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July 11, 2015 - The Political Cesspool - James Edwards
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You're listening to the Liberty News Radio Network, and this is the Political Cesspool.
The Political Cesspool, known across the South and worldwide as the South's foremost populist conservative radio program.
And here to guide you through the murky waters of the Political Cesspool is your host, James Edwards.
Welcome back to the show, the Political Cesspool's live broadcast for the evening of Saturday, July the 11th, 2015.
We were talking, of course, and by the way, everything's fine with Keith and Eddie.
I have asked Keith and Eddie to take tonight off because we had so much to cover.
So much to cover in that first hour.
You will be hearing from Richard Spencer, Kevin McDonald, and Sam Dixon before the end of the evening.
They're all coming up the last half of the show tonight.
But in that first hour, we were covering the fact that in the aftermath of the murders in Charleston, the left seized on the Confederate flag and pushed for the banning of this glorious symbol from the grounds of state capitals.
Within days, the victims, and seriously, can anyone even name them?
I mean, this was not about the victims at all.
All of this media coverage.
More black men died the 4th of July weekend.
Ten blacks were murdered in Chicago on 4th of July weekend, if my facts are correct.
That's one more than Charleston.
Why didn't that get national news coverage?
Because it was blacks killing blacks.
Black lives matter only if it's a white that's done the crime.
When it's black on black crime, as so much of it is, there's no political currency there.
They don't care about them at all.
And these victims, you know, my heart goes out to them.
You know, obviously this was a tragedy.
What can you say?
But nobody can name them because they were utterly forgotten as reporters searched about the need, screeched about the need to desecrate Confederate graves, ban the Dukes of Hazard, make sure no one accidentally reinstates slavery by watching Gone with the Wind.
This flag was targeted because it is a symbol of Southern identity and indeed a symbol of white identity and Christian identity.
Pastor Chuck Baldwin has just written what I think is one of the best articles I've ever read.
I'm going to read as much of it as I can over the course of the next two segments because it really gets into the meat of what that war was all about.
The title of the article, which you've got to read it at thepoliticalspool.org in its entirety.
It's on our website.
The title is The Confederate Flag Needs to Be Raised, Not Lowered.
This is what Pastor Baldwin has to say.
Ladies and gentlemen, I submit that what we see happening in the United States today is an apt illustration of why the Confederate flag was raised in the first place.
What we see materializing before our very eyes is tyranny.
Tyranny over the freedom of expression, tyranny over the freedom of association, tyranny over the freedom of speech, and tyranny over the freedom of conscience.
History revisionists have flooded America's public schools with propaganda about the people who attempted to secede from the United States in 1861, characterizing them as racists, extremists, radicals, hate mongers, traitors, etc.
You know, the same way those same people in our federal government and news media attempt to characterize Christians, patriots, war veterans, constitutionalists, et al. today.
Folks, please understand that the only people in 1861 who believed that the states did not have the right to secede were Abraham Lincoln and his radical Republicans.
To say that southern states did not have the right to secede from the United States is to say that the 13 colonies did not have the right to secede from Great Britain.
One cannot be right and the other wrong.
If one is right, both are right.
Whatever you can create, you can dissolve.
How can we celebrate our Declaration of Independence in 1776 and then turn around and condemn the Declaration of Independence of the Confederacy in 1861?
This ain't the Hotel California.
Talk about hypocrisy.
People say constantly that Lincoln saved the Union.
Lincoln did not save the Union.
Abraham Lincoln subjugated the Union.
There is a huge difference.
A union that is not voluntary is not a union.
People say that Lincoln freed the slaves.
Lincoln did not free a single slave.
But what he did do was enslave free men.
Here, here.
His so-called Emancipation Proclamation had no authority in the southern states as they had separated into another country.
Imagine a president today signing a proclamation to free folks, say, in China or Saudi Arabia.
He would be laughed out of Washington.
Lincoln had no authority over the Confederate States of America, and he knew it.
Do you not find it interesting that Lincoln's proclamation did not free a single slave in the United States, the country in which he did have authority?
That's right.
The Emancipation Proclamation deliberately ignored slavery in the North.
Do you not realize that when Lincoln signed his proclamation that there were over 300,000 slaveholders who were fighting in his Union Army?
One of those northern slaveholders was General and later United States President Ulysses S. Grant.
In fact, he maintained of possession of his slaves even after the war between the states concluded.
Recall that his counterpart, Confederate General Robert E. Lee, freed his slaves before hostilities between North and South ever broke out.
When asked why Grant refused to free his slaves, he replied in an interview, quote, good help is hard to find.
The institution of slavery did not end until the 13th Amendment was ratified on December 6, 1865, months after the South had surrendered.
Speaking of the 13th Amendment, did you know that Lincoln authored his own 13th Amendment?
This is a fact of history that you are not taught about in schools and certainly is not reminded to you by the media.
It is the only amendment to the Constitution ever proposed by a sitting United States president.
Here is Lincoln's proposed amendment.
Quote, no amendment shall be made to the Constitution which will authorize or give Congress the power to abolish or interfere with any state with the domestic institutions thereof, including that a person's held to labor or service by laws of said state.
You heard that right.
Lincoln proposed an amendment to the United States Constitution, which would have been the 13th Amendment if it had gone through before the 13th Amendment that we all know, that would preserve the institution of slavery.
We talked about this last week.
This proposed amendment was written in March of 1861, a month before the shots were fired at Fort Sumter, South Carolina.
Think about this, folks.
Why would the southern states secede from the Union over slavery when President Abraham Lincoln himself had offered an amendment to the Constitution guaranteeing the preservation of slavery?
It makes no sense.
If the issue was predominantly slavery, all the South needed to do was to go along with Lincoln and his proposed 13th Amendment, which would have permanently preserved slavery among the southern and northern states.
Does that sound like a body of people who were willing to lose hundreds of thousands of men on the battlefield fighting to preserve slavery?
What utter nonsense.
The problem was Lincoln wanted the southern states to pay the Union a 40% tariff on their exports.
The South considered this outrageous and refused to pay.
By the time hostilities broke out in 1861, the South was paying up to and perhaps exceeding 70% of the nation's taxes.
Before the war, the South was a very prosperous and productive region.
And Washington, D.C. kept raising taxes and tariffs on them.
You know, kind of like the way Washington, D.C. keeps raising the taxes on prosperous American citizens today.
Mississippi at the time was the richest state in the Union.
We'll be back.
I've got a lot more to say about this and you don't want to miss it.
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Hello, everyone.
James Edwards here.
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And now, back to tonight's show.
I know a lot of people out there, and I have issue.
You know, I'm a Christian.
I'm raising my children to be Christians.
I'm a true believer.
But that's not to say the church is infallible.
And in fact, the church is a big part of the problem.
We have very passive and meek leadership in our churches.
The church has become weak because our people have become weak.
You know, the church as an institution is only as good as the people in it.
And as this war against our people continues to be waged, we have these fat and lazy churches because we have fat and lazy Americans.
But not all of them are like that.
I mean, here's Pastor Chuck Baldwin, a Southern Baptist minister.
I'm a Southern Baptist too, and God help me, the leadership of the Southern Baptist.
I mean, it's just sickening.
But there are good people out there, and in a time of heat, they rise to the top.
Chuck Baldwin, I'm reading from his article that has been posted to our website, thepoliticalsspool.org, on the true causes of the war, had a lot more to do with tariffs and oppressive taxation than it did slavery.
And we're going down, pulling facts from history, verifiable facts from history, to make our case.
Chuck Baldwin continues that this is much of the same story of the way the colonies refused to pay the demanded tariffs of the British crown, albeit the tariffs of the crown were much lower than those demanded by Lincoln.
In addition, the congressional record of the United States forever obliterates the notion that the North fought the war between the states over slavery.
You can read it for you yourself.
The resolution was passed unanimously in the United States Congress on July 23rd, 1861, quote, the war is waged by the government of the United States, not in the spirit of conquest or subjugation, but for the purpose, or excuse me, nor for the purpose of overthrowing or interfering with the rights or institutions of the states, but to defend and protect the Union.
Not everybody that fought for the North was a bad person.
I mean, we have an international audience, and certainly that audience includes people from outside of the South.
If you had an ancestor that fought for the North, I'm sure they were most likely good people, you know, fighting for what they believed was right, the preservation of the Union.
But it couldn't be clearer.
The United States declared that the war against the South was not an attempt to overthrow or interfere with the institutions of the states, but to keep the Union intact, although they did it by force.
And we feel as though this was morally reprehensible and wrong, that we had the right to secede as Southerners.
But these institutions implied most certainly would have included the institution of slavery, if, again, that truly was what the war was about.
But hear it loudly and clearly, ladies and gentlemen.
Lincoln's war against the South had nothing to do with ending slavery.
So said Lincoln.
So said the United States Congress by unanimous resolution in 1861.
Abraham Lincoln himself said it was never his intention to end the institution of slavery in a letter to Alexander Stevens, who later became vice president of the Confederacy.
Lincoln wrote this, quote, did the people of the South really entertain fears that a Republican administration would directly or indirectly interfere with their slaves or with them about their slaves?
If they do, I wish to assure you, once as a friend and still, I hope, not an enemy, that there is no such cause for fear.
The South would be in no more danger in this respect than it was in the days of George Washington.
Again, could it be any clearer?
And are you paying attention?
This is true history you're hearing on the political cesspool tonight, ladies and gentlemen, not the anti-white, anti-Christian, anti-Southern propaganda that you see drumbeat by the ignorant and hateful and spiteful national media.
Here Lincoln again, he writes, quote, if I could free, if I could save the Union without freeing a single slave, I would do it.
I have no purpose directly or indirectly to interfere with the institution of slavery in the states where it exists.
I believe I have no lawful right to do it, and I have no inclination to do so.
It was interesting that he felt as though he had the right to wage a war that cost the lives of 600,000 Americans, but I digress.
Why don't our history books, though, in the news media tell the American people the truth about Lincoln and the war between the states?
Here's where the rubber hits the road, ladies and gentlemen.
It's very simple.
If people would study the meanings in the history of the Confederate flag, the statutes of the Confederacy, and the Confederate leaders, they might begin to awaken to the tyrannical policies of Washington, D.C. that precluded Southern independence, policies that have only escalated since the defeat of the Confederacy, and they might again have the notion to resist.
By the time Lincoln pinned his Emancipation Proclamation, the war had been going on for two years without resolution.
In fact, the North was losing the war.
Even though the South was outmanned and out-equipped, the genius of the Southern generals like Nathan Bedford Forrest and the fighting acumen of the Southern man had put the Northern Army on their heels.
Many people in the North never saw the legitimacy of Lincoln's war in the first place.
And many of them actively campaigned against us.
Against it.
These people were affectionately called copperheads by people in the South.
These were northerners who sympathized with the South.
That's another thing.
The war fought from 1861 to 1865 was not a civil war.
A civil war suggests two sides fighting for control of the same capital and country.
The South didn't want to take over Washington, D.C., no more than their forebears wanted to take over London.
They simply wanted to separate from Washington, D.C., just as the American founding fathers wanted to separate from Great Britain.
The proper names for that war are either the War Between the States or the War for Southern Independence or more fittingly, the War of Northern Aggression.
Had the South wanted to take over Washington, D.C., they could have done so in the very first battle.
When Lincoln ordered federal troops to invade Virginia in the first battle of Manassas, called the First Battle of Bull Run by the North, Confederate troops sent the Yankees running for their lives all the way back to the Washington district limits.
Had the Confederates pursued them, they could have easily taken control of Washington, D.C., seized Abraham Lincoln, and perhaps ended the war before it really began.
But General Beauregard and the others had no intention of fighting an aggressive war against the North.
They merely wanted to defend the South against the aggression of the North.
Hindsight being 2020, you wish they had done something differently there.
But in order to rally the people in the North, Lincoln needed a moral crusade.
That's what the Emancipation Proclamation was all about.
This explains why his proclamation was not pinned until 1863, two years after fruitless fighting.
He was counting on the people of the North to stop resisting his war against the South if they thought of it as some sort of holy crusade.
Plus, Lincoln was hoping that his proclamation would incite blacks in the South to insurrect against Southern whites.
If thousands of blacks would begin to wage war against their white neighbors, the fighting men of the South would have to leave the battlefields and go home to defend their families.
This never happened.
The Confederate battle flag flies the same.
In fact, a lot of the blacks did end up fighting for the South towards the end of the war.
As we've talked about, Gene Andrews at our 10-year anniversary documented this fact.
The Confederate flag flies the St. Andrew's Cross.
Course, Andrew was the first disciple of Jesus Christ, the brother of Simon, and the Christian martyr who was crucified on an X-shaped cross at around the age of 90.
Andrew is the patron saint of both Scotland and Russia.
Of course, Scotland is where it matters for us because in the 1800s, up to 75% of the people in the South, including my McGregor kinsmen on my mother's side, were either Scotch or Scotch-Irish.
The Confederate battle flag is predicated on the national flag of Scotland.
It is a symbol of both the Christian faith and the heritage of the Celtic race.
Combine the current attacks against biblical and traditional marriage, the attacks against all things Confederate, the attacks against all things Christian, and the attacks against all things constitutional.
And what we are witnessing is a heightened example of why the Confederate battle flag was created to begin with.
There is a war going on against all things moral.
Virtually every act of federal usurpation of liberty that we are witnessing today and have been witnessing for much of the 20th century is a result of Lincoln's war against the South.
Truly, we are living in Lincoln's America, not Washington or Jefferson's America.
Washington and Jefferson's America died at Appomattox Courthouse in 1865.
Instead of lowering the Confederate flag, we should be raising it.
If you love America and what it once stood for, understand that we are all Confederates now.
Ladies and gentlemen, read that entire article.
I think I read half of it over the course of the last segment and a half.
I don't like to read things verbatim, read things off a piece of paper.
That's not the way we do this show.
But Chuck Baldwin nailed it.
One of the greatest articles I've ever read.
Backed and packed with historical facts and records.
Spread that around.
You can go to our website, get that article, send it hither, tither, and yon.
We'll be back.
We're going to talk to Richard Spencer later on in the show, Kevin McDonald, and Sam Dixon.
We're just getting started.
Stay tuned.
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Welcome back to the show.
It's very much my honor to welcome back to the program my good friend Richard Spencer.
Richard is, of course, the president of the National Policy Institute and editor of Washington Summit Publishers, RadixJournal, and RadixJournal.com.
I had the opportunity, the privilege, to appear with Richard on an interview for RadixJournal.com entitled Southern Gothic, and I would encourage you to listen to that.
We're dealt with a lot of the same topics in that interview as we've been dealing with on this program over the course of the last three weeks.
And with that being said, we welcome Mr. Spencer back to the show.
Richard, thanks for being with us.
Well, thanks for having me, James.
It's good to be back.
It's a pleasure, and it's been entirely too long since your last appearance.
We've got a lot to talk about and a very limited window of time to do it.
But first of all, I just want to turn the tables to you very quickly and let you go on the record on this program for this audience.
Share with us your thoughts on the media's exploitation of the situation in Charleston and where we currently stand with regard to what Pat Buchanan would have once called the culture war, because I know you wrote a very provocative article entitled The End of the Culture War, which we featured on our website earlier this week.
Oh, good.
Well, I'm glad you featured that.
Well, I don't know where to begin.
The fact that we've ended up at the bringing down the Confederate flag across the South is in a way quite predictable.
In another way, it's quite absurd.
The idea that the Confederate flag causes the racial strife in the United States, it causes race differences or it caused someone to engage in mass murder is just truly ridiculous.
Yet this is where we've ended up.
This is how we solve problems by doing these symbolic gestures of bringing down the flag.
Now, I would say this, that, you know, I myself, I don't myself identify as a southerner.
And there are a lot of people who are in our movement, whether it's in Europe or the United States, who don't identify with the South.
And so for them, the flag might be a curiosity or something like that.
But the fact is, this is unequivocally an attack on European mankind.
And even though it might not touch someone as painfully as it does someone who's the son of Alabama or Mississippi, Louisiana.
It is an attack on us, nevertheless.
And we have to understand it that way, regardless of whether, you know, because there could be an attack on other symbols, symbols that have deep meaning for Italians or have deep meaning for Russians or Germans.
It's an attack on us, whether we're a part of the South or not.
Because the South is a part of us.
Well, Richard.
So, yeah, go ahead.
Well, I was just going to say I couldn't agree with you more.
And I'm not sure if you were listening earlier, but Don Lemon of CNN has said now's the time to rethink the Jefferson Memorial.
Another national commentator said we must reconsider renaming Washington because after all, George Washington was also a slaveholder.
So yes, they're going to go after everything.
I think it's clear that Christianity is increasingly under the cross.
They will go after every semblance of any part of the cultural identity of our people.
We're all Confederates now.
I mean, this is a war against white identity of the things that animated our people throughout the generations and throughout the centuries.
Of that, there is no doubt.
But you wrote a very, you know, we have talked about the hundreds of, I believe it's nearly 100 now, but in total, tens of thousands of Southerners have spontaneously come out with Confederate flag in hand in these very unfavorable conditions.
And I'm happy to see that.
Of course, that must be channeled into something more sustainable.
It has to be channeled into something with tangible, positive results.
And there are instances where the Confederate flag has been rehoisted by county governments as a result of the outcry that some of these gatherings have spawned.
But you wrote a very provocative article about the before we talk about the culture war.
I think we should talk about this.
And please forgive me if I begin to sound a little too liminous for your audience.
But I sometimes subscribe to the theory of the worse, the better.
And what I mean by that is that at some level, I'm glad that they're taking down the flag and indeed pushing this to the levels of absurdity of then going after Jefferson.
Maybe it is on a level of absurdity.
Maybe it's actually a logical consequence that once you start going after these symbols of our history and our identity, you kind of have to go all the way.
Why stop there?
Let's rename Washington.
Let's rename Washington Oprahville or something.
Let's just make this country a gigantic, horrifying joke because let's stop pretending like this is going to be solved by a little turn of the knob or an election of a Republican who's slightly to the right of center or something like this.
I think actually another thing, I think, so in a way, maybe this will wake people up.
Maybe this dramatic gesture of taking away someone's symbol will wake them up.
Maybe Southerners thought, oh, all that bad thing, all that bad stuff that's happening around the world, well, it doesn't happen here in the South.
This is a place where we're still in charge and we're still animated by our Southern conservative values.
Maybe they should start to realize that it's not, that the South is in the same boat as we all are across the European world.
And that is we're under attack.
We're descending into a kind of nihilism, which is in a way our own damn fault, to be honest.
But we are also under attack by our enemies.
And, you know, maybe this is going to be a new wake-up call.
And the Confederate flag will become a kind of new dangerous symbol.
It will take on a whole new meaning now that it's being explicitly attacked by the regime.
The other thing I would say, and this is another wonderful thing that I think is occurring, is that I think for people like you and me, James, we've had no illusions about the Republican Party and what a heinous institution that is.
However, I think it has now become clear as day for everyone that the Republicans will not back you on issues that involve your identity and your history and your heritage.
They won't.
They will say some of the most absurd things.
Republicans say such things.
I, in a way, appreciate the Democrats as like a party of, you know, you know where they're coming from.
You know, they're saying the Republicans have basically, their line on this is, oh, it's a Democrat flag.
It's a racist Democrat to the only ones who support that flag.
I mean, this is, they seem oblivious to the fact that their base of support is white Southerners.
Basically, white people cast 90% of the vote to the GOP.
And unequivocally, their base to get elected to anything, nationally at least, comes from Southern whites.
And yet, they are just going along with this attack on Southern whites and indeed imagining that it's a victory because we're going against racist Democrats.
I mean, these people are just so absurd and ridiculous that I think now, I don't know anyone can deny the fact that people like Rush Limbaugh and John Boehner and all these Louis Gohmert, who is, you know, oh, he's such a hardcore conservative.
All of these people have been revealed to be such ridiculous lunatics and just utterly despicable people.
I guess this is a great thing that's happening.
It's as clear as day.
So I can't wait for Louis Gohmert, when they rename Washington Oprah, that Louis Gohmert will support this because, you know, those racist Democrats were the ones who named it in the first place or something like this.
I think this is a great thing that's happening.
Well, I've heard it also said that the Confederate flag is too good to fly over the country of Caitlin Jenner and the Kardashians.
And so it's actually an act of honor to remove it so it doesn't have to be desecrated by this country.
But of course, Richard, all kidding aside, I agree with you wholeheartedly in that the Republicans are irredeemably craven and cowardly, and this will only serve to their demise going forward, especially on a presidential level.
They will never, you know, do you think that they gained a single black vote?
Do you think that Nikki Haley or any of the officials in Columbia and in the South Carolina government gained a single black vote for themselves?
I mean, absolutely not at all.
And so this will, look, I mean, we know that.
But, gosh, so much to talk about.
Rather than two segments, I wish we had you for two hours tonight.
But I will let this sink in because we have a commercial break coming up, and we can perhaps go ahead and begin the discussion on this because I want to get to your recent interviews with the New York Times and with CBS Radio.
And certainly before we run out of time, I want to get you to plug the upcoming event for NPI.
But we're going to refocus.
There's the music now.
We're going to refocus on the culture war and your article that, of course, people can find at radixjournal.com.
I took the liberty of reposting it at our website on Monday.
It's a great article.
Read it.
We'll have Richard offer his take on it right after this.
Let's hang on and come back to the political cesspool right after these messages here on the Liberty News Radio Network.
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Welcome back.
To get on the show, call us on James's Dime at 1-866-986-6397.
So, we're with Richard Spencer, who is truly a leader, a man providing leadership for our kith and kin.
And I would encourage you to do as I do, and that is make radixjournal.com among your daily reads.
I'm there every day.
There's always fresh content, some of the best on the web.
And certainly, we would encourage you likewise to buy your books from Washington Summit Publishers and contribute generously to the National Policy Institute.
There are very few organizations and individuals out there that are stepping up and placing themselves squarely on the front lines.
Our guest tonight is one of them.
And, Richard, you know, we were talking in that last segment about the culture war.
You wrote this great article, The End of the Culture War.
I at once agree and disagree with your very well-argued piece.
On one hand, I think we see, you know, with the outpouring of 10,000 strong southerners with Confederate flags in hand going out to the streets that in their minds, it's not said and done.
But I would agree with you in that in the halls of power.
I mean, you might have on a county level or perhaps a member of the board of aldermen in a small town, they very well may be with us on some of these issues.
But in the upper echelons of the halls of power, there are no two sides anymore to this war.
They are all in the tank against our people, against our traditions, against our customs, against our symbols.
You close your article with a sentence that I'd really like to focus on here.
My hope is that as the final shots of the culture war are fired and the old slogans become echoes, identitarians can move on to a higher idealism.
In the wake of the problems with which we are faced, Richard, where would you like to see our people go from here?
Right.
What I was arguing in that piece, and I actually wrote that before the Confederate flag controversy really heated up.
And it was mainly about the gay marriage issue.
But what I was saying in that piece was that politics is really a lagging indicator.
And I generally think that politics is some 15 or 25 years behind a cultural change.
And I think that was really quite present with the gay marriage debate, where Barack Obama opposed gay marriage in 2008 and then became kind of equivocal about it in 2010.
And then by 2012, he was full-von in support of it.
And he was in a way following the culture.
And what I mean by, again, getting back to this lagging indicator and where we should go from here, is that so many of these issues that people argue about every two years during elections are issues that I don't find to be particularly relevant for our future.
They're the kind of conservative movement versus liberal issues that basically grew out of the 1960s and are still prevalent just because of so many, quite to be blunt, baby boomers are still running the system.
And, you know, that is, oh, are we going to embrace free markets or socialism?
Are we going to support the troops or criticize the truth?
Are we going to be really patriotic or just kind of patriotic?
These seem to be this very typical left-right binary that just keeps coming up over and over again.
And I just think we need to just get away from these issues.
I don't, we need to start thinking, we need to ask these big questions before we even start talking about capitalism versus regulation or something like that.
We need to start talking about who we are.
And this is definitely a question that was never asked by the conservative movement of old, to some degree because they just assumed that the country was going to be 85% white, but to another degree because they didn't ask that question.
They were kind of lost in universal abstractions like freedom and rolling back communism and so on and so forth.
We don't see the world in those ways.
We need to be different.
We need to start talking about the things that boring politicians are going to be talking about 30 years from now.
And I know, again, that might sound visionary or whatever, but that's actually quite practical.
That's how you change the world.
That's how the left operated.
They talked about, if you talked about gay marriage in the 80s, people would look at you as if you were talking about science fiction or like time travel or something.
But the fact is it has now become a mainstream issue.
And that's what we need to do.
We need to start looking for this higher idealism of who are we as a civilization and as a race.
And if we start thinking about that question, a lot of these other issues start coming into play.
Do we support free markets unequivocally?
I don't.
Do I think that capitalists have the right to destroy the natural world?
Because, you know, no.
Am I anti-gay or whatever?
Well, you know, no, to be honest.
That's not a really vital or important issue to me.
And we need to start getting at those big issues that really determine our future, as opposed to be caught up in all of these hot buttons and the typical left-right binary about Obamacare or blah, blah, blah.
We really need to get, we need to really get at that big stuff.
And that, if we do that, then we really are going to change the world and we're going to change the future.
And we're going to inflect how politics manifests itself in 25 years.
And, you know, if we're not doing that, then I don't know why.
I think we probably should call it quit.
Because the current system as it is is not working.
I mean, there's no real political victory that I can imagine.
We can go ban gay marriage.
We can go repeal Obamacare.
But at the end of the day, who gives a damn?
None of that stuff matters for our future.
I could imagine a rebirth of our people and civilization with Obamacare.
And I can imagine the death of our people in a civilization after we repealed Obamacare.
It just doesn't matter.
Of course.
Yeah, I see what you're saying.
And we need to focus on the stuff that matters and only the stuff that matters.
Well, Richard, excellent commentary, by the way.
One of my intentions in having you on this evening was to talk about the recent interview you gave to a reporter with the New York Times and to also discuss your recent appearance on CBS Radio, which was a little bit more favorable.
Your encounter with the New York Times seemed very similar to my encounter with the Washington Post.
I think they both occurred on the same week.
But we only have a couple of minutes remaining, so I would encourage this gives the people added incentive to go to radixjournal.com, R-A-D-I-X, radixjournal.com.
They're on the blog, featured prominently.
About midway down the page, you will see Richard's entries entitled Responding to the New York Times and, appropriately enough, my appearance on CBS Radio.
Go check those out and again, bookmark the site.
But rather than spend the final two or three minutes we have together tonight, Richard, discussing that, as important as it is, and I do hope everybody goes and reads about your appearances there, I want to focus, I want to have an opportunity to get you to plug the NPI conference.
You talked in your commentary just a moment ago about becoming who we are.
This is what we need to be focused on.
And this is what your conference in Washington, D.C. will focus on on Halloween, October the 31st.
Please give us all the information about that and how people can sign up.
Sure.
Well, no costumes are necessary.
I actually, I think so.
I would be a little afraid what people in our movement might wear of costumes.
But anyway, we're having a conference in Washington, D.C. on October 31st, Halloween.
It will be an all-day Saturday conference, and we'll have some related events on Friday and Sunday.
And it's really an all-day affair.
It includes dinner, the registration fee, which is $225, a little bit on the pricey side, but you get a lot.
You get dinner, you get lunch.
We have all the speakers.
It's just going to be a full day of activity.
And as you know, it's really not even about the speakers.
It's about meeting people and meeting new people, reconnecting with old friends.
So I think you'll go and you'll be energized by the whole thing, and it will be really worth it.
So just go check it out.
You can go to radixjournal.com and click on events.
You can go to npievents.com, and that's the direct webpage.
There's an ad, an AmRAN.
You can find it if you Google it.
The MPI conference, you know, become who we are.
But I would say this real quick.
What might be of interest to your audience, Michael Hill, who's actually the longtime president and founder, actually, of the League of the South, will actually be there.
We've just added him because I thought that the South is and the identity of the South is so relevant that we just really need him there.
And he's going to talk about Southern identity and how it relates to our broader European identity.
And how we actually local and regional, we need local and regional identities.
We can't just be a white movement.
That's a little too abstract.
We need to be, we should be that.
We should be a European movement.
But you need that local aspect, that fact of being you're from somewhere.
So I think that's very important.
But also, you know, Kevin McDonald will be there.
Guillaume Fay will be there.
Jack Donovan will be there.
I'll be there speaking.
Roman Bernard.
It's really interesting.
People from around the world.
I mean, it is a true international conference.
As usual, we have more French speakers than we have Americans.
I kind of like it that way.
We have an international movement.
So, yeah, we have people, again, we have Europeans coming.
We have Americans coming.
It's just really a great international event.
And again, it's really the best place to meet people.
I mean, that's why I go.
That's why I usually go to Amaran almost, you know, every time.
I mean, it's just about meeting new people, reconnecting, and kind of being feeling like we're a part of the movement and talking about what we want to do in the future.
So folks, if you can, everyone can make it out.
RadixJournal.com.
If you can be in Washington, D.C. on Halloween night, let me tell you something.
I had the opportunity to speak at one of Richard's events a few years ago.
Nobody throws a party like Richard.
If you can be in Washington on the 31st of October, be there, radixjournal.com.
Richard, thanks so much for your time tonight.
Godspeed.
We'll talk to you again soon, undoubtedly.
Thank you, James.
Richard Spencer, everybody.
Kevin McDonald up next.
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