justified as necessary to preserve the mother's vaguely defined well-being.
In a forceful and prescient dissent to the ruling, Justice Byron White observed that the majority went beyond its proper role by creating a new law through the exercise of raw judicial power.
For commentary and insights on a troubled world, visit Joel Skousen's WorldAffairsBrief.com.
For LibertyNewsDaily.com, I'm William Grigg.
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Welcome back.
To get on the show, call us on James's Dime at 1-866-986-6397.
All right, we have to shift gears to Ryan Care and its defeat, but first, both Sam and Keith have one final parting shot on the coverage of Neil Gorsuch confirmation.
Sam?
And my parting shot really quick, and it dovetails into our next topic as well, which is Barack slash Hillary/slash George Bush slash Ryan Care.
Because they're all in bed together is the real problem.
But anyway, I digress.
Neil Gorsuch should have really, in my opinion, stated the following on the pro-life issue and on the abortion issue.
Roe versus Wade, as well as the same-sex marriage, transgender bathroom, whatever you want to call this whole violation of moral law on the family.
And what he should have said was this: you know, I, as a Supreme Court member, would not pretend to be an activist judge.
Those activist judges should be impeached and put in prison for their criminal activity.
But I digress.
The reality is I would not overturn Roe versus Wade because I don't have authority as a justice.
But what I do have the authority to do is admonish the Congress to stand for pro-life.
And as soon as they change the law back to pro-life, as our 200-year history precedent has been set for, I will absolutely support them 1,000% in that law.
Give me the opportunity.
Would you please, Dick?
All right, and that's what he should have said.
And the same thing comes true to healthcare.
We can get into that in a minute, but the same principle applies.
We can stick with precedent, but what we have is these judges making law from the bench, and that's the real problem.
And Gorsuch basically wimped out and didn't stand against that.
Well, the courts have done more to ruin America than any politician or legislator.
Keith, and the reason they have is because Jewish power and influence finally got its foothold in American government and in American culture after World War II, and they started transforming America.
For example, the mastermind of the Brown decision was the one Jewish justice on the Supreme Court at the time, Felix Frankfurter.
And his arrogation of power, his usurping of the role of the legislature and the executive set the tone.
Folks, it's very easy.
The dirty little secret is this.
Constitutional law is very, very simple.
It's made to appear to be very, very difficult by law professors nowadays.
But, you know, if you go to law school and take a constitutional law court, the one thing you won't read as you're studying that course of study is the actual Constitution itself.
What you should do is read the Constitution, find out what it says.
And if it doesn't say anything directly to that issue, then you need to say this thing shouldn't be here.
Then if it does say something, you read the Constitutional provision, apply a common sense, originalist meaning to the words, originalist as to the time when that particular provision of the Constitution was made part of the Constitution.
And that's the decision.
Period.
That's what should be done.
There would be no specious figuring out that there is somehow hidden in the Ninth Amendment to the Bill of Rights a right of privacy that allows you to say that laws prohibiting abortion violate it.
That's total baloney.
Likewise, there is nothing in the 14th Amendment that prevented racially segregated schools in 1954.
In fact, the Congress that passed the 14th Amendment into law in 1867 was the same Congress that created a racially segregated school system in Washington, D.C. that very same year.
So consequently, neither of these decisions was rightly decided.
What the Supreme Court needs to do is come out and tell the emperor he has no clothes.
Both of those decisions were wrongfully decided.
And Donald could do that right now on health care, Keith Alexander.
And here's how he could do it in my humble opinion.
Here's how Donald could abolish health care in about five seconds flat.
He could create an executive order.
Not that I'm fond of executive orders, but since we're executive order happy, what's wrong with putting the country back on track with one?
Anyway, I bring this up because Donald could simply say this.
Congress and the former president called Obamacare not a tax.
They said it was not a tax.
The courts ruled it was a tax, therefore it should be carried forward.
Well, Donald should say that's a crisis between the two branches of government.
I call a halt to the con game.
Congress, if it's a tax, demand it to be a tax, repass the law as a tax, and then we'll go forward from there.
If it's constitutional, I'll support it.
If it's not, I won't.
But so it's dead on arrival because there's a conflict between the judiciary and the congressional or the legislative branches of government.
And one called it a tax, the other one said it wasn't.
Either the court violated the law and created the law, turned a non-tax into a tax, or Congress was so confusing that there's no solution.
So Donald can call a halt on that score alone and say until this Congress clarifies themselves, this is on hold.
You don't even have to go that far, Sam.
Here's what he needs to do.
Secondarily point, though, and this is important to understand.
The second thing Donald could do is he could say this.
There's a bunch of Christian organizations that have what are called health shares across the country, and they got Obamacare exemptions.
And so he should just simply say, I declare everybody, because we believe in fairness and equality for all, I declare that everybody gets an exemption to Obamacare.
And it's dead on arrival on that point as well.
Congress.
If you want to go ahead and clarify yourselves and fix it, be my guest.
In the meantime, it's DOA.
But Donald won't do it, but he could.
Well, here's the quick thing, real quickly.
This is what he ought to do.
Just go right to the chase.
There is nothing in the Constitution that says that the federal judiciary is a final word on what's constitutional and what's not.
What Donald Trump ought to say is what Andrew Jackson, his role model, said.
He should say, I, too, gentlemen, have taken an oath to support the Constitution of the United States.
I reviewed this law and the Constitution.
I see nothing in this law that violates the Constitution or I see that there has been a violation and therefore I'm going to act accordingly.
That's the way it needs to be approached.
That would basically take away all the power of the Supreme Court in any way you put it in change.
Whether you use Keith's examples or mine, Donald could solve this in about five seconds himself.
The rest be danged.
Well, that's absolutely right.
Now, I want to share with the audience that both of these heavyweights told me they had a one-sentence rebuttal or one-sentence parting shot.
But these are two guys that have a lot of knowledge and they generously share their wealth.
But we do have to turn over the page to Ryan Care.
The thing I would want to say about Ryan Care, you've been had on Ryan Care with the Hegelian dialectic.
They pretended they were repealing something.
They repealed nothing.
It was a big lie.
And now it's designed to eventually say the Republicans and the Democrats both failed.
The only solution is a single-payer system.
Now the Republicans are all saying we've got to work with the Democrats to work on this.
You've all been had and played for suckers, folks.
And I want you to break it down, Sam.
But the thing with Ryan Care, I'm glad it failed.
It was a watered-down version of Obamacare.
But this is the thing.
This is the bigger picture.
Trump was elected as a nationalist and a populist.
The primary reasons he was elected was to secure the border and to reindustrialize America, bring jobs back.
To waste all of that political capital on health care, that is not why he was put in there.
Yes, people wanted Trump to repeal Obamacare, but to repeal it is fine, but to replace it with a watered-down, weak version of it, if, and I read a headline today, Trump regrets not doing tax reform first.
No, Trump, you didn't get elected to piddle around with the tax rate and to offer a weakened down, watered-down version of Obamacare.
He is wasting his political capital, Sam, in his first two months.
He got off to a pretty good start.
These are some bad mistakes.
Now, surely he has horrible advisors like Wormtongue and Lord of the Rings encouraging him to do these initiatives first, but this isn't.
Health care and tax reform are not the hills you want to die on.
You want to die trying to build that wall.
You want your political life and legacy.
Putting tariffs up on foreign manufacturing.
Absolutely.
That's what got him elected.
That's what got him elected.
Well, see, Paul Ryan, though, Paul Ryan did this.
He made the mistake of leaving Paul Ryan and Paul Ryan did this on purpose.
The one thing that he did.
That's why it's the Hegelian dialectic.
The bottom line is he's not draining the swamp.
He should have Keith Alexander up there.
He should have James Edwards up there, Sam Bushman up there.
The Copperhead ought to be up there.
I mean, you know, we could all be up there helping the Donald keep his promises.
Right now, though, he's just surrounded by a bunch of snakes and vipers and thugs.
And what do you expect?
See, Ryan wanted to try to get this passed.
And then once he got what he wanted, he was going to turn on Trump on everything else from tariffs to tax reform and everything.
I like that Trump tried to do the Muslim ban.
Of course, a judge in Hawaii was able to overturn Trump.
All you got to do is impeach that activist judge in about two seconds.
Well, you'd have a lot more impeachments to follow.
That's what needs to be done.
But I got to say this.
I got to say this.
If the Republican voters wanted someone to go up there and put up a piss-poor health care bill and marginally changed the tax rate.
They would have voted for Jeb or Rubio or Ted Cruz.
Trump, outside of the Muslim band, has done very little to separate himself from establishment Republicans with health care and the tax reform.
He should be doing the border wall.
We've had to have some deportations.
That's good.
But not nearly to the extent that we just say Trump's defense in one thing.
It is very important to get that corporate income tax down because that is one of the primary impediments to manufacturers locating in the United States of America.
We're going to let Sam and Keith take us to the close in this next segment.
Sam's going to break down exactly what happened with Ron Kerr and him and Keith will tear it apart.
We'll be back with a close one.
Bulldogs with a bloody bone.
Right after this.
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But she's like, well, see, this is what you should look at.
See me, I smoking.
Look at this.
I'm just like, yeah, mom, why don't you just try to quit?
Sometimes, teenagers do know what they're talking about.
I've tried.
I've brought them little pamphlets that we get at school about not smoking.
And I've like tossed it in front of her.
I'm like, mom, read this.
We even got this thing from the American Cancer Society.
It was this thing that you send around about not smoking because my mom sends those things out.
And she's like, sitting here folding them off.
And I was like, mom, are you really going to send those out?
And she's like, well, yeah.
And I was like, well, isn't that a slight bit hypocritical?
She says, no, I'm going to send them out.
I was like, well, don't you see something?
These people are trying so hard to get people not to smoke.
She was just like, well, I know it's wrong and I know it's going to harm me, but it hasn't harmed me yet.
Smoking.
If you think you're old enough to start, you're smart enough to stop.
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Welcome back to Get On The Show.
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I'm going to turn it back over to Sam and Keith to tear it up like a bulldog with a bloody bone to use the Keithism.
Just a quick reminder.
This is the last broadcast of the political cesspool before the end of our first quarter fundraising drop.
Two things that I'd want to remind our donors.
We're not going to go through everything we do, the recent happenings, our historical accomplishments.
You know what they are.
I would say this.
Number one, don't believe that your support doesn't matter.
Your $25 donation, your $10 donation, your $100 donation, if you want the incentive gift, the autographed copy of the Paul Kersey book, you as an individual make a huge difference.
A few dozen people donating is the difference between us staying on the air and not failure.
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In other words, don't believe that just because we're a nationally syndicated show, they were always in the news that somebody else is going to pick up the slack and you don't have to do it.
If you stand with us, we need all good men and women to step forward.
Now, that being said, Sam, Ryan Care failed.
Tell us what it was all about, how it differed from Obamacare, and why it went down in defeat.
And then Keith is going to chime in.
All right, it only differed in a quick sense of this.
They wanted it instead of the Democratic way, they wanted it the Republican way.
And so what we do is we play games with words and we play games with how something is carried out.
But really, the core components of Obamacare did not change.
The fact is you're going to be forced to have Obamacare or forced to have Ryan care.
One way would have been the government will fine you at tax time if you don't have it as a penalty.
The other way said, we'll get rid of that penalty, making you feel like they got rid of it.
But they lied because what really happens is the insurance companies can penalize you and the insurance company will collect the money if you don't have your policy in place for a certain amount of time.
So it's only who can collect the penalty, really, and how the penalty will be collected.
Okay, the second thing is that they were supposed to get rid of pre-existing conditions and paying for a lot of these things.
In other words, if you have to pay for pre-existing conditions, then you're forced to really take the most expensive people onto the plan.
That's why the system's going bankrupt.
Normally, it's a risk-reward scenario, and insurance companies put together a risk and say, look, we'll take that risk.
It'll cost this much, or we won't take that risk at all.
Well, they basically violate the market of the free market by doing that.
And they say, look, we're going to take everybody.
You've got to support a pre-existing condition.
They were going to keep that component.
They just changed a little bit how it worked.
But the fact is, when you force that to occur, so they basically played games.
They rearranged the chairs on the Titanic.
They changed some words.
They changed who would be responsible for different things.
And they hoped that the media, who loved socialism, wouldn't call a halt to their con game.
Well, Rand Paul and me and you and everybody else who was really understanding the con game of the Hegelian dialectic said, oh, no.
And we literally shut down Paul Ryan, shut down the plan.
They had to delay it, delay it.
Now Trump's yanked it.
And hopefully we can put together another plan that would make sense.
But in the meantime, they've really done nothing but change the game of the words and everything else.
Do you want it Republican style or Democrat style?
But they've changed nothing.
And the core components of the plan stayed the same.
And that's why it wasn't repealed at all, Keith.
Well, Ryan Care, just like Neil Gorsuch, is another Trump initiative that I, quite frankly, will shed no tears if it fails.
The way I look at it is this.
Before we had Obamacare, America's government provided free medical care, basically, for aged people, people who had been paying into the system all their lives and basically earned a break.
Well, under Obama, they decided to take that free care from the older population, which is predominantly white, and instead give care to the younger generation, children particularly, who tend to be in America's of today, predominantly non-white.
So race had everything to do with the motivation behind Obamacare.
Now, the trouble with Paul Ryan is that like the conservative Russell Moore, he is really a liberal.
He is very anti-racist.
He's very pro-diversity.
And he is going to allow with Ryancare, the left, to have permanently moved the needle to the left so that we have free Cadillac health insurance for the poverty stricken, i.e. the non-white people of America, predominantly.
That was his intention.
That's the thing, you know, when the more things change, the more they stay the same.
That's why Ryan wanted to get involved in it.
Now, of course, it would do no good whatsoever in terms of the media reaction to Ryan care or the Democratic reaction to it.
They would act like he was the grand wizard of the Ku Klux Klan by changing the product of the sainted Obama.
But really, the more things changed, the more they would stay the same under Ryan's plan.
And the American people didn't want to foot the bill.
The American people that voted for Trump are very much in favor of repealing Obamacare.
But as far as adopting this replacement, which basically preserves, as you said, Sam, all the essential elements of Obamacare, not so much.
They would just as soon that go by the boards.
So hallelujah that we had some people that had enough backbone to be Horatio at the bridge and say, no, we're not going to go there.
We're going to make our stand here.
Well, I will say this before tossing it back to Sam to wrap up the hour and the broadcast for that matter.
I said it before I'll say it again.
These aren't the hills that Trump needs to be fighting on, not health care, not tax reform, immigration and securing the border and tariffs.
Yes, the trade initiatives.
If Trump continues to govern as a traditional Republican, he will probably be a one-term president and will have President Elizabeth Warren in 2020.
Pocahontas.
Pocahontas.
Folecon.
Yeah.
You there, Sam?
Yes, I am, sir.
Okay, so what I was saying is Trump basically needs to follow through better and make more of a priority in his administration the issues that put him in the White House and cater to the people who put him in the White House.
I don't see with regards to two of his biggest initiatives so far, tax health care, especially in his desire to tackle tax reform first.
I really don't see how that separates him from Rubio or I agree.
And that's why I started out with this pro-life issue and this Gorsuch issue.
Look, if we're not going to stand for pro-life in America, if we're not going to stand for traditional marriage in America, and if we're not going to stand to abolish the Federal Reserve and return to honest money, the Constitution means nothing, and the morality of our nation means nothing.
And you'll never gain any ground if you won't take on those issues.
I don't care what you talk about.
If you don't bring back morality in America, you have nothing, sir.
Well, what do they say?
That, you know, the more things change, the more they stay the same.
We're seeing now that basically you can't let somebody like Paul Ryan hijack the agenda of the Trump presidency.
Why?
Listen, we've got to drain the swamp.
You've got to put James up there and head of the communications department.
Hey, I'll tell you what, I'd be ready to talk.
Paul Ryan did everything he could.
Not only did he withhold support of Trump, he actively opposed Trump on a moral to sabotage Trump, and he's rewarded by maintaining his speakership.
They should have Steve King or Peter King, two different people, but both good.
Steve King should be Speaker of the House.
I don't understand why Trump did not remove these people who so.
I would have the bombardier be Speaker of the House personally.
Paul Ryan, on the other hand, he's got that little silly widow's peak in the middle.
He looks like Eddie Munster all grown up.
Speaking of the bombardier, by the way, he was a late, a last-minute scratch from the lineup tonight.
Had a conflict just before the show.
So Sam filled in more than admirably for Pappy tonight.
Pappy will be back with us, we hope, next week.
But with a last-minute scratch, Sam stepped in.
And this is a good hour.
We covered some hot topics that are going on in Washington.
But I'm telling you, Donald needs to stand on pro-life.
He needs to build the wall.
And he needs to stand on traditional marriage.
And he needs to drain the swamp.
If he's going to ever save his ability to put America back on track and keep his promises, he's got to do those things to get it done.
You've got to get rid of the thugs around you.
And you've got to stand for pro-life.
You've got to.
Well, there's one more thing I would add to that, Sam, and that's he's got to bring jobs back.
The four firewall states that put him over the edge, Wisconsin, Michigan, Ohio, and Pennsylvania, those people, quite frankly, don't give two hoots in hell about pro-life and all this other stuff, but they are looking for jobs.
And we get the jobs in.
The rest of us, the rest of the country, the rest of Red State America, you're absolutely right.
Those were animating issues for us, but we got to bring the jobs back as well.
Although a lot of people in the South, pro-life, the evangelicals who voted for him, 81%, pro-life is a huge issue to them.
That's right.
And I'll say, if he actually does put in a hardcore justice that will try to repeal the legalization of the murder of our children, we have a right to murder children in this country.
This is how.
Tennessee and Utah are all with you, Sam, on pro-life, but we got to get those jobs back for that firewall.
And my response to that is I agree 1,000%.
But if you turn to God, he'll heal our land and we will have that.
That's right.
Amen, Brother Sam.
What he doesn't need to do is waste the first year or two of his presidency on health care and trying to play patty cake with the Democrats and the liberal Republicans.
All right, we're out of time.
Thank you, Sam Bushman.
We love you.
Good night, everybody.
We love you.
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