Sept. 20, 2014 - The Political Cesspool - James Edwards
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You're listening to the Liberty News Radio Network, and this is the Political Cesspool.
The Political Cesspool, known across the South and worldwide as the South's foremost populist conservative radio program.
And here to guide you through the murky waters of the Political Cesspool is your host, James Edwards.
All right, everybody, and welcome to the night's live broadcast of the Political Cesspool Radio Program.
I'm your host, James Edwards.
It's Saturday evening, the 20th of September.
Fall continuing to blow in the air here in Memphis, Tennessee, across the Southland, across America, and across the world, where political cesspool listeners are tuning in this evening on the internet at thepoliticalcesspool.org and AMFM affiliate stations across this country of ours.
Thanks to the Liberty News Radio Network, and we have received truly in the last, just since the last broadcast that we've had, an inundation of emails and letters from fans just truly circling the globe.
I'd like to read a couple, if I could, just to give you a representative sampling.
We like to do that.
We like to start the show off with something a little bit lighter and fair.
And just to give you a taste of where the people are coming from, it's places like Sweden where our first guest is calling in from tonight, and it's truly a heavyweight guest.
I guess I'll get to the emails a little bit later tonight because we certainly want to make room for the one and only Jonas DeGuerre, a European-based publishing baron, as I call him, a radio personality, journalist, and conservative political activist.
He's making his second appearance, his encore, tonight on our award-winning broadcast.
I have been fortunate enough to twice been a guest on Jonas's wildly popular show, The Weekly Antidote, participating in interviews that together have garnered tens of thousands of listeners.
And just to give you a little bit of background about our heavyweight guest this evening, Jonas was born in Stockholm in 1971.
He studied philosophy, the history of ideas, and Latin at Stockholm University.
And for the last 20 years, he has been busy as a writer, editor, and political activist, as I mentioned.
He's married with two daughters who are in their late teens.
And it's not an exaggeration, let me tell you folks, to say that this man has been the most influential nationalist intellectual in Scandinavia since the 90s.
So we welcome back with open arms Jonas DeGuerre tonight.
He's going to be helping us discuss Scotland's vote for independence, which took place on Thursday.
And it just so happens that Jonas, despite being born in Sweden, has been living in Scotland since 2007.
So he's an insider and going to give us that information.
Jonas, welcome back to the Political Cesspool.
Thank you very much, James.
Thank you for having me on.
It's a pleasure and an honor every time.
Well, certainly it's an honor to have you.
And thank you for saying that.
And we're very excited to have you on tonight, as any night.
But tonight especially, to have someone who actually lives in Scotland and has been living there for seven years to provide us with a behind-the-scenes take on what transpired and a very historic happening this week.
Let you break it down for us.
Let me tell you to begin with, James.
I mean, this has been sort of a very sensitive issue for a lot of people in Britain.
And I've been very open about that I've been sort of pro-independence, but that doesn't mean in any way that I'm anti-English in any way because, you know, I'm just not.
I know you sent me a text yesterday or earlier today where the writer sort of contended or sort of theorized that this is about the sort of global elites trying to break up nations.
In this case, I don't really think that's, you know, you can't really say that that's what it's about.
Because I mean, my approach to it and the way I understand it and the way I understand how much of the Scots who have voted for independence have thought about it, it's not because they hate England.
It's got nothing to do with that, but they want, you know, the power over their own land, over their own sort of so much smaller land than is the UK to be closer to home.
And I can't see that that can be sort of a bad thing.
Well, Jonas, this is something that I think is multifaceted, and I could be swayed after, you know, initially and from my gut, I mean, I always leaned towards the sides of a secessionist type movement.
And I know that this group that was spearheading the secession movement in Scotland is the Scottish National Party, which even resounds more true to me.
But it does appear as though they are more left-leaning than they are.
Very much so.
So, I mean, we mustn't fool ourselves.
I mean, like I said, I mean, first off, I regard myself as a guest in this country, even though there are sort of historically quite close ties between Scandinavia and Scotland in particular.
But still, so I try to be sort of diplomatic about the whole thing.
But the Scottish National Party are they are sort of social democrats draped in the St. Andrews Cross.
It's peculiar.
It's peculiar.
I mean, you nailed it on the head, hit the nail on the head there.
When you think of a Scottish National Party, you're probably thinking of someone that would skew right of center, that would hold our beliefs and champion our cause.
They're not sort of, you know, they're not in our camp, to be honest.
But it doesn't really matter, because, I mean, this is a wholly sort of different kind of question about Scottish independence.
And is it better for the future?
Yeah, I think it would have been.
Now, of course.
Well, you know Well, I don't mean to interrupt you, Jonas, because again, you're someone who has lived in Scotland for the better part of a decade, so certainly you need to be the one that educates us Americans on this.
But I was going to say, you know, they seem to be nationalist in name only.
It is more of a socialist type party, even though their name is nationalist.
So it's not like, you know, we romanticize secession and nationalism here, particularly in the American South.
If the state of Mississippi, for instance, you know, wanted to secede from Washington, D.C. or the, you know, the United States of America, that would be something I would be wholly behind.
But what if the people leading that secessionist movement are someone like Al Sharpton or the Black Panther Party?
That's what people need to take in mind here when you're talking about what's going on in Scotland.
So, yes, I romanticize secession and nationalism and am for it almost unequivocally.
But then in this case, you know, I saw where, and even though we understand it's a left-leaning party, Barack Obama was for Scotland remaining part of the European Union, not the European Union, but rather Great Britain, which is, of course, how they voted.
And so anything he wants is normally bad news.
Well, we got to take a break, Jonas.
When we come back, I'm going to give you the entire floor.
We've got an hour to cultivate this very in-depth topic, and we're going to do it with a man who knows what he's talking about, Jonas DeGuerre.
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All right, folks, just to recap, very honored and privileged to have a man of the stature and esteem of Jonas DeGuerre as our guest tonight for the first hour.
He's talking about the recent vote for independence that took place in Scotland on Thursday.
We've all been following that.
Just to give you a quick history, and I'll back up here.
People may wonder, you know, William Wallace, Braveheart, I thought Scotland already won their independence.
Well, that was 800 years ago.
700 years ago, William Wallace died in 1305.
Scotland hadn't been an independent nation in 307 years.
They had the chance to reclaim independence on Thursday, and they opted against that, voted against it.
It was a close vote.
It wasn't quite as close, 55% to 45%, as most projections thought it would be.
But still, that's a close vote.
I mean, 55, 45, when you're talking about something as big as independence, is very significant.
So Jonas is providing us now with the events leading up to the vote, the breakdown of the results, the ramifications, and he's going to offer his take on where Scotland goes from here.
But Jonas, before the break, we were talking about the intricacies of this being sort of a nationalist secessionist movement from a left-leaning political point of view.
And then Barack Obama is someone who was hoping that Scotland would stay in there.
So on one hand, we don't want a leftist movement to succeed necessarily.
We still want every nation to be in control of its own destinies.
And then on the other hand, if Obama wants something, it's got to be bad news for white people.
So perhaps we should hope that the leftist movement succeeds because Obama endorsed its demise.
It's tricky for us to understand it.
I mean, make sense of it for us.
It's not as easy as, I mean, you can't break it down into sort of left and right.
It's so much more complex when it comes to sort of British politics in some ways.
And this might seem very sort of paradoxical to you, but in sort of Catholic-dominated places like Glasgow or Liverpool,
that tend to be sort of red cities in many ways, people are a lot more conservative than in most other places.
So it really is.
I mean, it really is sort of a very intricate pattern of, you know, things.
Go ahead.
Go ahead, Jonas.
No, no, you say.
Well, I was going to say, you know, you are obviously, you know, a bona fide nationalist and someone who has made the defense of, as I've written before, our Christian European kinsman his life's work.
So to know that you recognize this to be a sort of a left-leaning movement, the Scottish National Party, you were still in favor of it.
And I'm reading an email before, and you write simply, and this is something on principle we can all agree with.
You were for independence, mainly because Scotland has not by far the same amount of non-European immigrants.
There are a lot of Pakistanis in Glasgow, you mind.
But it has nothing to do with being anti-English, which you've already mentioned.
But you bring home this point, which we can all identify with.
Scotland is a separate nation, and it's simply wrong that it should be governed by people in Westminster.
It really is, James.
And I tell you what, I've never sort of been romanticizing anything about Scotland.
I ended up here, and that is because life does things to you.
But I've never been sort of a lover of Scotland as such.
I mean, I've taken to my adoptive country definitely.
So it's not that, but I've never had this sort of romantic, brave heart notion about Scotland.
And I had never visited before eight years ago, and I'm quite widely traveled.
So I've been around a bit, but it struck me the first time I came.
It struck me by surprise to what extent it really is a different nation from England.
It really is another country.
And you had written to that end that the people who dominate Scotland's politics from England, from Westminster, you write that they have perhaps been there once on holiday playing golf or sampling whiskey.
And in general, the political cast in England viewed the proud, hardworking people of Scotland as simply their backyard.
So even though this was a left-leaning movement, something that politically and ideologically we wouldn't have identified with or supported, you still on principle were in favor of the independence.
Did you get to vote in this?
I mean, it doesn't really matter if it's, and it's, I mean, even the yes side in this campaign and, you know, albeit they lost, but they've been very clear about from the beginning that this is, this is not really an SNP.
as in the Scottish National Party-led movement.
This is so much bigger.
This is about the future of our children and grandchildren, and etc.
So the yes side has had that sort of bigger perspective all along.
And it's been very positive.
I mean, to be honest, I'm pushing 45 now.
I've been politically active since my mid-teens.
I don't think I've ever seen such a positive political campaign as the yes side in this race.
On the other hand, I must say that the no side has been doing this disgusting scaremongering.
Everyone in Scotland had, you know, we've been told for months and months that in case there would be a no vote, we are not going to have a currency.
There will be no pensions.
There will be no health care.
Because, I mean, all of that is just sort of up in the blue.
We don't know what's going to happen to that.
It's all so risky.
There will be no defense against Muslim terrorists.
It really has been disgusting, James.
Well, you wrote that, and that was absolutely something that I wanted to get at.
And again, this makes me, I think I could be positively swayed either way for whether it's better for our people that Scotland remains a part of the United Kingdom or whether it becomes an independent nation.
And even though the SNP is leftist, you know, I still, in my heart of hearts, always seem to trend towards a nationalist movement.
And perhaps, you know, when the pieces had been put back together, Scotland would have been stronger and it wouldn't have been a left-leaning country.
Who's to say?
But it didn't happen.
But you had mentioned the scaremongering.
Life goes on.
No more than that.
And I mean, once more, let's not fool ourselves.
We do have sort of bigger issues.
Our civilization has, our race has.
So let's not be sort of kidding ourselves.
I mean, this is a sort of it would have been fun, I think, if Scotland would have become independent.
But, you know, I have to circle.
I have to circle back to if Obama was for Scotland remaining part of the United Kingdom.
And I don't mean to oversimplify this, but as a general litmus test, if he was for something, it's not going to be good news for our people.
We should oppose anything that he's for.
And I think, you know, 99 times out of 100, if you use that standard of measurement, you will be able to identify which is the right side and which is the left side.
And again, this matter was a little bit muddy.
Yeah, I mean, for me, I don't have to go sort of over to, you know, over the Atlantic for that right.
Some 10 days ago, the leader of the Tories, that is David Cameron, who is like a caricature of the sort of, He's a very mediocre chap, but he's been to Eton, he's gone to Oxford, mainly because of his parents' connections.
Yeah, you hear the music, so obviously they're playing our song, and you're a radio man, you know what that means.
We got to take a break, but listen, we got two more seconds.
I'm going to ask Jonas to save the entire hour if he would be so kind.
And we're going to continue to explore this interesting topic right after this with Jonas DeGuerre, the one and only.
Stay tuned, everybody.
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Welcome back.
To get on the show, call us on James's Dine at 1-866-986-6397.
Welcome back to the show, everybody.
Folks, let me tell you something.
If the name Jonas DeGuerre isn't a household name in the United States of America, it certainly should be.
And I want you to know the kind of caliber of a guest we have right now.
Odds are better than favorable that if you are among our people and lean towards our ideology in Northern Europe, you know the name Jonas DeGuerre and to have him on the Political Cesspool tonight is such a great honor.
And I should add that English is not Jonas' native tongue.
So keep that in mind as we have this interview.
And I'm so amazed that when I go on his show, and I've been on the weekly antidote twice as a guest, he and his co-host Dan and Magnus, they'll be speaking in Swedish, right, Jonas?
And then I'll come on and they'll effortlessly and flawlessly switch to English.
And it's not just that they can do that, but that their audience who tunes in in Northern Europe can understand the conversation even as it transitions to English.
And that is certainly amazing.
But you live now in Northern Scotland, Jonas, and you mentioned, obviously, your Scandinavian roots and your Viking lineage, I guess.
So to live in Northern Scotland is, I guess, the best of both if you have to move.
Can I ask you this briefly off topic, but what's it like living there?
How beautiful is it?
It is very scenic, I must say.
And it's a nice place to live.
And, you know, the Scots are, how should I put it?
They are decent folk, you know?
They're still sort of, you know, there's a sort of culture and a mentality that is good.
I mean, they are hardworking, decent people on the whole.
And I mean, God knows you don't find that all over the world.
So, yeah.
Well, no, you don't.
And certainly there's ties that bond with Scandinavia and Northern Scotland.
And so I'm glad that you're there.
You know, I think you could see, just in reading this and looking at the pictures, you could see the sincerity of those flying the St. Andrews Cross and clamoring for independence.
And I want to get back to something you mentioned in the previous segment, that the no side, the scaremongering, there would be no currency, no pensions, no health care, no defense if Scotland claims independence.
You mentioned that some people are negatively impressed by that.
Well, obviously.
We would sort of have gone back to the Stone Age collectively.
I mean, this is how it was.
Well, I think that's what swayed it.
You know, because if you watch the tracking of this as it led up to the vote, just a few days ago, the yes side, the pro-independent side, had a slight lead.
It looked as though Scotland very well would become an independent country once again for the first time in 37 years.
And what I was about to say before the commercial birthday, James, is David Cameron, who's the Prime Minister of the UK, and like I said, he's gone to Eat and he's gone to Oxford, even though he's a very mediocre chap.
Him and his would-be antagonist, Ed Miliband, who is the son of a Polish Marxist Jew who painted the English, these two together made it up to Scotland in order to talk down to the Scottish people, saying that you should be with us.
We are better together.
I mean, it really is kind of grotesque.
You see what I'm saying?
No, I do.
I do.
And that's why I think, you know, people who haven't followed this politically would just say, okay, secession, nationalism, yes, you know, here in America, if they lean towards our righteous way of thinking, if I may say.
But if you followed the politics of the Scottish Nationalist Party, you would say, no, they're a socialist party.
But then it gets to what you just mentioned.
The very heart of it all, the purity of any secession movement.
And in a way, to me, it even transcends left versus right.
I mean, what's right is right.
And every nation should be, even if it's not what we would agree with, in order to be consistent and non-hypocritical, you have to support that in a way.
And I can understand arguments on both sides.
No, you do.
And I mean, like I've said so many times now, I mean, I consider myself a guest in this country and etc.
But, you know, I must admit, my two almost grown-up daughters are sort of naturalized lasses by now.
And so, yeah, and I think we've, you know, contributed fairly to this country and etc.
But I would definitely prefer for things to be decided in Holy Rod in Edinburgh rather than in Westminster down in London, where no one really had a clue what goes on.
I mean, they couldn't point out in the nest or thursa on the map with the gun to the head.
I mean, it's it's so yeah, no, I believe in decentralization of politics.
So it's not it's not necessarily sort of a principle thing.
It's a very sort of hands-on practical thing.
I think in my heart of hearts a part of me was saddened to see the results.
And I actually stayed up very late on Thursday night to watch this come in, and it it it looked more and more convincingly past midnight in the early morning hours that the secession movement was going to fail.
But the voter turnout, first of all, that's another thing I want to mention.
Absolutely unheard of here in America.
Nearly 90% of those eligible to vote in Scotland turned out to vote yes or no on this referendum.
That is absolutely amazing.
We don't even get half of the registered voters to come out for a presidential election.
We had a general election for, I mean, both the national parliament and the communes and what have you in Sweden on Sunday,
which wasn't very successful for, it was good for the Sweden Democrats, but I'm not altogether happy about sort of the election results, but that doesn't matter.
But it's the same thing there.
I mean, you know, if we get 75%, that's sort of good.
Whereas in this case, people have been generally engaged in the whole thing, which is rather amazing, actually.
Do you think it's a dead letter now, Jonas?
Do you think that independence for Scotland is something that won't be resuscitated for another 300 years?
Or was this an opening salvo in the grand scheme of things?
I mean, I know it's hard to say, and it's all hypothetical.
Well, not being either.
Perhaps, but, you know, during our lifetimes, certainly.
Yeah.
You think it will come back up again for a rematch?
No, I don't think so.
Do you think that they will vote again for secession in our lifetime in Scotland?
No, I don't.
No, I don't.
You don't?
You don't?
No.
Well, how do you think that this ripple effect that the decision in Scotland will have, as close as it was?
You know, I think that, you know, when you're talking about something as radical as secession, to have a 55 to 45% margin, a 10% margin, which was, again, much wider than most people thought that it would be.
They thought it was nearly 50-50 and could have gone either way all the way up until the last day, which is unheard of for something.
James, maybe I'm rationalizing now, but perhaps it was a good thing that there came to be a no vote because people do tend to fool themselves.
And an independent Scotland under the auspices of the Scottish so-called Nationalist Party, which has said that we are for an inclusive Scotland, multiculturalist Scotland, blah, blah, blah.
Maybe that wouldn't have been good at the end of the day.
I don't know.
So, yeah.
Well, let me ask you this.
Let me ask you this.
How do you think that the ripple effects, and this was the question I was getting towards?
And we're about to come up on a break, so we'll start to answer it and we'll follow up on this on the other side.
But how do you think the ripple effects of this decision will weigh on the people in Flanders, Venice, and Catalonia, which are also, in those respective nations, Spain and others, Italy?
How do you think the nationalists and the secessionist movements there will fail?
It's very important, actually, to be honest.
Because, yeah.
So you think that Spain and Italy will make a decision not beholden to what took place in Scotland?
It's very, you know, you have to sort of judge each individual case.
I'm not so sure that I think that Catalonia should be an independent nation for various reasons.
Very interesting.
Very interesting.
We'll take a break with that.
You think, well, listen, we'll come back with Flanders, Venice, and Catalonia.
All three places have their own secession referendums forthcoming.
So we'll see what Jonas thinks about that when we come back.
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Welcome back.
get on the show call us on james's dime at 1-866-986-6397 folks thanks in no small part to jonas's promotion of the political cesspool in sweden We receive more letters and emails from listeners and supporters in Sweden than any other country other than the United States.
And I want to thank Jonas for that.
This is his last segment with us tonight.
No, you did a great show.
I mean, it's exemplary, I think.
Well, I appreciate you saying that.
For years, yeah.
For years.
So there you have it, ladies and gentlemen.
Well, I know that if you don't speak Swedish, you might not be able to listen to Jonas's program on a weekly basis.
But for all of those tuning in tonight from Sweden, I would encourage you not only to continue to listen to Jonas's program, but certainly to support it as well with your prayers and your, most importantly, your financial considerations.
Mottgift.nu is the website, M-O-T-G-I-F-T.nu.
You might have to use Google Translate if you're over here with us, ladies and gentlemen, but it's a great website, one of the most popular and most highly visited websites in all of Scandinavia.
So that should tell you something about it.
But Jonas, before the break, and thank you again, my friend, for the kind words.
But before the break, we were talking about parallel secession movements throughout Europe, Flanders, Venice, Catalonia.
You say that they will not be impacted for better or worse by the vote in Scotland, in your opinion, and that perhaps some of those places more than others deserve secession.
Not necessarily.
I mean, I'm sure, you know, if Scotland would have seceded, there would have sort of been an added momentum to their sort of respective causes.
Yeah, fair enough.
But I don't think it's sort of decisive, really.
So, but you were saying, you know, Flanders is something that you would support perhaps more than Catalonia.
Why is that?
Oh, it's a long story.
It's got to do with sort of Spain's history and the conquista and all of that.
Whereas Belgium and mind you, my name is not really Swedish.
It's very Belgian and it's very Flemish.
And even though my family actually stems from Liege in the Middle Ages, which was French-speaking.
But De Gheer is a very Flemish name.
So it's not Johanson or something like that.
But anywho, the whole Belgian situation is so different because Belgium is a very, very artificial nation.
And you have sort of two parts, one French part, one Flemish part, brought in together in what is very much sort of an arranged kind of marriage that no one's ever been happy about.
So, yeah.
Well, that's enough for me.
And we'll continue to monitor those with, I guess, here in America, equal interest to that of what we saw in Scotland.
I think, you know, perhaps we resonate a little bit more with Scotland because our roots as Anglo-Saxons, you know, come from the, you know, my mother's maiden name is MacGregor, so we're from the windswept Scottish Isles, you know, a part of the world.
And I think that would go for most people in the American South of a United sort of Scottish You probably.
What's so sad now is we continue to devolve and there's certainly a different culture here in the American South than there is in the rest of the country, which is, as we all know, the first prerequisite of nationhood is to have a separate culture and separate values, and we still have that here today.
But but I doubt very seriously that my neighbors next door to me at home would have as much knowledge of the ancestral belongings of themselves as you do, knowing that people from the South descend from that lineage.
But let me ask you this, Jonas.
And we only have about five minutes remaining.
And I thank you, you know, it's past midnight, ladies and gentlemen, where Jonas is calling from live tonight.
He's burning the midnight oil for you and for me, and we appreciate that most sincerely.
We have about five minutes remaining.
Well, I sincerely doubt that.
I know, you know, you appreciate being on the show, but we appreciate you more, and I want you to know that.
But I want to ask you this.
I want to ask you this.
Transitioning away very briefly from Scotland and what happened there in the last few days.
What would you reason is the overall pulse of the nationalist movement throughout Europe, from Northern Europe to Italy to the West and France with parties like that of Marine Le Pen?
You know, we saw certainly, I think you would have to say, positive returns in the EU elections a couple of months ago.
And I know that that's mainly window dressing.
It's more symbolic.
What is going on, James?
And this I see when I read otherwise very sort of well-informed and enlightened American people on sites like the Occidental Observer and the likes.
Sometimes you don't really sort of see through the influx, the corruption that is going on with.
And this is not me being paranoid, right?
Because it really goes on.
It has gone on with the Front National in France, which has been sort of like the paradigm, really, of European nationalism.
And it has been good.
It hasn't been overly sort of extreme, but it's been tough, and it's been militant in a good sense of the word.
With regards to identity and immigration and some of the things that we can all identify with.
About, you know, all these things.
But it's just, you know, one month ago or so when the old, and he's still going strong, when the old Jean Marine Le Pen went out and said publicly that his daughter, who he has defended, which her father should do, of course.
But he has defended her to her fault.
And he went out and said, okay, enough's enough.
She has turned the party into a joke because she's been kicking out people who she considers to be politically incorrect and etc.
So this is going on.
In Sweden you have the Sweden Democrats who now recently reached 13% of the vote, but they are a Zionist pathetic joke of a party.
I'm sorry to say.
And you are a supporter of the party of the Swedes, which is a different nationalist party.
And we didn't do great, but still we actually sort of, what do you say?
We not quadruple, but we went from five times where we were four years ago.
But it's still not good.
Let me tell you this, Jonas.
If you have elected one member to anything, you've done better than the nationalist America has done.
And I mean that sincerely and quite sadly.
And I know this.
I know this, that there are some people, because the fervor is so large, there are some parties that are falsely taking up the banner of nationalism and right-of-center thinking.
But would you say, though, overall that the nationalist movement in Europe from link to width is growing in momentum and that we could see tangible results in the national elections forthcoming?
Well, I mean, at the same time, it's not growing at a speed that is satisfactory, unfortunately, because at the same time, we are being flooded by immigrants from the Middle East and what have you.
You read what happened, you know, the Muslim influence, the detrimental impact that Muslim immigration has had in Sweden with the rapes and then in Rotherham recently and Great Britain.
I mean, it's just absolutely abominable.
Which I have said all along, which is very important, I think, for your listeners as well to really appreciate if they don't understand it already.
I mean, this is something that pertains to the white world as a whole, to every European, every European-descended nation.
And we do have a tendency to think that, oh, it's the Social Democrats in Sweden, it's Obama in America, it's Tony Blair in Britain.
I mean, he's been gone for a long while, but still, we do tend to think that it's just in our country that this is sort of going on.
But it's not.
It's a very, very universal, destructive trend.
Jonas, let me tell you this.
As a civilization, as a race.
Sorry.
Well, no, perhaps we can resume this conversation on that end when we come back and are lucky enough to have you again as our guest.
I know we were focusing primarily on Scotland tonight, and for good reason.
I mean, what happened over there was largely significant and should have been discussed in depth as we go.
No, but thank you for having me, James.
And I sincerely advise the stuff you're doing.
And let's keep in touch.
Well, we will continue to collaborate together, my friend.
I guarantee you that.
And God bless you.
And for everyone listening over there in Scandinavia tonight, be sure to support the work of Jonas and his program and all of his endeavors.
And we will have him back.
He will be our go-to guy for all things in Europe.
Thank you, Jonas.
And we'll be back with a second and third hour tonight right after this.