May 19, 2012 - The Political Cesspool - James Edwards
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Welcome to the Political Cesspool, known worldwide as the South's foremost populous radio program.
And here to guide you through the murky waters of the Political Cesspool is your host, James Edwards.
Welcome to our second hour of the Political Cesspool Radio Show.
It is a radio-free James tonight because James Edwards is off on a little holiday with his lovely wife, and we wish him the best.
I'm Bill Rowland, sitting in with Keith Alexander, and we are broadcasting to you from AM 1600, AM 1380 in Memphis and Millington, Tennessee.
For first-time listeners, welcome to the show.
For regular listeners, welcome to the show.
Keith, we discussed in the first hour the Brown versus the Board of Education decision and how its negative impacts on society and cultural in general exceeded the mere attempt to integrate the schools or to provide neighborhood schools to blacks, which was a farce from the beginning.
The intent never was to do that.
It was to essentially erode American society and culture.
And Gunnar Meardahl, I think his motives were clear in his books, like an American Dilemma, where he even promoted the idea of mixed-race marriage, that this would make a hardier and more sturdy American people and so forth, mongrelization.
So, you know, their motives were clear from the beginning.
It was never an attempt to bring about equality.
It's an attempt to destroy white America.
Now, you know, in this hour, of course, we're going to be talking about a number of topics.
Right off the bat, certainly Mitt Romney's retreat from a very effective weapon against Barack Obama, his association with Jeremiah Wright.
Mitt Romney's decided, as did John McCain, not to play the race card.
He wants to be above all of that.
Again, I think certainly an aftershock from Brown versus the Board of Education, where everybody can discuss race and be part of a racial cohort or a racial group except whites.
We're going to have to abandon our prerogatives for the sake of good race relations.
Also, I guess we should talk some about homosexuality and its impact now on Barack Obama's campaign and the power of the homosexuals in this country and also recent crimes here in the South.
Who committed them?
Who were the victims?
Will hate crimes charges be forthcoming?
Doubtful.
Very doubtful.
I believe we have a caller on the air.
Is this from Ohio?
We still have the caller.
Yes, my name is Rich from Ohio.
Yes, Rich.
Welcome to the political cesspool.
Thank you very much.
I've called before and I get the literature from American Renaissance.
I've read the Council of Conservative Citizens literature.
I've read Mr. Buchanan's literature.
I've read a lot of different literature.
But I grew up in the North, in the major, in Cleveland area.
I went through busing.
I went through race riots at my school.
But with the identifying the demographic changes, the Brown decision, the civil rights bill, all the things that have been identified that have destroyed America as a culture.
And the many attacks on our people today have been well documented.
The problem, the way I see it, is what do we do about it?
How can we overcome this onslaught?
And it's like fighting uphill.
I've been fighting this my whole life, at which point will whites realize what we face, and it's like we're our own worst enemy.
Is it time to circle the wagons, start an underground movement to bring whites in?
And is it possible to start securing sections of America and try to build those sections up where whites migrate to those areas to try to work through this?
Because, you know, we're still in the majority, but what's going to happen when we're in a minority?
I mean, we're in the majority.
When these things happen, we were in the majority.
And these things happen.
What in the world's going to happen when we're in a minority?
Well, Rich, very good question.
And as you say, you're looking for solutions.
And I think certainly one of the solutions is that whites have to become racially aware and racially cognizant of what's happening to them.
They have to reject the media hype about race.
And I think whites are beginning to do that.
I think this Trayvon Martin case has been something of a wake-up call.
I thought whites were really going to wake up after the O.J. Simpson trial and the completely opposite reactions of blacks and whites to the O.J. Simpson verdict.
But it didn't happen.
And whites are going to do some more suffering before that comes about.
But I will say one thing.
You know, my question has always been, where were the federal marshals to protect whites in public schools when we were being attacked by blacks during busing, when whites were being bussed to black schools?
Where were the federal marshals to protect?
You know, they weren't there.
They didn't care.
Get beat up, get raped.
It didn't matter.
But, you know, we should work on solutions.
Keith, you know, we're talking about here the plight of whites again.
And what are some of these?
So what are some ideas there?
Well, the idea is real easy.
Basically, what we need to do in terms of practical solutions, it's the easiest thing to do and the hardest thing to do.
And what it is, is the light bulb has to come on over the heads of enough white people.
Every group, as you pointed out, except whites, are not only allowed but encouraged to have a strong sense of racial solidarity.
William Rasbury, the black syndicated national columnist, newspaper columnist, and people like Jesse Jackson have all said that the one thing you can't allow is for whites to organize and have organizations lobbying for their racial best interests that are similar to the NAACP or the ADL or the ACLU or La Raza,
groups like that, because if they did, white people being as large as we are, still were the biggest cohort in the population demographically.
We would carry the day.
They've got to keep us divided, confused, and helpless.
And they do this through the mainstream media and through their control of the educational apparatus.
You know, you have eight major movie studios.
All eight have Jewish CEOs.
Why is that important?
Well, Jews don't want to be identified as Jews nowadays, but they are the most liberal segment of what passes for the white population.
And as the most liberal segment, you know that when you go to see a Hollywood movie, liberal psychological conditioning is the hidden agenda behind every modern Hollywood movie.
Likewise for the news media, likewise for television, likewise for the newspapers, likewise for the weekly magazines, likewise for the monthly magazines.
All of this Jewish control means that you're going to have liberalism front and center pumped into the minds of impressionable people.
What people need to start doing in terms of practical solutions to this is to turn off the TV, turn off the radio, except you need to tune into programs like the Political Cesspool.
You need to check websites like the Council of Conservative Citizens.
You need to check American Renaissance.
You need to check Chronicles.
You need to check Western voices, world news, and groups like that.
Those are where you're going to get wholesome information from a white perspective.
And you don't have to, there's no such thing as colorblindness, as we said.
Colorblindness is pitched to white people and white people exclusively.
No other group is expected to be colorblind.
In fact, no other group, if you listen to the mainstream media, can be racist except for whites.
And of course, that is twaddle and hogwash.
We've got to get people to start thinking and fighting the way that we are.
It's like, you know, we're fighting the culture war with one hand tied behind our back, if not both hands tied behind our back, and we're surprised that we're losing.
We're coming up on a break.
Once again, we'll be back.
This is the political cesspool.
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Welcome back.
To get on the political cesspool, call us on James's Dime, toll-free, at 1-866-986-6397.
And here's the host of the Political Cesspool, James Edwards.
And welcome back to the program.
This is the Political Cesspool.
Sitting in tonight for James Edwards are Bill Rowland, myself, and Keith Alexander seated right next to me.
And we're flying this bomber over the whole country, dropping truth bombs on all who will listen.
We have Richard from Ohio on the air, and we have been discussing what can whites do to change the situation in America.
We've now been told that fewer white children are being born in this country than minorities, which we are supposed to celebrate, I suppose.
I suppose we're supposed to stand up and cheer that.
But if someone had said, you know, the number of black children was on the decline, the number of Mexican or Hispanic children was on the decline, there would be a task force out to discover why this terrible demographic change is taking place.
It's purely an eddy white government.
It's an anti-white system we live in, and we're the ones who created it.
The question is, what can we do to change it?
Richard, you had asked that question.
What can we do to get our people on the right track?
Keith gave his suggestions with regards to reading various materials, keeping up to date with various organizations.
But I say that it has to come down to a personal and societal level.
You know, if you know people of like mind, you need to find more people of like mind.
Network with people of similar opinions and backgrounds.
I know people from Cleveland.
I know that there are plenty of people from Cleveland and virtually all of them I know are very race conscious, are very well of the racial realities in this country.
I know that Cleveland in terms of white diversity is quite high.
You have a German population.
You have a Russian population there that we just don't have in the South.
We don't have groups like that.
But one of my suggestions is if you have an ethnic background in the sense of being Russian or German or Lithuanian, is to check out those ethnic clubs in Cleveland.
I know there are quite a few of them and network through them.
We've got to build trust among our people because that's what has been lost.
I don't know of any white people who would go up to a stranger and talk about the problems of race.
In fact, there's a, you know, first it starts off as a code talk about bad neighborhoods or crime, and then it gradually leaks over into race.
But the fact is that most white people are afraid to talk about race in any significant way.
Can I say something?
Yes, go ahead, Richard.
I think that one of the things is it's true that we've lost our identity as a race.
We've given it up during the 60s because we say, hey, you know, we're all going to just try to get along.
We're going to be fair with everybody.
The other groups that you've identified, they haven't given up their identity as a race.
I think the other problem is whites are scared today because they don't know what they're dealing with.
And one of the reasons we do talk in code is we have a lot of traitors within our own people, okay?
And I don't know how these people are going to react.
I mean, I've had to, what I've tried to do is educate whites because they don't really know.
They think that thinking and having that racial identity is wrong because they've been taught that.
They've been brainwashed that.
And the idea is to let them know that it's actually a part of them.
I talked to a man across the street and he was telling me, he says, well, you know, I'm a Christian, you know, and I don't have a problem with anybody.
And I says, oh, yeah.
He says, how about your little daughter there?
I said, you don't mind her dating that black kid over there, do you?
He says, well, I don't believe in that.
I says, well, I says, our society today would call you a racist.
I said, you got a problem with that?
He says, no, I don't have a problem because I don't want her dating him.
I says, well, then why don't you just accept the fact that you believe what you believe and go on with your life?
I said, the problem is, is that we're not honest with ourselves.
I had another man I talked to, and he was Sylvenian.
And he goes, you know, Rich, he says, somebody's going to buy the house next door.
You know, it don't matter to me if he's a black doctor.
And he says, it's all economics.
I said, is it?
I said, it's all economics.
I said, let me ask you this.
I said, what if it was a poor Sylvenian off the boat?
Would you rather have him next to you or a black doctor?
He said, I'd take the poor Slovenian.
I said, ain't got nothing to do with economics, does it?
Exactly.
And that's a very good strategy.
I think reasoning with people on whatever level of racial dialogue you can take to reason with them and to talk to them in real terms, I think takes away some of this fear.
And it'll also expose the race traders.
You know, the ones who become very defensive and talk about how, you know, I'm not a racist.
Are you a racist?
You know right away they're race traders.
And, you know, you have no basis with them in terms of raising racial consciousness.
You're spinning your wheels.
Let me tell you, all of these people who are race traders are going to get their comeuppance.
They're going to get their slap in the face.
They're going to get their war wounds.
And, you know, for instance, the guy who raises his daughter to be colorblind and she brings home some urban black as her boyfriend, he's got no talking points.
He's already surrendered his race consciousness.
But the outcome is not going to be favorable.
His grandchildren are not going to be white, and so he's taken out of the gene pool.
Listen, Richard, thanks for calling.
Keith, you have something else?
Yeah.
Let me just say this.
Race traders are going to be the first to fall if a race war comes about.
And that's what the left is angling for.
As I've heard said before, when the race war comes, you won't need to worry about what side you're on because the other side will decide for you.
And all these people will find out that their membership in the NAACP or their contributions to the United Negro College Fund or their membership in the SLU aren't going to be worth a tinker's damn.
They're going to be looked upon by the people when they break into their house with machetes the way they do in Zimbabwe and in South Africa.
All they're going to do is look at your skin tone and they're going to decide that you're the enemy and you're going down and you can flash your NAACP membership card or your United Negro College Fund contribution check and it's not going to give you a moment of dispensation.
And this is what people need to understand.
Basically, we've got to get beyond being coy about candidly describing the problem.
And we've got to have winning arguments so that people can win.
And of course, the left is programmed to just shout you down.
They don't care.
You know, you can ask Jared Taylor and all sorts of people that have tried to debate these things publicly in a rational and in a reasoned way.
It doesn't matter how rational or reasoned you are.
There is a cadre of leftist, Marxist goons out there that aren't going to listen.
You just need to identify them, realize that these people are beyond hope.
But most people in the white population are not beyond hope.
The problem is we have elites that have sold us out.
They've decided that they think they're going to buy some type of peace with the new regime, but they're fooling themselves.
And quite frankly, they need to be told they're fooling themselves, just in the terms that I just used.
When it gets down to nut cutting, as we say out here in the rural South, they're going to find out that being a liberal and being a card-carrying proponent of diversity and multiculturalism doesn't affect their fate whatsoever, except possibly to accelerate their own demise, because they'll be in the line of fire first.
Now, this is what is going to happen as a result of what has been kind of baked into the cake in America, beginning with the Brown decision.
And let me give this back to Bill, but I'd like to get back into the nuts and bolts of the Brown decision so we can give you some talking points when you encounter somebody that worships at the shrine of Brown and we'll give you all the ammunition you need to shoot them down.
And this is a unilateral problem.
It's not just a problem in neighborhoods or in schools.
It's a problem in churches.
It's a problem in some families that have to deal with, that have to deal with families that have to deal with their daughters or sons crossing the color line and bringing home people from the third world or people who are not like themselves.
And they simply don't have a way to deal with that.
You have to be preemptive.
You can't wait till the bomb drops and suddenly you're powder burned with non-white grandchildren.
We've got a break coming up.
We'll be back.
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the political cesspool guys we'll be back right after these messages pursuing liberty using the constitution as our guide You're listening to Liberty News Radio.
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Here we are, the crew of the political cesspool, minus one.
James Edwards is off tonight and in for James Edwards, myself, Bill Rowland, and my co-pilot, Keith Alexander.
And we've been discussing, of course, the racial aspects of America for white people right now and what could happen in the future.
But mainly, we've been talking about the impact of Brown versus the Board of Education, that decision made in 1954.
And Keith has been covering that.
And we sort of went off course there.
But, you know, for this segment, we're going to go back to Brown because it is so important in understanding what has happened to our country and why, and why whites have been driven virtually into the weeds by racial exploitation and unfair and inequitable laws, which supposedly were supposed to benefit equality and egalitarianism.
And as I said, we've been impaled on the tent poles of egalitarian that we raised ourselves.
Yeah, see, what people don't understand is that freedom and equality are not consistent or allied purposes.
They're basically eternal enemies.
As Thomas Jefferson said, free men are never equal, equal men are never free.
He said this later in his life when he was constantly confronted with the words that he penned in the Declaration of Independence that all men are created equal.
He also told John Adams in correspondence in later life that in terms of talents, intelligence, and morals, a more correct statement would be that no two men were ever created equal.
I find it really puzzling that the left are such strident proponents of evolution, but they believe in equality.
If equality existed in the world, not only in the human world, but in the non-human world, there would be no differences upon which natural selection could act.
So consequently, there would be no evolution.
But they believe in evolution because it helps them dethrone God and to wean people away from their religious faith, which, according to Patrick Henry and the other founding fathers, was the absolutely essential element for the success of the government they put into place.
Patrick Henry said, virtue, morality, and Christianity, these, my friend, and these alone are the armor that protect us.
Without them, we are lost, lost indeed.
Now, that's the only reason that equality does not exist.
There is no equality, and there certainly isn't racial equality, and that's been quantified, but of course, you're not allowed to talk about that.
Now, when you talk about the Brown decision and what it has done, we need to give you talking points because you will encounter all sorts of people that have been psychologically conditioned in the public schools and the private schools of America to think that the Brown decision is the best thing since Floating Soap,
that it was holy, that it was handed down like the Ten Commandments to Moses directly from God, and that it was wonderful, and anybody that has any misgivings about it has to be an agent of the devil.
Let me tell you what it was about.
Let's break it down.
First of all, the Brown decision was not just one case.
It was a consolidation of five desegregation cases that were put under one tent by the Supreme Court.
The Topeka case was the only one that was emanated from outside of the segregated South in Topeka, Kansas.
And they used that as a flagship case for a purpose.
The other four were Spartanburg, South Carolina, Prince Edward County in Virginia, and there were several others.
I think the Charlotte Mecklenburg area was another one.
It's all set out very explicitly and in great detail and with great erudition by a man named Raymond Walters, who's a professor emeritus at the University of Delaware in a book called The Burden of Brown.
Now, The Burden of Brown basically looks at the condition of those five school systems before the Brown decision, and then after the Brown decision came in, he tracked them to determine how they fared after racial integration.
And with the exception of the Topeka system, which had very, very few black students to contend with, all the ones that had a significant number of blacks went into an inexorable tailspin, and they are much worse school systems now than they were in 1954.
Washington, D.C., for example, was another one.
They've pumped more money into the Washington, D.C. school system to try to make racial equality happen than in any other school system in America.
And the result has been that it is probably the worst public school system in the nation.
Now, let's get down to the nuts and bolts of the decision.
You are led to believe, if you believe the folklore about Brown, that the NAACP was basically represented by that heroic genius, Thurgood Marshall, a black lawyer for the NAACP.
And that they don't even mention who his opponent was.
Well, let's break that down for you.
Thurgood Marshall was a total figurehead.
They may as well have gotten a plastic cutout of him and put him there because everything that he said was being fed to him by a Jewish lawyer named Jack Greenberg, who was the head of the NAACP Legal Defense Fund.
He was the one coming up with all the information.
And here's what they did.
They decided that they would be involved in disinformation from the very beginning.
Their primary witness was a black sociologist named Kenneth Clark.
Now this is not the same Kenneth Clark that had the PBS series Civilization, you know, the British lord type of guy that they had in the late 60s.
This was a black sociologist who really had no big pedigree except for the fact that he had done what were called doll studies in the segregated South and compared them with the integrated North.
And the result of these tests was that when you showed black children a white doll and a black doll and said, which one do you like the best?
Which one, you know, is more positive to you, the black children would more often than not pick the white doll.
And this was supposed to be proof positive that black self-image was negatively impacted by segregation.
And that if they could only integrate and be with white people, that all these embarrassing discrepancies between the quality of life in black neighborhoods and white neighborhoods and the crime statistics between blacks and whites, the illegitimacy statistic deferential, which were all in favor of whites and negative towards blacks, would magically disappear.
Now what Clark suppressed in his presentation was that he had done these studies, one in segregated Arkansas and two in integrated Massachusetts.
And in Massachusetts, the black children chose the white doll at a higher rate than they did in Arkansas, which would tend to just explode the argument.
It would show that black children going to integrated schools had a lower self-image than black children going to segregated schools, racially segregated schools in the South.
That was suppressed.
It was kept away.
And that was dishonesty.
Okay, that's one thing.
Now, the opponent, the lawyer who was opposing the NAACP's initiative was John W. Davis.
John W. Davis was a Southerner who was the head of a famous Wall Street law firm that still exists today called Davis, Wardwell, and Polk.
John W. Davis ran for President of the United States in 1924.
He was the last conservative Democrat to run for president.
He lost, basically carried the segregated South and outside of Oklahoma only the segregated South in the election that put Calvin Coolidge in the White House.
Now Davis had been Solicitor General.
He had been offered a Supreme Court judgeship several times but turned it down because he enjoyed preparing and trying and arguing cases so much that he didn't want to give that up to be on the bench.
Now Davis was considered the premier appellate lawyer in America at the time and he was incredulous when he saw the NAACP and the government's brief supporting the racial integration.
He said there's no law in this at all.
It's all sociology.
And he pointed this out and should have won the case.
What he didn't know was that there were shenanigans going on behind the scenes as we said.
Philip Ellman was one of the lawyers on the government side and the Brown side trying to argue for racial integration.
He had been a law clerk of Justice Felix Frankfurter, Associate Justice Felix Frankfurter, who was the lone Jew on the Supreme Court at the time.
Now, we're going to break it right here and come back and give you the rest of the sordid details in just a moment.
Don't go away.
The Political Cesspool guys will be back right after these messages.
We'll return.
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And here's the host of the Political Cesspool, James Edwards.
I regret to inform you that James Edwards is not with us tonight.
It's Bill Rowland and Keith Alexander sitting in for James Edwards, who is out and about somewhere in parts unknown, having the time of his life while we sit here doing all the grunt work.
But we're glad James is getting some time off.
He's a young guy and he deserves it.
And this is Bill Rowland and Keith Alexander sitting in for James tonight.
And we've been discussing Brown versus the Board of Education, its impact on American society and culture, and the dispossession of the white people in this country.
The true Americans who were the whole America, that was America in 1954, were white people.
And everybody seemed to want to achieve that standard to come up to the level of whites.
But then Brown comes along and basically derails the white society and sends us hurtling towards the third world.
Keith, back to you on Brown, as you were saying, basically Brown came about due to the manipulations and disinformation of some lawyers associated with the Supreme Court.
Well, not only that, primarily the disinformation campaign and the unethical behavior of Associate Justice Felix Frankfurter, who engaged in back-channel communication with a plaintiff's appellant lawyer who had been a former law clerk of his named Philip Ellman, another good son of Israel.
Now, Ellman, we know about this because Ellman bragged about it.
He authored an article for the Harvard Law Review in the mid-80s in which he detailed all of this back-channel communication in which he gave information, passed on information from Felix Frankfurter to his side of the argument that was not available to John W. Davis and the people opposing the change in the law that Brown represented.
And Frankfurter did this because he wanted the plaintiffs in the Brown case, the appellants, to secede, to succeed.
And when he saw that it wasn't going to happen that way, that basically the status quo was going to be maintained, he then took the extraordinary route of asking the Chief Justice at the time, Fred Vinson, to have a rehearing of the case.
And Vinson, being a southern gentleman who was the chief justice of the Supreme Court at the time, agreed to do this.
In the meantime, while he was feverishly feeding Ellman all this information about what Justice Reed was saying and what Justice Black was saying and this, that, and the other, and giving them all this information so that the NAACP side could craft arguments that addressed each one of their reservations, Vinson suddenly died of a heart attack and was replaced by Earl Warren,
who was just an old political law roller who had no sense of judicial restraint about him whatsoever.
He was just interested in gaining as much power and exercising as much power as possible.
He was appointed by Dwight Eisenhower, who had promised him the next open seat on the Supreme Court in return for his support as governor of California at that time for delivering California's 45 electoral votes to him in the primary against Robert Taft, who was of Ohio, who was known as Mr. Conservative at that time.
So Eisenhower was the more leftist, the more liberal of the two candidates for the Republican presidency back in 1952.
So Eisenhower, being a man of his word, although this was a corrupt bargain and should never have been made in the first place, appointed Earl Warren.
Ellman reported in his Law Review article that when Frankfurter told him of Vincent's death, he had mock sorrow in his voice and said, this is the first evidence I've ever had of the existence of God.
In other words, he was so happy that they were going to get this southern conservative off of the court and replace him with a California liberal.
And that's exactly what happened.
Then he here's why, let me give you Davis's John, I mean John W. Davis's argument, basically.
The words equal and equality never appeared in the original Constitution.
They appeared for the first time in the U.S. Constitution with the passage of the 14th Amendment in 1866.
Now, in order to win this case, the NAACP and the Brown proponents had to argue that somehow the Congress that passed in 1866 the 14th Amendment to the Constitution were against segregated schools.
But that, of course, was an absurd argument because that very same Congress that passed the 14th Amendment also established racially segregated schools in the District of Columbia.
Back then, the District of Columbia did not have a mayor and a separate city government.
They were ruled directly by Congress.
And that same Congress that passed the 14th Amendment established racially segregated schools in Washington, D.C.
So they obviously saw no inconsistency between racially segregated schools on one hand and the language of the 14th Amendment on the other.
And that's what the precedent was that controlled, which was the decision of Plessy versus Ferguson, an 1892 decision dealing with public transportation facilities and in particular train cars.
They used to have separate white and black Pullman porter cars, sleeping cars, on the railroad.
And it was challenged in Louisiana by a black man named Plessy and the Supreme Court under a previous Justice Black, not the Justice Black that was on the Brown court, and said that you could have separate but equal facilities and that would be sufficient to pass muster under the 14th Amendment.
And, you know, it's remarkable that now after all this racial integration and all of the dislocation and incredible expense incurred trying to integrate the schools, that black leaders are now saying that really it would have been better, a lot of them are, there have been a number of recent books saying that we would have been better off if we had kept a separate but equal school system and just actually funded the black schools better.
Because black people, like all people, tend to gravitate towards people of their own kind.
What's the old saying that you heard from your grandmother, birds of a feather flock together?
Well, it applies to Asians, it applies to Hispanics, it applies to blacks, and it applies to whites, although whites are demonized for having this natural instinct that every other group of people have and are allowed to have and are furthermore encouraged to have.
So what happened was these arguments, you know, were winning arguments and should have won, but for the fact that you had this Mephistopheles type character, Felix Frankfurter, working in the background, trying to change people's opinions, trying to manipulate the court.
They got a guy named Alexander Bickel, who was a law clerk previously on the Supreme Court, who was working for the NAACP, and they asked him to research the 14th Amendment and see if there's any way that they could make an argument or have facts that would support an argument that the Congress of passed the 14th Amendment actually would have been opposed to segregated schools.
And he's the one that came up and said, no, it's just the opposite.
You can't have it that way.
Well, they again tried to hide that information, but John W. Davis was sharp enough and smart enough to win it.
And he couldn't believe they were having a re-argument of it.
But when they had it, he again was confident he was going to win.
He said that if the Supreme Court doesn't come down on my side of this argument, they're totally disregarding the law.
And it's, and in fact, when the decision did come down, even the New York Times argued that this was, they conceded that this was an opinion based on sociology and not the law.
Well, of course, the Supreme Court is not supposed to be the supreme sociological arbiter of America.
They're supposed to be the supreme judicial court following the law and following the principle of starry decises.
So consequently, the whole decision was a miscarriage of justice.
Felix Frankfurter should have been kicked off the bench for violation of the canon of judicial ethics.
When Philip Ellman article hit the presses for the Harvard Law Review in the mid-80s, he thought he was going to be lionized as a great hero.
Instead, even the people at Harvard, liberal as they are, were horrified to learn what had happened and they totally disassociated themselves from Ellman.
Let me turn this back over to Bill.
I understand we're about to run out of time again.
We'll be back on the other side of this break with more on Brown.
Well, Keith, that's certainly a very thorough coverage of Brown versus the Board of Education and the impact it's had on American society and the law, the courts, the culture, the country, and certainly negative consequences all the way around if you actually look at the history.
This is the Political Cesspool Radio Show, and we've got two callers that are waiting on the line.
We'll get to them right after the break.
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We'll be back after this break.
Believe it or not, there's a third hour of tonight's installment of the Political Cesspool coming your way right after these messages.
The cold rising sun and it's been a ruin of many of our war.