March 28, 2015 - The Political Cesspool - James Edwards
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You're listening to the Liberty News Radio Network, and this is the Political Cesspool.
The Political Cesspool, known across the South and worldwide, as the South's foremost populist conservative radio program.
And here to guide you through the murky waters of the Political Cesspool is your host, James Edwards.
Welcome, everybody, to tonight's live broadcast of the Political Cesspool radio program.
I'm your host, James Edwards.
It's Saturday evening, March the 28th.
Gonna have a fun show for you tonight, as I believe they all are, but the guests this evening, well, Ramsey Paul and Sonny Landam.
That's all I'm gonna say.
And yes, folks, the Political Assess Pool chat is open.
Our colleague over at the Council of Conservative Citizens, Kyle Rogers, forgot to post the link onto the council site, so you'll have to go to it either via your bookmark or you can go to our website, thepolitical accesspool.org, and find the link to navigate you over to the chat room from there.
I'm going to be in there in just a moment myself.
We kind of came in here off kilter this evening and are getting everything ready on a scramble.
So the chat room is open.
You just won't see it featured prominently on the council this evening.
But you can still get there from going to our website, thepoliticalaccesspool.org, clicking on the top entry on the blog roll, and there you'll find the instructions on how to get over there.
And it's important that you be in the chat room tonight because our two guests, Ramsey Paul and Sonny Landam, will be taking your questions from the chat room.
So anybody that wants to have a question for any of those two gentlemen will need to be in the chat room.
That's what we'll be taking the questions.
Keith Alexander in here with me tonight.
Keith, how are you, buddy?
Doing great.
Glad to be here.
Well, I was boning up for these two guests.
Sonny Landam, obviously a regular over the years.
But Ramsey Paul, this is only his second appearance.
And so they're going to be featured quite prominently during these two hours.
So I have left essentially the first hour entirely to you.
And I'm going to let you take it from the top.
Tell us what you got on your mind.
Well, I just happened to scarf up an article from the Sunday, March the 22nd, 2015 edition of the Commercial Appeal, our local fish wrap here in Memphis.
And of course, this is where they have all the featured articles about the civil rights movement, the radical egalitarian movement, too good to forsake or to let die.
And as usual, it's filled with misinformation.
Let me read from an article that's on the first page of the viewpoint section, section V of last Sunday's commercial appeal, entitled Celebrating Selma Without Fixing the Voting Rights Act, Dishonors Sacrifices.
This is by the incomparable Sherilyn Hill of the Los Angeles Times.
Long after he had left his career as a civil rights lawyer to become a justice on the Supreme Court, Thurgood Marshall described his 1941 success in a case striking down all-white primary elections in Texas as his quote-unquote greatest victory.
This is an astonishing statement for a man who was the architect and chief litigator on the most important civil rights case of the 20th century, Brown versus Board of Education.
By the way, just bookmarked that wrong on both points.
I'll come back to that.
But Marshall, but Marshall recognized that breaking down the stranglehold on exclusive white political power was as crucial as defeating Southern white supremacy in dismantling segregation in education.
Despite Marshall's victory in the Texas case, it took 20 additional years and the activism of thousands before the passage of the Voting Rights Act in 1965 provided the tools to protect the right of blacks to participate equally in the political process.
To what is this?
My goodness, what is it?
We got to get Keith's telescope in here to read this down.
Just break it down for us.
Yeah, okay.
Well, anyway, Bloody Sunday.
It says, okay, it says, two weekends ago, thousands converged on Selma, Alabama to commemorate March 7th, 1965, Bloody Sunday, and the voting rights marches from Selma to Montgomery that led to the passage of the act.
But it is ironic that as Selma is commemorated this month, the Voting Rights Act lies critically wounded by a 2013 Supreme Court decision and that an effort to fix that damage cannot even get a hearing in Congress.
Although the Voting Rights Act has been reauthorized three times with overwhelming bipartisan support, there is as yet no Republican co-sponsor to the Senate bill, and there has been no hearing in the House on proposed bills that would restore what the Supreme Court destroyed.
The Voting Rights Act, which President Reagan called the crown jewel of the civil rights legislation, was written to end not only existing voter discrimination, but also new methods of disenfranchisement that might be devised in the future.
It required jurisdictions with a history of voter discrimination to submit changes in their election rules to federal authorities for review.
That system was in place for 48 years until the Supreme Court abruptly ended it in Shelby County, parentheses, Alabama, close parentheses, versus Holder, saying that the pre-clearance sites and requirements were based on old data and formulas and must be updated by Congress.
Okay, what are they talking about?
Let's break that down.
First of all, the pre-clearance provisions, which were written into the Voting Rights Act of 1965, basically punished states that were part of the old Confederacy and a few others where they found that there had been voter discrimination based on race in the past.
And they basically amounted to this.
Democrats could make any changes they wanted when they were in power regarding the redrawing of district lines.
They could gerrymander, for example, a congressional district to their heart's content to assure the election of a Democrat.
But when the Republicans gained control, they couldn't have the same freedom.
In fact, any change that might possibly negatively impact the Democratic Party, which in parts like urban areas of America is overwhelmingly black, were taboo.
Now, of course, everything has changed.
The political landscape has totally changed from back in 1965.
So the Supreme Court was absolutely correct in saying that this whole scheme is based on data that is no longer current.
And furthermore, it addresses a problem that has long ago been solved.
If anything, there was more preference for blacks and Democrats than ever before.
But they want their, it's like affirmative action.
They'll never admit that there's not a need for it.
We'll be back with more of this analysis after these words from our sponsors.
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All right, folks, a quick reminder as we press on this evening, James Edwards, Keith Alexander in here with you, as always.
Two great guests, Ramsey Paul, Sonny Landam coming up, and they will be taking your questions from the Political Cesspool chat room.
And you can get there if you went there to the Council of Conservative Citizens website and didn't see the post about it today.
Don't worry, it is operational and people are in there now.
It's just not that the reminder wasn't posted to the council's website.
Just go to ours, thepolitical cesspool.org there.
The top blog entry on the blog roll will give you all the information about how you can jet over to the chat room hosted by our friends in the council.
And again, in the second or third hour, our guests will be taking your questions.
So Keith's got this newspaper article that he was reading a snippet from in the first segment.
And it's, what was this, Keith, last Sunday?
Last Sunday.
Last Sunday.
March the 22nd.
And above and below the fold, the whole newspaper, the whole section, the whole, I'm telling you, the top above the fold and bottom below the fold, it's all about, well, racism that stands blatant down south lurks insidious.
And talking about, as Keith mentioned, you know, Selma.
How is Selma what happened 40 years ago, 50 years ago?
How is that still front page news every day?
It's just more browbeating.
The same old stuff warmed over, another microwave serving about how bad blacks are, even though they have received preferential treatment in any possible scenario they may find themselves in over whites.
You know, this white guilt stuff every day, every paper in America, TV, you name it, any form of media, you get this every day in and out without just a constant drumbeat, another heaping helping of heated up leftovers from the civil rights movement.
Why do they keep going back to the civil rights movement?
Because truth be told, it was really the only thoroughgoing success of the radical egalitarian left over the past 70 years.
Every other left-wing radical egalitarian movement from the criminal rights movement to homosexual rights to radical feminism to environmentalism to globalism generally, all of these things have run into massive skepticism from the public.
The only thing that you can get agreement from so-called mainstream conservatives and mainstream liberals together about the entire 70-year sweep of the triumph of liberalism is the civil rights movement.
And that's why people like Glenn Beck and Sean Hannity need to shut their big pie holes about Martin Luther King and the civil rights movement because all they do is keep liberalism on life support by doing that.
If they would stop giving them that safe harbor and beachhead to which they always retreat when they run into tough sledding, exhibit one would be the viewpoint section of last Sunday's commercial appeal.
They don't come back and talk about their triumphs in radical feminism or their triumphs in environmentalism or the Kyoto protocols.
We don't hear them crowing about that.
We continually hear them crowing about the civil rights movement.
And of course, everything they tell you about the civil rights movement is wrong.
For example, in this article, it says that Thurgood Marshall was the architect and chief litigator in the Brown versus Topeka Board of Education decision.
Wrong on both counts.
He basically could have been a cardboard cutout put at the counsel table.
Everything he said, everything that was submitted, every pleading, every brief, every utterance was totally concocted and drafted by people other than Thurgood Marshall.
Thurgood Marshall was nothing but a front man and a rather stupid front man at that.
The best, the real mastermind behind the NAACP defense team was Jack Greenberg, a Jewish lawyer, no surprise there, who was the head of the NAACP Legal Defense Fund.
Which leads us into something that you and I were talking about at lunch a couple of days ago and again in the studio tonight in advance of going on the air.
It's becoming more and more in your face, this attitude that blacks have, and they're thinking that they actually were the ones who orchestrated and carried out the civil rights, so-called civil rights movement.
Well, it shows that there's a total disconnect between their ideas and reality in more ways than one.
The idea that somehow black people did this all by themselves is laughable.
Without Jewish money, Jewish media control, Jewish organizational skills, Jewish intelligence, none of the civil rights movements nor any of the other radical egalitarian movements, feminism, globalism, homosexual rights, you name it, would ever have gotten off the ground.
They are the yeast that makes the dough rise in all of liberalism.
People wonder why we keep going back to our two signature issues on this show, the two taboos that political correctness has decreed cannot be discussed, because if you discuss them, you're in danger of actually figuring out what they're up to and what's going on and how to defeat them.
Those two issues are one, race, two, Jewish power and influence.
Jewish power and influence is indeed the yeast that makes the dough rise in liberalism.
Without it, none of this would have amounted to a hill of beans.
And Thurgood Marshall was not the architect.
The real architect of the Brown decision was an associate justice on the Supreme Court at that time, a certain Felix Frankfurter, who at the time was the only Jewish member of the U.S. Supreme Court.
His back-channel communications with the NAACP legal defense team, telling them how to craft their arguments to meet the objections of certain justices on the Supreme Court, totally improper, totally outside the canons of judicial ethics, but nonetheless done by the duplicitous and dishonest Felix Frankfurter, were the real cause of the Supreme Court's decision.
In fact, if you want to read about it in detail, you need to read chapter four of a book by Lawrence Stratton and Paul Craig Roberts called The New Color Line.
The fourth chapter is entitled The Brown Decision.
Basically, when Frankfurter saw that he was going, that the NAACP was going to lose, he asked for a rehearing.
And the Chief Justice at the time, Fred Vinson of Kentucky, being a southern gentleman, granted him that.
Then in the interim between the first argument and the second argument, Fred Vinson died suddenly of a heart attack.
And the liberal Earl Warren, who was the governor of California, who had a dishonest, corrupt bargain with Dwight Eisenhower, who was then the Republican president of the United States in the build-up to the 1952 presidential election.
Dwight Eisenhower was the establishment candidate.
Mr. Conservative was Bob Taft.
He was the conservative candidate for the Republican nomination at the time.
And Eisenhower promised Earl Warren, who was at that time governor of California, that he would give him the first opening that came up on the U.S. Supreme Court if he would deliver California's 45 electoral votes, the most electoral votes of any state, to Eisenhower in the Republican nominating convention, which Warren did.
And the payoff was he was appointed to replace Fred Vinson and furthermore, leapfrogged everyone else to become the Chief Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court then.
Now, Earl Warren wasn't much of a legal scholar, but he was a power politician.
And he was behind doing the bidding of the NAACP.
So that's what he did throughout.
And that's why the Warren Court, which went on from about 1954 until the mid-60s, was so notorious in American history.
They were the first judicial liberal activist court.
And it was a disaster that we still are reeling from in the United States.
But anyway, Warren decided that the Supreme Court would follow along with this with the help of Frank Furter.
They bludgeoned everyone else into on the court into a unanimous decision.
We'll talk more about this after these words from our hosts and sponsors.
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Welcome back.
To get on the show, call us on James's Dine at 1-866-986-6397.
So we're going back in time a little bit, I guess you could say, here, talking about the so-called civil rights era racism prevalent in the South then and now, you know, nothing ever gets better.
They never figure out a way to stamp it out no matter how bad they neutralize whites.
And we're talking about it, though, because it's always front page news.
I mean, if you picked up the commercial appeal today in Memphis today, or actually last Sunday, which is the edition that Keith has brought in today, if you picked up the Memphis commercial appeal last Sunday, you would think that what happened in Selma at the Edmund Pettis Bridge was breaking news.
I mean, they write these articles so breathlessly as if it's just occurring.
And every single day in publications and programs across the country, you get this warmed-over nonsense.
And so Keith says, setting the record straight about this because, again, who else will, of course.
But Keith, there was something in the chat room.
And yes, indeed, friends, the chat room is open at the CFCC website.
You'll just have to redirect to it via the Political Assessbills website.
Go to our website and click on over and join us in the chat.
But before the last break, Keith, one of the participants wanted to get your opinion on the white elites of the time being complicit in this takeover.
And I think certainly more than now, there were elites that opposed this, and rightly so.
You know, we talked in the break about James Kirkpatrick for the National Review writing very sensible columns about these issues.
But one by one, they were neutralized and either were faded out or recanted or both.
Well, here's what happened.
You did have mainline Protestant leaders.
Mainline are what they call the seven sisters of the mainline that basically held the high ground among American Protestantism.
They are the Episcopal Church, the Presbyterian Church, USA, the United Methodist Church, the Congregationalist Church, which is called the United Church of Christ, but has nothing to do with what most Southerners understand to be the Church of Christ, the Disciples of Christ, which is a northern denomination, the Northern Baptists, and the Evangelical Lutherans.
They, their clergy, particularly the clergy that came out of the North, tended to be in lockstep with the NAACP.
But then again, they were what they have always been since the 1890s when Jews started to come over into America in significant numbers.
The WASP establishment in New England and in the upper Midwest was basically nothing more than the amen corner for liberalism.
They were not the movers and shakers as they had been during the first Reconstruction.
In fact, the reason the first Reconstruction failed and the second Reconstruction of the Civil Rights Movement succeeded was precisely because during the second Reconstruction, there was Jewish leadership, money, power, and influence behind it, but there was none in the first.
Because between 1865 and 1877, the period of the first Reconstruction, there were not significant numbers of Jews in the United States.
They came over in the so-called second great wave of immigration from 1890 to 1920.
That's where they all came from.
That's when Felix Frankfurter's parents, we're talking about him as being the sole Jewish member of the U.S. Supreme Court when the Brown case was argued.
His forebears came to the United States in the 1890s.
That's what happened.
That's, you know, that's unfortunately the truth of it.
What happened was the establishment in the South back in the 50s and even through the 60s was against liberalism in all of its manifestations.
The problem was we had, by that time, a national news media and we had mass media.
We had television and radio dominated by northern interests and those people basically shouted out any vestige of a southern voice.
You found southern newspapers being picked off and bought by news syndicates like Scripps Howards and Gannett newspapers one by one.
And the first thing they would do when a nationwide newspaper syndicate would buy, for example, the commercial appeal or the Jackson Clarion Ledger, they would send in some new editor from Portland, Oregon or something.
And there would be no difference in the editorial policy of the Jackson, Mississippi or the Memphis, Tennessee newspaper than there was from the Portland, Oregon, or Portland, Maine newspaper.
So they controlled the media.
There was no internet back then, remember.
So consequently, voices like ours had no, there was no way to be heard.
We had no media outlets.
So you got to remember that.
So that's what was happening in the South and in the United States during the Civil Rights Movement.
Now, I guarantee, I'll bet you a dollar to a donut hole, James, that tomorrow in the Memphis Commercial Appeal, there will be at least one featured story of fond reminiscence looking back to the sainted civil rights movement.
It is as predictable as the sun rising in the east and setting in the west every week, every day.
This is what the left does is the constant drumbeat of this, and they assume that everybody that reads the newspaper shares their biases.
That's why we here at the political cesspool serve such an important function.
We give the common sense alternative to liberal orthodoxy, not only on the civil rights movement, but on every important issue of the day.
This is where you come to get common sense and plain talk without any type of bowing the knee to political correctness, James.
And you've been getting it for a long, long time on this show, for over 10 years, to be sure.
And, you know, we're having Ramsey Paul on in the second hour.
And sometimes, you know, we're so such in the thick of things here, Keith, doing this radio show week in and week out that I think sometimes we lose sight on just how good this show is.
If I do say so myself, and I don't say that braggadociously, folks, I say that very soberly and objectively.
And it's also so important.
We are the singular voice.
I bet there is no other news outlet right now on mainstream radio that has anything like this type of commentary on this celebration of Selma, Alabama in 1965 or the Civil Rights Movement or the Brown decision or the Voting Rights Act of 1965.
We are the sole exponent of the truth and the common sense.
On AM radio.
On AM Radio and some other internet shows that do it and do a good job.
But on AM radio and in terms of a show that gets the amount of publicity that we draw for our ideas, you know, certainly I'd like to think that we stand alone.
And I was speaking of Ramsey Paul, I just mentioned again that he's coming on because I actually went back and listened to his original interview with us.
I believe it was back in January of 2012.
And I listened to that entire interview today and just marveled at how wonderful it was.
I mean, the ideas and the way that they were articulated.
In fact, the next time I go out of town or the next time for whatever reason that we have to play a tape, and we do that very rarely, but, you know, maybe a couple of times a year at the most.
But the next time that happens, I will replay that Ramsey Paul interview, the first one.
I mean, he's going to be on again tonight, but I'll replay that first one.
And it's just, you know, that's one interview, one night, one show.
Every week, though, it's something like that.
I mean, some shows are better than others, I guess.
We're human.
We always try to put forth our best effort.
But in any case, just listening to Keith tonight, and I was sharing with the chat room, just what an honor it is to be able to come in and work every Saturday night with a man who has such an encyclopedic knowledge on history and politics and current affairs and analysis.
And, you know, Keith, I don't know if I've ever met someone that can convey their knowledge to an audience the way that you do.
Well, I was born and bred in the briar patch, as they say.
I lived down here through this whole sordid episode in American history.
I know what the lies were.
I know what the truth is.
You see that the proponents of the Brown decision, for example, example, never want to discuss the sorry state of American public education today, which is in a sorry state primarily because of the success of the Brown decision in transforming the public educational landscape in America.
The reason we are now at the bottom of the developed world, where in 1954 our educational system was at the top of the developed world, is primarily because of the success of the civil rights movement.
This is the truth that dare not be uttered.
You know, this is what, this is the taboo topic, but this is the truth, and the truth will set you free, as the Bible says.
Now, getting back to the Brown decision, let's get into some nuts and bolts.
How did Justice Felix Frankfurter manage to convey all of this insider back-channel information to the NAACP defense team?
He did it through a fellow, another member of the tribe named Philip Ellman, who had been his law clerk back in the 1940s and who was then working for the U.S. Solicitor General's office during the Brown decision.
They would meet secretly in a parking garage, just like, ironically, you hear about in the Watergate situation.
Rather than meeting with Woodward and Bernstein, you had the U.S. Supreme Court justice meeting with a lawyer on the other side of the case, giving him insider information.
That's how it was accomplished, folks.
We'll talk more about this after these words from our sponsors.
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Hello, everyone.
James Edwards here.
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Welcome back.
To get on the show, call us on James's Dime at 1-866-986-6397.
All right, we've let Keith hold court this first hour.
I'll be conducting these two interviews coming up.
Keith, relieving the pressure by doing a good bang-up job in his analysis of the opening hour of tonight's live broadcast, we've got Scoop Stanton on the line.
We're going to let Keith wrap up his thoughts in 90 seconds or less and then go to our intrepid correspondent in Washington.
Keith?
Well, to put the cherry on top of the story about the unethical back-channel communication that led to the Brown decision, engineered primarily not by Thurgood Marshall, but by Felix Frankfurter, who was supposed to be an unbiased judge, but was actually a partisan for the NAACP.
Philip Ellman, his mole in the NAACP Defense Fund's legal team, was so proud of his role in this coup d'état called the Brown decision, in which they basically frustrated justice and the legal process by unethical behavior, bragged about it in an article published in the 1980s in the Harvard Law Review.
Basically, his career after Brown had been singular primarily for its lack of distinction.
So he was trying to catch some bouquets and show himself as a civil rights hero by writing this article.
It backfired on him.
Even the Harvard Law Review was horrified at the unethical behavior that was exhibited by Ellman and Frankfurter as a result of this article coming out, bringing all this to light.
It's very similar to the fact that Martin Luther King, for example, was found to have plagiarized his doctoral thesis at Boston University.
When that came out, Boston University was embarrassed, but that has not stopped the civil rights juggernaut of Martin Luther King and the Brown decision from rolling on.
What has happened, and the reason we have it, is that the cultural Marxists have really accomplished their goal.
They have captured the culture.
The reason that southern segregationists basically disappeared from the map by 1974 is that during the period from 1954 to 1974, the left had totally captured the culture.
And what was permissible even in the National Review in the 1950s was now beyond the pale by the early 70s.
That's what has happened, but the truth lives on and it will get its only airing and the only exposition you're going to find about this is right here on the Political Cesspool, James.
And if you want to read the establishment's version of the so-called truth, just pick up any newspaper tomorrow.
I'm sure it's going to be on page A1.
Scoop, over to you, buddy.
What do you got?
I normally have some sort of an idea what Scoop wants to talk about in advance of his weekly segment, but tonight I am blind.
Scoop, enlighten me.
All right.
Good evening, James Russell's Cesspool family.
Well, it was a pretty slow news week, except for yours truly.
Back in 2012, I filed my taxes like a good citizen, and then recently I got a tax bill for $733.39.
Now, that's a lot of money for people like the Political Cesspool listeners.
So I requested an installment plan.
Even the Political Cesspool host.
Right.
So you got the installment.
Anyways, for a $733 bill, I had to pay a $120 user fee.
Now, I almost officed.
So I got my congressman who, unlike Steve Cohen, actually does his or her job.
And the IRS said the fee can only be waived if the payments were going to be spread out over 120 days.
Now, for $740, you know, I can pay that within 120 days.
So I got stuck for $120 on top of $733.
Now, let's take a look at who's the IRS targets.
It targets middle class, of course, the Tea Partiers.
And who are they not targeting?
Major corporations such as General Electric and the super wealthy such as Warren Buffett, Bill Gates, and Martin Zuckerberg.
Now, why are they coming after people like me and Eddie Miller?
Because we don't have an army of lawyers and accountants to fight the IRS.
The IRS is going to pick and choose their battles.
You're soft targets.
Correct.
If I'm the IRS commissioner and I want to go after Microsoft, Microsoft will outspend the IRS two to one, and then the IRS will have absolutely nothing.
So then they go through the tax files of working people such as myself and saw that since the tax preparer of each and our block made a boo-boo, I was liable for $733.39.
This is also true of the Security Exchange Commission.
That's why back in 2007, 2008, you had brokerage houses such as Merrill Lynch go under because, again, those houses had army of lawyers and accountants to fight the SEC tooth and nail.
So they go after the soft brokers such as Bob's Stockhouse.
Meanwhile, Lois Lerner is still free and receiving her very generous government pension.
Ms. Leonard, as you recall, was in charge of the 501c3 section of the IRS tax code for nonprofits.
And of course, the Tea Parties filed for nonprofit tax status and was dragged through the mud.
Some people still haven't got their tax status, even though Ms. Lerner left.
Now, if Ms. Lerner was appointed by a Republican president, they would have had her hanging in the middle of the Great Lawn in downtown Washington, D.C.
And the end result of all this great tax money taken out of my paycheck is that we still have $18 trillion in debt, which is bigger than our GMP.
We have files in the Social Security Fund with IOUs.
See, here's a dirty secret.
Congress from both parties took money from the IOU Superfund that we pay into to fund the general budget.
And so we don't see a big tax increase, and we have all these great benefits.
There's a whole file literally filled with IOUs.
So when yours truly gets to retire, there's going to be no Social Security.
Meanwhile, our infrastructure, which consists of roads, bridges, and railroads, are falling apart.
Offshore banking is the new form of industry here in the U.S. Meanwhile, GE paid no taxes back in 2011 and then a couple of years later requested over $600 million in tax refunds.
And on top of that, you have Bradley Manning who's sitting in jail getting hormone treatment because he wants to be a she.
Meanwhile, we got 22 veterans a day committing suicide because there's not enough money in the Veterans Administration operational budget.
Back to you and proper care.
Well, you know, getting back to what you said at the beginning, and great commentary, Scoop, by the way, I think that was one of your finer ones over the years.
And it's something that everybody can relate to.
It really is an oppressive system that we live under.
The working class lives, and it's absolutely oppressed.
We're all slaves now to the IRS and to, you know, this ridiculous amount of taxation that we're subjected to.
What have they said?
They said in the past that the law is like a spider web.
It just catches little gnats, big bugs break through without any hindrance.
And that's what's happened to Scoop.
That's what's happened to Eddie.
They know they can pick you off for $700.
And if you had HR Block do it as you suggested, you know, they have in their contract that if you wind up having to owe some money, they're supposed to pay it.
Lots of luck getting them to pay off on that guarantee.
Well, I mean, in $700, I mean, obviously the United States, you know, SCOOP 700 is really going to go a long way into, you know, making sure balancing the budget, making sure the government has enough to give away to the dregs of society and to Israel.
So it's an important contribution you're making there, Scoop.
And, you know, Sonny Landham is going to be on later in the show tonight, third hour, to talk about what's going on with health care now, this government health care, which is just another radical socialist initiative to redistribute the wealth, just like taxes.
I mean, basically, this healthcare thing.
And, you know, Sonny is in his 70s.
I'm in my 30s.
We were talking on the phone a couple of days ago about how, even at different stages of life, how we have both suffered under this new health care.
Well, we'll talk about it in the third hour.
I'll let him tell the story.
But yeah, I mean, so this is it.
You know, the middle class, the working class is getting pinched.
I don't mind people being rich.
I don't have any envy over rich.
I think if people go out and achieve, you know, they should achieve as much as they can and more power to them.
But I do resent the people who will, you know, George Wallace, we were talking about, you know, that era earlier, Keith, in your analysis and commentary.
George Wallace once said the people who work ought to live better than the people who don't.
You know, but that's not the way things are anymore.
Well, they also said that there's not a dime's worth of difference between the Democrats and the Republicans.
Truer words were never spoken.
But what were you going to say about HR Block, Scoop?
You had some comments you wanted to.
I brought the attention to HR Block saying, listen, you guys made a mistake, but since I didn't get the $35 guarantee on top of the $300-something dollars I paid to do my taxes, so I wouldn't go to jail.
I wouldn't get my house and my car seized.
I was stuck like Chuck.
But if you know it, if you come to Washington, D.C., it looks like Emerald City from the Wizard of Oz.
That's made by your tax money.
Meanwhile, cities like Memphis, Chicago, Detroit, Cincinnati, Cleveland, Buffalo, all gone straight to hell.
They have no industry, no jobs, no hope.
Yeah, our elites that are so solicitous about the needs of minority groups, so-called minority groups, who now are on the verge of becoming the majority of the American population, they don't seem to have any sympathy for the middle class at all in protecting our manufacturing jobs with tariffs like any rational government would do.
And as a result, we have free trade.
And as I've often said, being the only nation in the world that believes in free trade is like being the only woman in town that believes in free love.
And we do have similar results over here.
There are no good jobs.
That's why, and quite frankly, most Americans of whatever race need a manufacturing sector job to have a middle-class engineer.
The government is the biggest employer now, and we don't produce anything in this country but movies.
Ironically, we're going to be talking to a man who made a living in movies in the third hour.