Joe Kent argues that a war with Iran, driven by Israeli lobbying and intelligence failures, traps the U.S. in a quagmire benefiting China while ignoring Iran's 2004 nuclear fatwa. He claims an echo chamber of pro-war advisors, including seven White House visits by Netanyahu, bypassed standard vetting to justify regime change rather than preventing enrichment. Kent alleges federal obstruction blocked investigations into Charlie Kirk's death and Trump's security breaches, suggesting these events coerced the president into conflict. Ultimately, he urges halting Israeli operations to restore the petrodollar, warning that current policies erode civil rights and ignore the strategic interests of 77 million voters. [Automatically generated summary]
Immediately, it would be a very bloody, I have no doubt that we could probably defeat some of their air defense and go in there and have another shock and awe campaign.
But again, like we saw how the shock and awe campaign in Iraq really didn't actually work in the long run.
So I have no doubt that we'd have some immediate results that people would cheer about here in the United States.
But Iran, Persia, has always been an empire.
It's been around longer than any of the other players in the modern Middle East right now, and they are not going anywhere.
If we get deeply involved and deeply entangled with Iran, we are playing right into China's hands because China would like nothing more than for us to be committing our military industrial base to a war in Eastern Europe, in Ukraine, and then to be committing our conventional military power, our blood and our treasure back in the Middle East.
That will make the Pacific, our actual border, extremely vulnerable to Chinese aggression.
Or China will simply just watch us bleed out economically as we bleed out on the battlefield on these couple different theaters.
So the very first thing you notice about that clip, which was shot almost exactly a year before the current president was inaugurated, is that it was right.
It was Prussian.
He called it.
He called the general outline.
Not that it was hard to call, but Joe Kent knows what he's talking about.
He spent a lot of his life in that region.
And he said, a year before this current presidency began, this is a big, serious country.
It's the oldest civilization in the region.
And if we went to war with Iran, there would be a momentary sugar high.
Americans would support it because they support their own country and they certainly support their military and people would approve of it.
But very quickly, you could see a process by which we got caught there, trapped there.
Bear trap.
Hard to extricate yourself from that.
And sitting on the sidelines would be our chief global competitor, China, who would be silently nodding along with a slowly spreading grin, knowing that they were the main beneficiary of what they were seeing, of our waste of American lives and treasure, as Joe Kent said.
And we're watching not just a war in Iran, but potentially a total realignment of the world and the loss in some sense of what the United States has globally.
This could be the beginning of the end of our influence in a lot of the world.
And that's just the beginning.
So again, that's a big deal.
It's starting to dawn on people.
And that leaves Joe Kent as one of the relatively few people connected to this administration who said it in public.
Is that good or bad?
Well, it may seem good.
Of course, you want to be around people who have clarity about what's going to happen next.
But in practical terms, it's bad.
In fact, it's always bad.
Whenever you have somebody who stands up and says, don't do this, here's what could happen.
And then you do it anyway.
And it turns out that person was right.
Your first instinct is not to apologize and correct your behavior.
Your first instinct is to crush the person who called it correctly.
And that's your instinct because, and it's the lowest of all instincts, but it's a human instinct.
That's your instinct because his correct prediction is an indictment of you, of course.
And it's a way to deflect attacks on you and your own culpability by blaming the guy who told you it was going to happen before you did it.
And this is a longstanding fact of human life.
And in the last 60 years in this country, it has been the iron law of foreign policy, which is to say when things go wrong, the only people who get punished are the people who criticized the adventure in the first place.
You can imagine General Westmoreland attacking Walter Cronkite of CBS News and everything of Walter Cronkite.
In my case, not much.
But fundamentally, it was Walter Cronkite sitting very much on the sidelines saying, hey, this war is not going well.
And there was General Westmoreland prosecuting the war.
But General Westmoreland argued till the end of his life, in some ways successfully, that he lost the war because Walter Cronkite criticized the war.
Hmm, is that really true?
How many troops did Walter Cronkite command?
Was he in charge of strategy?
Don't think so.
He was a newsreader in New York.
But you can see why Westmoreland did that, why a lot of people believed it, agreed, agreed with Westmoreland.
You saw the same thing happen in the days after the tragic and incredibly stupid Afghan withdrawal under Joe Biden.
That didn't help the United States.
Of course, we had to get out of Afghanistan, but the way we did it, who would argue that was a good thing?
It was a terrible thing and resulted in the deaths of a lot of Americans.
So who was punished for that?
As far as we can tell, and we've checked, only one person.
And that would be Colonel Stu Scheller of the United States Marine Corps.
What was his crime?
Planning the withdrawal from Afghanistan?
Oh, no.
No, Stu Scheller's crime was saying out loud, boy, that didn't work very well.
And why'd we do this?
And for that, he went to jail.
The people who actually did it, who gave the orders or who carried them out without asking questions about them, which was everybody else, they're fine.
You don't even know their names and they certainly haven't been penalized.
So there is a long history because this is a standing feature of the way people are, that you criticize those who told the truth and who were right, who called it ahead of time.
Now, in a functioning society, you get a hold of yourself and you understand that people are like this.
But if you want to be successful as a society, you have to restrain that impulse because it's low and it's counterproductive.
And if you silence people who tell the truth, you end up making the same mistakes again and again and again.
And maybe that's why we're here at this pivotal point in our war with Iran.
So that's the first thing you notice.
Joe Kent was right.
Therefore, Joe Kent must be destroyed.
And there is, of course, this ongoing effort to do that, to dismiss Joe Kent as a tool of the Islamists or a leaker or say he's married to someone who works for Hezbollah or lie after lie after lie.
But they're all aimed at Joe Kent, the man, at his motives, at his character, at his personality, at his wife.
And that's by design, because none of them touch on his reason for resigning as director of the National Counterterrorism Center.
Because if you focused on that, you would have to answer his questions.
You'd have to answer, is this true?
Is what Joe Kent, who possessed highest level intelligence clearances, who was really barred from knowing no secret in the U.S. government since he was one of our top intelligence officials until yesterday, seems like a pretty informed guy.
Is what he's saying true?
That's the last conversation anyone in Washington wants to have.
So just attack him.
And you're going to see a lot more of that.
The people who said this war was a bad idea will be punished.
And the more it turns out they were right, which is to say the worse this project goes, the more it becomes obviously counterproductive to American interests, the more vigorously they will be punished unto and including jail.
Stu Scheller went to jail.
Probably not the only one who will going forward.
So you should just know that and understand what you're seeing in those terms.
The second thing that comes immediately to mind when you watch Joe Kent from January of 2024 talk about what would happen if we went to war with Iran is that what he said that day, a year before Donald Trump's inauguration, could have been said by Donald Trump, maybe with a different style.
He was making Donald Trump's case, the case that Donald Trump has made for a very long time.
Donald Trump, as everybody knows, became the Republican nominee in 2016, 10 years ago, in part because he was the only Republican running for president that year out of a field of nearly 20 people who was willing to say what everyone else knew but was afraid to say, which is the Iraq war didn't help us.
It hurt us.
It was a dumb idea.
And it went on way too long.
And it became the quagmire that people like Donald Trump predicted it would be.
And the American public, so relieved to hear the truth about something they already knew, made him the Republican nominee despite maybe some concerns.
But they did it because, hey, he was right.
And he's the only one brave enough to say so.
And Donald Trump made varieties of that case for the next 10 years.
And in many cases, specifically about Iran.
Because Trump has seen long before most people in Washington, before almost anyone in Washington, the big picture, the outline, which is this is a contest between the United States and the West and China in the East, a rising power that matches or maybe exceeds our economic power globally.
And we have to figure out how to apportion power.
And we don't want to get sidetracked with engagements like, I don't know, another endless Middle Eastern war, because in the end, the only winner of that conflict is China, is China in this specific case.
Whoever in the end settles this conflict, whether it's the United States or some other power, whoever comes in at whatever the end of it is and says, enough, this is hurting the world.
Each side has made its point.
But the global economy has a critical interest in the Persian Gulf.
That's energy.
And we're going to stop this now.
Whoever that person is will become more powerful than ever, and everyone else will become less powerful.
The person who settles disputes is in charge.
Not the person who starts them, not the person who wins them, the person who stops them.
When dad comes home and stops the fighting between brother and sister, who's in charge?
Dad, because he stopped the conflict.
All of which is to say, if at the end of this conflict, it's China that comes in, China, which has a vested interest in what happens in the region since they're a major consumer of Gulf energy.
If it's China that comes in and restores the energy flows out of the Persian Gulf and restores some version of peace, gets the fighting to stop, then China is in charge of the Persian Gulf.
That's just a fact of nature.
And so a lot is at stake, as Joe Kent knew, as Donald Trump knew.
And so the question is, how did Donald Trump, after 10 years of saying one thing, do in the pivotal act of his presidency, exactly the opposite?
That's not just an academic question.
It's not the beginning of a conspiracy theory about some shadowy lobby.
It's the most important question we face because this is not the first time the United States has entered into this kind of war against the wishes of its own population and in clear contravention of its own interests against its interests.
This isn't good for us.
No one has made the case that it's good for us.
And increasingly as the days pass, it becomes obvious to everyone why it's not good for us.
And if you don't believe that, then check the prices of food and fuel and everything you buy, because everything you buy is dependent on the price of energy and the production of fertilizer, both of which are affected almost immediately by the closure of the Straits of Hormuz.
So we did this again.
It's not exactly clear how or why we did this, but we need to find out.
And there is great resistance to finding out.
And you've noticed that in the last 36 hours since Joe Kent resigned as director of the National Counterrorism Center, one of our top intel officials, because the attacks on him have prevented an honest conversation about what he's actually saying.
And what he's saying is, and he says it clearly, and we're going to ask him about it directly in just a moment, Israel got us into this war.
Its lobby in the United States pressured the president and its prime minister in Israel told the president, we're going without you.
Join us, because if you don't, your troops in the region, your interests in the region, your citizens in the region will all be at risk.
You have no choice.
They led the way.
That's Joe Kent's position.
And rather than push back against that and say, no, actually, he's wrong, they're telling you to shut up.
And why are they doing that?
Well, there's only one reason people ever become hysterical and slanderous, start screaming at you rather than answering you.
It's because they're lying.
And the truth is, this is not the first time you've watched people in charge lie.
This has been going on a long time.
And lies give way to a whole bunch of bad things.
More lies.
Once you tell a lie, you bolster it with further lying.
Hysteria, the fear of being caught lying.
The rage and slander.
If the person catches me lying, he wins in the zero-sum game of lying.
I die.
You go on the attack to cover your lies.
And bad judgment.
You can't make wise decisions on the basis of lies because they're not true.
They're not based in reality.
That didn't actually happen.
Or in this case, it did happen, but you're pretending it didn't.
So a country based on lies, like a family based on lies, like an individual life based on lies, cannot succeed.
In fact, it's hellish, as all of us have experienced in our lying.
And so the only way out of this is to stop lying, is to tell the truth now, probably 63 years after we should have started telling the truth, but it's never too late, to tell the truth now about everything.
Because it's never as painful as you think it will be.
It's actually an act of liberation.
In fact, it's the only real act of liberation.
Telling the truth sets you free because the truth itself sets you free.
That is always and everywhere a fact.
And the longer you delay doing that, the more horrible the consequences of your lies.
So let's hope that tonight with this conversation with Joe Kent is the beginning of the long overdue truth-telling, which is the only thing that will save this country.
And one final note about Joe Kent, who I spent the last 24 hours with.
Joe Kent's resume hardly needs explanation because everyone is aware this is a man who deployed on 11 combat missions to the global war on terror.
This is sort of the perfect representation of the GWAT generation.
This is one of those guys we often celebrate but too rarely hear from who we sent out to fight the so-called war on terror that began on 9-11.
And it's an entire generation of men, men who look and sound, for the most part, very much like Joe Kent.
So the implication, of course, he doesn't care about security or he's soft on Iran.
Joe Kent spent, well, the majority of his 20s and 30s fighting Iranian proxies and watching his friends get killed by them.
So this is someone who's actually earned the right to speak about Iran and the war on terror.
And of course, he was the director of the National Counterterrorism Center.
So he's thought a lot about terrorism in this country and the blowback from events like this.
And we're going to ask him about that as well.
But the other thing to notice about Joe Kent, and it may be his defining factor, is that he doesn't slander anyone.
His resignation letter was not an attack on Donald Trump.
It wasn't a promise to write a tell-all memoir about what he saw on the inside or to aggrandize himself or to get a job on a TV show or sell something.
I asked him at dinner last night, what are your plans?
None.
He did this purely because he believes, as he'll explain in a second, this is the only way to save the United States from certain disaster.
Tell the truth.
Air the secrets.
Be honest for once in decades about what is actually happening, things that everybody who lives here suspects are happening.
In some cases, we're probably wrong.
We've come to the wrong conclusions.
That's okay.
Tell us what actually happened.
Tell us why you did this.
And let's reorient this country where it should be, which is around its own citizens.
Make the decisions that you make based on one criterion.
Is this good for my people or not?
In the way that a father would lead his family or an officer would lead his troops.
It's not complicated.
Everybody wants that.
That's not a partisan question.
That's a human question.
And that's the question Joe Kent is posing.
Why can't we do this?
Why can't we say this?
It's not an attack on anybody.
Joe Kent himself does not attack anybody.
But this is a last-ditch attempt, not simply to save the country from disaster in Iran, but to save the country, period.
And as you listen to him speak, ask yourself, is this a man who's working for Hezbollah or is an egomaniac or a leaker?
Or is this a man who says very little when he has nothing to say, who speaks straightforwardly and with honesty, self-evident honesty?
Is this a man of dignity and decency?
Is this a man that America once had a lot of?
Is this a man who was once, in effect, the American archetype, the guy you looked up to, the guy you wanted your son to be?
Whether you agree with him or not, maybe you're reaching completely different conclusions.
But as you listen to him speak, ask yourself, is this the kind of person who makes me proud to be a fellow American?
Because it's really a referendum on us.
If we can't see that Joe Kent, whatever you think of his opinions, is the kind of man this country should be producing and should be elevating and should be proud of.
If we can't see that, then we've failed the test and we've lost.
But judge for yourself.
Here's Joe Kent.
Joe, thanks a lot for joining us.
So I appreciate this.
So I want to go through the letter that you sent yesterday as you resigned as director of the National Counterterrorism Center and basically through the big points and give you a chance to explain them.
You've been spoken for quite a bit over the last 24 hours, so I think it'd be really helpful to all of us if you would speak for yourself and flesh out some of these points.
I'm just going to read the first one.
I cannot in good conscience support the ongoing war in Iran.
I mean, this would be more challenging to explain had the Secretary of State, the President, and the Speaker of the House not come out and said that we conducted this attack at this time because the Israelis were about to do so.
So that takes away the argument that there was an imminent threat, as in Iran was planning to attack us immediately.
We knew that there was going to be an Israeli action.
We knew that that would precipitate an attack against American forces.
And we knew that if we didn't preemptively go after them before they launched those attacks, we would suffer higher casualties and perhaps even higher those killed.
And then we would all be here answering questions about why we knew that and didn't.
And I think this speaks to the broader issue: who is in charge of our policy in the Middle East, who's in charge of when we decide to go to war or not.
In this case, with what the Secretary described and later on the President, later on the Speaker of the House, and the way the events played out, the Israelis drove the decision to take this action, which we knew would set off a series of events, meaning the Iranians would retaliate.
Now, I think there's a potential there where we could have done several different things.
We could have simply said to the Israelis, no, you will not.
And if you do, then we will take something away from you.
I think that it's fine that we offer defense to Israel.
But when we're providing the means for their defense, we get to dictate the terms of when they go on the offensive, otherwise they stand to lose that relationship.
And the Israelis felt emboldened that no matter what they did, no matter what situation they put us in, that they could go ahead and take this action, and we would just have to react.
And so that speaks to that relationship.
But also, it just shows that there was a lobby pushing for us to go to war.
I know we'll get into that later on in the statement, but we had a real potential, I think, knowing what we know of the Iranians and how they react, and in particular, how they react to President Trump's leadership.
The Iranians, under President Trump's leadership, especially in his second term, they have shown that they take a very calculated approach to the escalation ladder.
For instance, in the lead up to the 12-day war before Midnight Hammer, the Iranians didn't attack us.
They were engaged in negotiations with us.
When President Trump came back into office, they stopped their proxies who were attacking us under the Biden administration because they knew Biden was weak.
They stopped their proxies from attacking us as well.
So they knew President Trump was someone who wanted to negotiate, but more importantly, they knew that President Trump was not someone to mess with because he killed Qasim Solmati.
They knew that President Trump was a man of action.
He is militarily strong.
And so they said, before we take an action, we need to make sure that it's calculated.
So I think in this scenario, even if the Israelis told us we're going to strike on this date at this time, and we didn't try to negotiate with the Israelis and say, hey, we'll take something away from them.
I think we still could have backchanneled to the Iranians and said, hey, if something happens here in the next couple of days, it's not us.
We're still serious about negotiations, and we don't want to escalate this because it's well known what the Iranians' plans were.
We knew that they were going to hit our potentially our bases in the region, potentially our allies.
We knew about the Straits of Hormuz.
All of these things I think were fairly well known.
And the Houthis' ability to close the Red Sea, which they've not yet done, but which would be catastrophic to the world.
Everybody knows somebody who has had an unexpected tragedy.
You lose a parent, a spouse, and that person, to compound the tragedy, didn't have life insurance.
It's bad enough.
What happened, then comes the financial crisis, the mortgage payment, the college tuition, basic bills that don't stop coming.
It is awful.
It adds to the pain.
So if you've been putting it off, you probably shouldn't anymore.
You need life insurance.
Your loved ones do.
And Ethos makes it easy and fast.
The process is 100% online.
It's convenient.
You get a quote in seconds.
You apply in minutes.
You can get same-day coverage.
There's no medical exam, just a few simple health questions, and then you become eligible for up to $3 million in coverage.
Some policies as low as $30 a month.
And we know a ton of people who've purchased life insurance through Ethos.
And the overwhelming sentiment is that it makes them sleep better.
Why wouldn't it?
It's literally insurance.
A few things that's calming is no, you have helped protect your loved ones in case something unexpected and awful happens.
Help protect your family with life insurance through Ethos.
Get your instant free quote at ethos.com slash Tucker.
Ethos, E-T-H-O-S dot com slash Tucker.
Application times and rates may vary, but they're good.
But for the purpose of explaining your position or fleshing it out more so people can understand it, because this is you're the most high-profile resignation by far in a long time.
And there's a lot of commentary on this, and I kind of took a quick trip through it this afternoon.
And one of the consistent themes is, well, I mean, of course, there's a lot of slander, which we can talk about.
But the substantive attack on you, and it is an attack or refutation of your letter, is that, well, actually, Joe Kent was totally for using military action.
He supported the Soleimani killing, for example.
He seemed fine with the 12-day war, for example.
So he doesn't have a problem on principle with an engagement with Iran.
Well, I have no compunction about really fighting anybody who threatens our country.
And the Iranians have posed a threat in the past.
And the Iranians have a way of threatening America.
They have the capability.
And we always talk in the intelligence circles about capability and intent, what your enemy is capable of doing and what they actually want to do.
And again, back to the data that we have on the Iranians, they used the escalation ladder.
We saw that deliberately during the 12-day war.
When they struck back after Midnight Hammer, it was very deliberate.
They fired an equal amount of missiles as we dropped bombs on the nuclear facilities.
And they basically hit a part of a base in Qatar that they knew we didn't have any troops on.
They didn't want to escalate any further than we were willing to go.
But also, the Iranians, when they pose a threat to us, they usually do it with their proxies.
And if their proxies stick their heads up and their proxies come after us, this is basically the Trump doctrine.
We hammer them and we hammer their high-profile leaders.
Qasim Solmani was highly effective and highly revered in Iran because the previous presidents, prior to President Trump, Obama and Bush, let Qasim Solmani run around, raise proxy armies, kill Americans, and no one ever did anything to him.
President Trump rightfully killed Qasim Solmani.
We got his deputy, Abu Mani Mohandis, who had American blood on his hands, took them off the battlefield.
But then President Trump stopped.
He took those two key players off the battlefield and he said, I'm not going to further escalate with Iran unless you escalate with us, knowing that if we struck Iran and we truly struck the regime, that would only strengthen the regime.
So then President Trump did something that's incredibly smart, used that decisive military action, but then he coupled it with an economic package of sanctions, maximum pressure, sanctions.
And we can debate whether or not we should be using sanctions as the prime reserve currency holder, whatever.
But he pressured the Iranians economically after punching them in the mouth and showing that, hey, I won't take this.
I'm not Obama.
I'm not Bush.
If you cross a line, I will come after you.
But then he really put the pressure on them economically.
And if you look at the effect of the economic sanctions, that's what got the Iranian people on the streets actually protesting against the Ayatollah's government, which is ostensibly what we would like.
We would like to see a bottom-up regime change where we get rid of the Ayatollah, but it's the will of the people and they have a new successful government that's stable that we can deal with.
The one way to throw that all out the window, and this isn't just Joe Kent's opinion, many, many scholars, and I think a lot of intelligence assessments have been written about this too.
I know for a fact they have, is that if we struck the regime, it would only strengthen it.
And that's not, I think that's just basic common sense.
I mean, I think of myself, and probably you're in this camp as well.
We didn't like Joe Biden, we didn't like Barack Obama, but if an outside force were to come in here and try and topple them while they were the president, I would 100% rally around the flag.
That's just common sense.
So if we wanted to strengthen the- So you actually did.
No, they weren't three weeks ago when this started, and they weren't in June either.
I mean, the Iranians have had a religious ruling of fatwa against actually developing a nuclear weapon since 2004.
That's been in place since 2004.
That's available in the public sphere.
But then also, we had no intelligence to indicate that that fatwa was being disobeyed or it was on the cusp of being lifted.
The Iranian strategy, it's actually pretty pragmatic.
The Iranians are obviously aware of what's taking place in their region, and their strategy was to not completely abandon their nuclear program because they saw what happened to Mumar Gaddafi in Libya when he said, hey, I've got no more nukes.
So that's the lesson I think that the entire region took from that when Hillary Clinton unfortunately neocon neoliberal warmongers, that's the lesson that they showed everyone in the region.
And then conversely, the Iranians also knew that if they came out and said, okay, we've got a nuke, whether they were bluffing or not, Saddam Hussein, Iraq right next door.
He was hung by his own people, you know, after a bloody war that's still essentially going on inside of Iraq.
So the Iranians' position, when viewed from the lens of the region, was actually fairly pragmatic.
They were preventing themselves from developing a bomb, but they still wanted the ability.
They wanted the ability to enrich.
They wanted the ability to have some components so that they weren't completely stripped of it.
And we always assess that they were either several months or a year, two years away from actually being able to develop a nuclear weapon.
And that's not because the Iranians are stupid people.
I think we can tell right now that the Iranians are anything but stupid.
They had the ability, I think, the brainpower to actually develop one, or they could have simply traded a ton of oil with Pakistan or with someone else to actually get a nuclear weapon.
They were not doing that.
We had no intelligence to indicate that they were.
Then why was the president, was he told that they were on the brink of it?
Why at the beginning of every conversation about Iran would the president say, I don't want Iran to have a nuclear weapon?
Why was that the central question when and you would know, since you were the director of the National Counterterrorism Center, why would he say that if there was no intelligence or evidence that they were actually developing a nuke?
This is what I talk about in the letter about this ecosystem of information that's laundered through a lot of prominent neoconservative types that are very sympathetic to the Israeli cause, and then also Israeli government officials who give us things in semi-official channels.
What they did was they created basically a shifting red line or a new red line.
So if the president's red line was Iran cannot have a nuclear weapon, we've actually got a lot of trade space in there for a deal to be made because of what I just described with the Iranian policy.
Essentially the Iranians saying, okay, well, we don't want a nuclear weapon.
Well, that means we basically are at a point where we can start negotiating and we can come up with a deal.
And the president is a fantastic dealmaker.
So if your goal is to move us away from any kind of deal and your goal is to move us into a conflict, you have to shift that red line.
And that's where a lot of this, I would say, what became a de facto U.S. policy of Iran can have no nuclear enrichment.
It was laundered through a lot of the different talking heads, Mark Levin, Mark Dubowitz.
You've got the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies, you name it.
Washington, D.C. has plenty of pro-Israeli lobbyists who will come and say those things, who will publish think pieces on it, who will go on the media, who will run op-eds in the Wall Street Journal to talk about this, why they can't have any enrichment whatsoever.
And then we have a high degree of engagement with Israeli government officials who will come in and say, well, they're enriching and they could enrich or they could enrich more, and that will get them closer to a nuclear weapon.
So then enrichment basically became the new U.S. policy.
And the only official I've heard, and folks are welcome to look for this, that said this in the first Trump administration was Mike Pompeo.
He said it.
The president didn't say it.
The president has been very consistent.
He said they can't have a nuclear weapon.
But again, like I said, that puts us at a place where we actually could have negotiations.
And only President Trump, I think, could successfully have negotiations with Iran because he actually punched them in the face.
And the Iranians had been walking all over us.
They had been killing our soldiers.
All of that is true.
I have no sympathy whatsoever for the Iranians, what their proxies were doing.
President Trump level set that when he killed Qasem Solmani and he killed Abu Mahdi Mohandis.
The folks who wanted to push an actual regime change war in Iran knew this, and they knew there was a potential to get a deal, or there was a potential for President Trump just to continue the policy of maximum pressure sanctions.
And if you come after us, we will hit you hard.
And that got the protesters out on the street in Iran.
And that's actually what the regime feared the most.
I don't think the Ayatollah feared dying, not because he, you know, is some crazy lunatic.
I'm sure some degree of the Shia martyrdom culture played a factor in that.
However, I think he knew that if he was killed, the regime would survive because the people would rally around the regime.
Well, there's been a lot of noise in the news lately, but none of it matters if you can't hear it.
And there's no shame in that.
It happens to millions of people every year.
If you shoot a lot, you know the feeling.
Our friends at Audion can change your life.
Audien offers FDA-compliant hearing aids for as low as $98.
No prescription, no doctor's visit required.
Available to over 10,000 retailers nationwide, including Walmart and Walgreens.
Over 1.5 million Americans already use Audion and it's changed their lives.
No more squinting and struggling to hear as people try to talk to you.
Audien helps you reconnect to the world and, more important, to other people who are the key to life.
Visit heretucker.com.
That's here, H-E-A-R-Tucker.com or call 1-800-453-2916 to learn more about how Audien can help you or someone you love hear better.
It's essential healthcare hearing, and it's now accessible and affordable.
That's the system should have done all along.
I believe you predicted this some years ago.
I think we're watching.
I mean, it's hard to know exactly what we're watching, but it seems consistent with what we are watching.
So I'm just focused on this question of imminent threat because that's really the only justification I think most Americans would accept for a preemptive war.
Otherwise, just like a war of choice done because BB told you to, and no one wants to get behind that because it's obviously illegitimate.
So imminent threat.
You're saying that there was no intelligence that you saw with the highest level clearance, obviously involved in this conversation, that showed an imminent threat from Iran to the United States.
No, unless we took certain actions, unless we came after them in a way that they thought threatened the regime, then we basically knew what they were going to do.
So, I mean, it's just, I just think it's a remarkable thing to nail down because you're not some guy on Twitter.
You're a senior, as of yesterday, you were a senior U.S. intelligence official who's not hostile to President Trump, who's not going to hear to write a television book or launch a media career.
So I think you're a sober voice on this.
And just to be clear, there was no intelligence that showed an imminent threat.
There was no intelligence that showed they were on the cusp of building your nuclear weapon.
There was no intelligence indeed that showed they were trying to build a nuclear weapon.
And nobody you know said, I've seen it, but you haven't.
It exists, but you just haven't seen it.
Did you ever hear anybody say there is intel that shows this?
I know the Israeli officials, some in intelligence, some in government, will come to U.S. government officials and they will say all kinds of things that we know from our intelligence just simply isn't true.
And they'll say, hey, I'm giving you a preview.
It's not an intelligence channel as yet, but here's what's gonna happen.
I mean, I thought that U.S. policymakers made their decisions on the basis of intelligence collected and or vetted by our intelligence.
That's why we have intelligence agencies that soak up hundreds of billions a year.
But you're saying that Israeli officials short-circuited the entire U.S. government and just went right to American policymakers and said, it doesn't matter what your country says, here's what we know.
Oh, and they'll say, hey, this isn't in intelligence channels yet because it's going to take some time to get there.
And here, they're on the cusp of building a bomb.
They're going to, I don't know, you pick your topic.
A lot of times they'll sample different things until they find what sticks.
But in general, the narrative about they're going to do a preemptive attack or really just they're going to build a nuclear weapon.
And if we don't stop them now, they're going to build a nuclear weapon.
And enrichment is the pathway to that.
They're going to continue enriching at whatever percent.
Enrichment became the narrative.
And so that hung up and that short-circuited and really sabotaged the entire negotiations because the Iranians basically said, like, we're not going to negotiate if the whole starting point is no enrichment.
And again, that had nothing to do with a nuclear weapon.
And the Iranians essentially agreed to that.
So the Israelis came in, they moved that red line, and they would do a lot to say, like, oh, they're enriching.
And you know what that means?
That means in X amount of time, they could have a nuclear bomb.
You have to ask now.
And then the way the ecosystem would work is that the talking heads on TV, you know, your Mark Levins, Sean Hannity's, et cetera, they would say basically the exact same thing that night on TV, or there would be a piece written in the Wall Street Journal, the New York Times, that would say something very, very similar.
Since you have access to the biggest and most powerful, and presumably the best intelligencies in the world, and you're seeing people say things as fact when you know that they're not facts.
And I think that's why, in general, in the lead up to this last iteration, a good deal of key decision makers were not allowed to come express their opinion to the president.
So in general, because our assessment really hadn't changed, you know, we would send those up through intelligence channels.
Everybody's kind of reading the same intelligence.
But then what actually gets briefed to the president can be very, very different depending on who and how it's delivered.
And without a level set from the intelligence community, someone like DNI Gabbard coming in and saying, Mr. President, like, here's the full scope of the intelligence and what it means, you're kind of lacking that sanity check of where we're at, or at least a good sampling, you know, to gauge how accurate what the Israelis are saying is.
And that process, in my view, was largely stifled in this second iteration.
There was robust debate and robust discussions leading up to the 12-day war into Midnight Hammer.
But the second round, to me, and I'm sure others will refute this and disagree with me, but what was conducted by just a handful of small advisors around the president.
My sense, though, and you would know more than I, is there weren't a lot of people directly around the president who work there, who work at the White House, his, you know, the principals, who are making an aggressive case for this war.
Do you think there was, I mean, was there a majority of his top 10 advisors who were saying we must do this now?
Yeah, and then the Israeli officials coming in and basically either ahead of time or after the fact saying the same thing, like the enrichment is going to get them a nuclear bomb in a set amount of time.
And then his other officials as well, Dermer, et cetera, those guys were in.
They were making phone calls.
Just a lot of engagement from them.
And again, when we would hear or you'd hear what they were saying, it didn't reflect in intelligence channels.
Even intelligence that we shared with the Israelis, that the Israelis were giving us, in many cases.
So there was a clear gap between the intelligence and then the information that the president was given and the decisions that the president was making.
I mean, look, the Israelis are tactically very proficient.
They have a very competent intelligence service, and there's a lot that we can learn from them in the craft of intelligence.
So they're very proficient.
They're very good.
However, whenever we get information from a liaison service, I think it's incredibly important to realize that it could be given to us to influence us as well as to inform us.
And the way that I would see Israeli information, in particular, coming from senior officials directly to our senior officials, that caveat just wasn't given frequently enough.
And there's a lot of times, some of this is just because of bureaucratic practice, but a lot of it I think is just we feel very comfortable with the Israelis.
A lot of them are dual citizens.
They sound like us.
They don't feel foreign.
We kind of go into a more complacent mode where we trust a lot of what they have to say, not keeping in the back of our mind that they have their own agenda and we have our own agenda at the end of the day.
Now, I'd say a lot of times we have the same agenda.
It's very, I think, tactically the same when it comes to fighting Hezbollah, when it comes to fighting terrorism.
But when it comes to what's our strategic goal in a war that's going to have ramifications for our nation, for the region, for global energy supplies, I think most folks right now at the Pentagon and the intelligence agencies, they would say us and the Israelis actually have a different objective here.
I don't believe that our objective has been clearly defined because we're shying away from regime change.
The Israelis are not shying away from regime change.
They want to knock out lockstock and barrel the current government.
They don't seem to have a plan for what comes next.
I think as Americans, rightfully, we want a clear stated objective and end state for war.
I think that's something that was born out of the GWAT, was born out of the Vietnam era.
Americans want to know why we're going to war, what the end state is, and they can get on board in general if that's clearly articulated.
That's not the case with Iran.
The Israelis are different.
I think a lot of times, again, because a lot of them speak English, they culturally feel the same, but the Israelis have a much different tolerance for how and why they're going to war and for their endurance for war.
The Israelis are completely fine with Iran slipping into chaos.
Hate to brag, but we're pretty confident this show is the most vehemently pro-dog podcast you're ever going to see.
We can take or leave some people, but dogs are non-negotiable.
They are the best.
They really are our best friends.
And so for that reason, we're thrilled to have a new partner called Dutch Pet.
It's the fastest-growing pet telehealth service.
Dutch.com is on a mission to create what you need, what you actually need, affordable quality veterinary care anytime, no matter where you are.
They will get your dog or cat what you need immediately.
It's offering an exclusive discount.
Dutch is for our listeners.
Can you get 50 bucks off your vet care per year?
Visit Dutch.com/slash Tucker to learn more.
Use the code Tucker for $50 off.
That is an unlimited vet visit, $82 a year, $82 a year.
We actually use this.
Dutch has vets who can handle any pet under any circumstance in a 10-minute call.
It's pretty amazing, actually.
You never have to leave your house.
You don't have to throw the dog in the truck.
No wasted time waiting for appointments.
No wasted money on clinics or visit fees.
Unlimited visits and follow-ups for no extra cost, plus free shipping on all products for up to five pets.
It sounds amazing like it couldn't be real, but it actually is real.
Visit Dutch.com slash Tucker to learn more.
Use the code Tucker for 50 bucks off your veterinary care per year.
Your dogs, your cats, and your wallet will thank you.
Right.
And it's a little galling that I was treated to lectures for a couple of weeks about, you know, the valiant people of Iran and how we needed to save them.
And then a lot of the exiled communities here in the United States of Iranians, a lot of them really nice people, they jumped on board.
We got to save our people.
But by your telling and by the facts, by the way, this is not really an opinion.
There's no plan for what happens after regime change.
Like the people pushing that line would just be happy to see a permanent civil war there.
So if we do want a real regime change and we want the people to rise up and want it to happen fairly organically, going aggressively after the Ayatollah was the last thing that we ever should have done.
Again, like I'm no fan of the former Supreme Leader, you know, Alec Aminai.
However, he was moderating their nuclear program.
He was preventing them from getting a nuclear weapon.
If you take him out, if you kill him aggressively, people are going to rally around that regime.
And the next Ayatollah that you get, and I think this is the case by all data that we have with his son, the next Ayatollah that you get is going to be more radical because he has to show the people that he's going to push back.
And there's always a tension inside of Iran between the IRGC, the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps, and the clerics who run the country.
They have a healthy, I think, tension between the two, a rivalry.
IRGC's leadership, these are Qasim Solmani's troops.
These are the guys that Solmani trained.
These guys, most of them cut their teeth in the Iraq-Iran war.
A lot of them cut their teeth fighting us in Iraq.
They cut their teeth fighting ISIS in Iraq and Syria.
They created Hezbollah.
They trained and armed Hezbollah.
So these guys are actually pretty serious and pretty hardline.
And they're willing to fight and they want to fight.
And so by killing the Ayatollah, we've given them more power because now internally, they can go and they can say, hey, all you guys who thought that we could negotiate with the Americans, you're chumps.
We have to fight them.
So I think the longer this goes on, the more negotiators, the more moderates that are killed off, like we just killed Ali Laranjani, who was a negotiator, who was eager to get us a deal.
I mean, I put countless of them in flex cuffs or much worse.
I've gone after the Iranians.
I was in specialized outfits that went after the Iranians and their proxies.
These are very serious people.
They're not supermen by any means.
They're humans.
But they're serious.
And if you give the IRGC a reason to take more control and they get support from the people, because again, you kill off the Ayatollah, they can say, hey, the last guy was too moderate.
we do need to listen to the irgc so a lot of these uh the points that you're making i think are insightful but they're also pretty obvious if you kind of game it out for 10 seconds so it seems like you've got two different goals You've described Israel's goal as just regime change, permanent chaos, take Iran off the map as a coherent nation state, just tie them up with internal chaos, whatever the effects of that are on the rest of the world, all of them disastrous.
Then on the American side, you have the president's stated goal, which is we can't let Iran have a nuclear weapon, which they didn't have and weren't trying to build in any imminent way.
And again, it's obvious if we've stated that our goal is just to take away their ability to ever even enrich and to take away their ballistics and to take away their navy, all these kind of tactical objectives.
If we say that that's our objective, and that's when we can come to a place where we can just exit, it's in the Israelis' interest to get us more and more entrenched in this.
When the Israelis killed Laranjani, I think I have misspoke and said, we didn't kill him.
The Israelis struck him.
But I do believe in Iran at this point of the war, they view it as, whether we like it or not, I think they view it as we, us and the Israelis kind of as the same thing.
You know, the Israelis, again, they have the ability to go out and collect great intelligence.
They have a very capable military, but they're a very small country.
I think Israel would be able to defend itself.
I think it could conduct limited strikes on its borders.
I think it could continue carrying out pretty impressive targeted assassinations against its adversaries.
And so I think you would see it relatively contained.
What it couldn't do is go topple entire governments.
It couldn't do something like the Iran war, the Iraq war.
It couldn't aggressively destabilize Syria.
These big, heavy lifts of regime change that America has been engaged in, Israel could not do on their own, which is where you get back to the Israeli lobby being just so potent and so powerful and so aggressive.
Because in some ways, this is a little humiliating since we were told, I was told, the whole country was told, that after the 12-day war, there was no Iranian nuclear threat.
So how was it that we wound up six months later getting another lecture about their nuclear capability and its imminent threat to the United States and nuclear tip ballistic missiles aimed at Miami and the whole thing?
And nobody, first of all, there was no organized protest against this.
Like in a normal country, you'd think people would rise up and be like, whoa, You just told us six months ago the exact opposite.
Did internally in the Intel world people say, what the hell is going on?
So you take out the nuclear, the ability for them to enrich and to potentially develop a nuclear weapon.
That's done.
We know the Israelis have a completely different goal.
Part of that strike, Midnight Hammer, was also to get the Israelis to wrap up the 12-day war.
But we knew because of what the Israelis told us that they wanted this is the time to take down the regime.
And they don't want the Ayatollah to be in power.
They want a regime change.
They want to do government there.
So we said, okay, knowing that, we know that this strike, this limited strike that we're going to do isn't going to be enough.
At some point, the Israelis are going to come back to us and say, hey, we have to go again.
And with that knowledge, and I think because so many of us had pointed that out and because the Israelis had said it, there wasn't a big debate this last time.
You know, I think they had that discussion behind closed doors and there wasn't a chance for any dissenting voices to come in.
When a question like this arises, the people making the decision go immediately to their own intel agencies.
And in your case, the agency that has jurisdiction over those agencies and say, all available intel on the question of the Iranian nuclear program, all available intel on the question of ICBMs or ballistic missile program.
All available intel on what might happen if we topple the regime in place.
Like this has all been gamed out for a long time.
There's a constant process of gathering intel on it, correct?
So most people don't wake up in the morning and decide to feel horrible, exhausted, foggy, disconnected from themselves.
But it does happen and it happens slowly.
You're working hard, you're showing up, and your energy disappears by midday.
Your focus is dull.
Your weight won't move.
A lot of people are told that's just getting old.
That's what it is.
But that's not actually true.
For many men and women, these are not personal affairs.
They are signals tied to your metabolism, your hormones, and nutrient imbalances that go undetected for years.
You don't even know.
You're deficient.
And that's why we're happy to partner with Joy and Blokes, a company that was built for people who are done guessing and ready to figure out what exactly is going on.
And that starts with comprehensive lab work and a one-on-one consultation with a licensed clinician.
An actual human being explains what's happening inside you and builds a personalized plan, which includes hormone optimization, peptide therapy, targeted supplements.
So don't settle.
Go to joyandblokes.com slash Tucker.
Use the code Tucker for 50% off your lab work and 20% off all supplements.
That's joyandblokes.com slash Tucker.
Use the code Tucker.
50% off labs, 20% off supplements.
Joy and Blokes.
Get your edge back.
So I almost don't want to bring this up because it's so distressing, but I have to ask a question about blowback, the effects, the downstream effects of military action, terrorism in the United States.
And I have the feeling we're going to see some of it, but I want to ask you.
But since you are an acknowledged expert on that question, and since you spent your adult life fighting Iranian proxies, and because we're always hearing some of them are in the United States, did anyone go to you and say, if we do this, what are the odds that we will have terror attacks in the homeland here in the U.S.?
And coordinated throughout the intelligence community.
Basically, we talked about the Iranians' ability to conduct sleeper cell-like attacks, which is actually pretty limited.
The whole idea of sleeper cells or a cell operating is challenging in today's environment because cells have to communicate with each other, and we're pretty good at picking up on that.
The real threat, and most major terrorist organizations have kind of moved to this model, is the lone actors.
It's inspiring people that are already in place by using the media.
There was already a ton of blowback because of the Gaza war.
Hamas used propaganda very, very effectively to, I think, curry a lot of favor with younger people here in the United States and abroad.
And there was multiple terrorist attacks in America in the last year where Gaza was cited because they consumed some of the propaganda coming out of Gaza.
And these people weren't infiltrated Iranian agents.
They were here, folks that were homegrown.
And so we said, hey, the biggest threat right now isn't that the Iranians are going to sneak some guys over and they've been waiting here for years and they're Quds force operatives.
That's always possible.
Again, the Iranians are very competent as well.
And they have tried something like that before in the past back under the Obama administration when they tried to kill the Saudi ambassador in Georgetown.
So we were worried about that.
But what we were more worried about was the fact that Biden had the border open for four plus years.
And I testified publicly in Congress laying out the 18,000 known suspected terrorists that potentially could be in the country.
Since then, we've discovered potentially more.
The problem is the bookkeeping under the Biden administration was kind of like the border.
It was wide open.
And so we don't know how many folks are actually in the country that shouldn't be here.
It's millions.
How many of them have ties to countries that are adjacent to Iran or that are Iranian?
We're still, as I left, we were still working on some of those numbers.
But we've seen several terrorist attacks since these operations began in America.
And they all fit that lone actor-inspired model.
So the blowback is the longer this goes on and the more the propaganda inevitably gets weaponized, we are going to see, more than likely, more people here that are radicalized.
Now, frankly, I think that none of the, and this is another great thing about President Trump, none of these people should be in the country.
We should have tighter immigration policies.
We should be focused right now.
Our focus should be on finding everyone who shouldn't be in our country right now and getting them out as soon as possible, not on another foreign adventure.
I wonder, I mean, so you've already seen in the wake of a recent terror attack, neocons use that attack as a way to try and censor, shut down, maybe even imprison critics of the decision to go to war in Iran.
So it's almost like you control both sides.
You advocate for a war, which inevitably stokes religious hatred because you advocate for the killing of a religious leader.
So you're helping to create religious war, permanent generational religious war.
And then when your country or the country you happen to be living in that you don't really care about feels the effects, when Americans are killed as a result of that, you use their deaths to justify the silencing of people who criticized you.
But I wonder, though, is like people talk through, or maybe they didn't talk it through, but did anybody in the lead up to this, I just want to ask it again to make sure I understand the answer.
In the lead up to this war, which is now a regional war, potentially a global war, big war, biggest war of our lives, did anyone come to you and say, do you have a, what's your projection for like what the effects on the United States will be?
Like how many Americans could die at the shopping mall because of this or at school?
Okay, so let me read you the most controversial, and you've addressed this to some extent, but I'd like you to flush it out a little more, if you don't mind.
You say, support the values and the foreign policies that you campaigned on during three campaigns and that you enacted.
You understood up until June of 2025 that the wars in the Middle East were a trap that robbed America of the precious lives of our patriots and depleted the wealth and prosperity of our nation.
Early in this administration, this is the change.
High-ranking Israeli officials and influential members of the American media deployed a misinformation campaign that wholly undermined your America First platform and sowed pro-war sentiments to encourage a war with Iran.
This echo chamber was used to deceive you into believing that Iran posed an imminent threat to the United States and that you should strike now.
There was a clear path to a swift victory.
This was a lie and is the same tactic the Israelis used to draw us into the disastrous Iraq war that cost our nation the lives of thousands of our best men and women.
We cannot make this mistake again.
So I think you've explained how the echo chamber and the lobbying campaign worked.
It wasn't just on Fox and the Wall Street Journal.
It was by telephone and text message.
It was in person.
And it was relentless.
And there was no countervailing campaign.
There was almost nobody who went to the president and said, well, actually, here's the American view, which is frustrating.
But then you allude at the end of that to the Iraq War.
And I think you told me at dinner last night, I think you spent five years total on 11 combat depots.
You spent about, you think, five years in the United States.
Go to all these wars, 11 deployments, you spend five years in Iraq over seven deployments, and you reach a series of conclusions fighting and being shot at by Iranian proxies.
And now you say, I don't think this war is good for America.
And you're being slandered as a bad, unpatriotic quitter who secretly sympathizes with the Ayatollah.
I mean, they love you when you're just saluting and moving out.
But then the second you say, I don't think we should be doing this, and I have an opinion now, then all the attacks come at you.
But I truly believe that God put me where I am right now, really putting me through everything I've been through in my life to bring me to this point.
I don't believe that God said, hey, you're here now in this moment to just sit back and be a good soldier for this iteration.
I've had lots of friends who have said, hey, I think you would have been more valued staying in the administration with your experiences.
And I understand that and I'm flattered by it.
But considering all that I've seen, the conclusions that I've reached, I feel like I'm here for a reason.
And something I think, you know, probably on my third or fourth deployment, as I was realizing that we were lied to to get us into Iraq and that we had a whole mess that we now had to clean up and how much it mirrored and echoed Vietnam.
I remember as being in my mid to late 20s, being very frustrated with a lot of the Vietnam veterans who did not speak up against, I know some did, but especially Vietnam veterans who stayed in service as I had intended to do, who stayed in service and who advocated for the Iraq war.
Colin Powell is someone who I have a lot of respect for the way he fought in Vietnam, his leadership in Desert Storm, but then the way that he was part of lying to get us into the Iraq war and then staying on and continuing those lies, knowing full well, having all the experiences of being a guy on the ground in a feudal war that was, you know, basically we were deployed to under false pretenses.
He had all that knowledge.
And because he wanted to be loyal to, I think, the president, and I think he wanted to be loyal to what he felt was the government that would eventually get it right, he didn't step out and say, we shouldn't be doing this.
And I just remember reflecting on that.
And, you know, I said to myself at the time, and this might seem silly and idealistic, but said to myself at the time, if it's ever my turn, if it's ever my generation's turn, I'm going to do everything that I can to make sure this doesn't happen to the next generation.
So a real breaking point for me, I did the best I could for a couple of weeks as this war started from the inside to try and find off-ramps to try and provide information to see what I could do from the inside.
But watching the casualties roll in, and I don't want to use anyone's loss as a political talking point.
But for me personally, watching more casualties come in, I just couldn't stand by as both a veteran and then as a gold star husband and say, I'm just going to continue to soldier on in this.
It became really clear to me over the weekend, this past weekend, that our message just wasn't getting through.
And I was like, I know what happens if I stay.
If I stay and I go along with this, I'm going to be knee-deep in it, trying to just chip away and make a difference.
But my ability to have my voice heard, to present data that runs contrary to the trajectory and the agenda that the administration's on, that's going to be squashed before it even really reaches the White House.
And so I knew I had kind of hit my limit of effectiveness in that capacity.
So really, it should have been a hard decision, but for me, it was crystal clear.
It was like, number one, I can't be a part of this in good conscience.
And I need to do everything I can to actually speak out about it and speak out in a way that I hope resonates with the president and with some of my former colleagues.
I understand they might be mad at me.
They're getting hard questions from the media.
But I really want them as we descend even further into this war.
I really hope that they take the time to reflect and to realize that we still have time to get us out of this.
And then also for the 77 million people who voted for President Trump, who voted for no new wars, who voted for the foreign policy that President Trump enacted in his first administration, the foreign policy that I described.
I mean, President Trump's first foreign policy, the one that he ran on, the one that he destroyed the Republican neocon establishment on, was incredibly pragmatic.
We're not saying you have to be some kind of a pacifist.
We are saying, though, that you have to be very, very deliberate and judicious in how you use force, and you also have to use the full scope of the American toolbox.
And I don't want history to be written in real time by liars in such a way that no one understands what we're going through.
And then we make the same mistakes.
And this is a principle that any parent applies to his own children.
No, say out loud what you did, and you're less likely to do it again.
So, but before I say anything, I just want to pause just on your personal experience.
And I know you hate talking about it, so I'm not going to make you uncomfortable by pushing too much, but you feel, I feel, as an observer, such sadness for the men who've been used, including you.
And I wonder how, given everything you've done and everything you've just said, how you don't feel bitter at the response that you've gotten from people, some people.
And again, look, I know there's some of my former colleagues, people who I do like, who have had to come after me.
And I understand that too.
Like, I get it.
Like, they're still there.
They've got to discredit everything I'm saying right now.
They're watching, taking notes.
So I'm not bitter about that.
I literally just want to focus on the task at hand and the task at hand is stopping us from getting deeper into this quagmire.
Because again, like just looking back on my experiences in Iraq, I don't feel like this happened.
There wasn't the ability to.
There wasn't this platform.
There wasn't the free independent media that existed in any real way that could reach people.
And so to me, we have this opportunity.
So I'll be bitter and angry later when I read Twitter and somebody who I used to like says that Joe Ken's a traitor and we're going to fire him tomorrow anyways.
We don't have time for that.
Like as you pointed out, major things are happening right now in this war.
And the president is facing some very, very challenging decisions.
So I personally just hope that he and his closest advisors listen and think.
I spent a lot of time with you, and you're not a hater at all.
You don't even seem that bothered.
So that's incredible, given where you are.
It's amazing.
It's an act of faith, and I love it.
End of the history portion of the segment, but I just think it's important to establish why you said first the war in Iraq, second the conflict in Syria, which took the life of your wife, why both of those were driven by Israel.
Well, the war in Syria never would have happened without the war in Iraq.
I mean, so had we not gone in and invaded Iraq, we wouldn't have had the conflict in Syria.
But Syria was always a major problem under Assad for the Israelis, both under his father and under the Bashir al-Assad, Hafassan Bashir, because of their support, the relationship with the Iranians, their support for Hezbollah makes sense.
And so they wanted to get rid of Assad as well.
They saw Iraq as a vehicle for not just taking down Saddam Hussein, who posed a threat to them as well, but also as a way, a lily pad, if you will, to get rid of Syria.
The next thing you know, like, well, there'll be a Syrian Thomas Jefferson that'll take over.
And instead, we got the former leader of al-Qaeda.
But a big reason that Syria became next after Iraq, in Iraq, we screwed the whole thing up so badly that we toppled Saddam, destabilized, fought a bitter insurgency.
The Sunnis eventually aligned with al-Qaeda, but then we beat them down so heavily because the Shias are the majority of the country.
The Shias took over Shias largely, the Shias that we installed in Iraq, the Dawah party, Badr, Skiri, et cetera, heavily aligned with Iran.
And so at the end of the Iraq war under Obama, there was this whole like, oh crap, we just handed basically the keys to Baghdad to the Iranians, who, again, hostile to us.
Qasem Solmani is running all over the place, funding proxies.
It's a great deal.
It helps Iran circumvent sanctions, their relationship with Iraq.
And we just spent trillions, lost nearly 5,000 Americans there.
And now we have this Shia superstate.
And so then there was a ton of pressure coming from not just the Israelis, but I think also a lot of the Gulf to say, hey, we've got to get rid of Assad as well.
Because now you have this Iranian land bridge that goes basically from Damascus all the way to Tehran.
And then you can hook that down into the Lebanese area where Hezbollah is.
So next thing you know, well, if you want to get rid of the guy Assad, who's an aliyat, well, we've got a country full of like really angry Sunnis.
And what are those guys going to turn into?
And so next thing you know, we're now on the side of ISIS and Al-Qaeda.
ISIS gets out of control and we have to deploy back to Iraq, back to Syria to put out essentially the brush fire that we created.
And so that's why I put all of those together.
Because again, without Israel's influence, would all of this have happened?
Would the Iraq war have happened?
Maybe, but they heavily lobbied for it.
I mean, Benjamin Etan Yahoo, you can pull up tapes on YouTube.
Like the guy was lobbying heavily back in 2002 for us to do regime change in Iraq.
And he has stayed in power ever since.
Eril Shrone, who initially was the PM in the lead up to the Iraq war, initially was against it because he wanted us to focus on Iran.
But then towards the end, he got on board as well.
But the Likud party that's in power and has been driving Israeli politics now for most of my adult life, they were heavily in favor of the regime change war in Iraq, which again led to Shia domination, led to the rise of ISIS, led to the rise of al-Qaeda, and then heavily fueled the Syrian civil war.
So again, this country, Israel, who they can be a good partner in some regards.
I'm not anti-Israeli.
I've worked with the Israelis.
Again, very competent intelligence service, very wonderful people, but they have different objectives than we do.
So to put them in the driver's seat of our foreign policy and to let them dictate our foreign policy is a disservice to the American people.
Now we're looking at bankruptcy and death and collapse of the dollar.
And I'm not blaming Israel.
By the way, I'm not blaming Israel for any of it.
I'm blaming supine American leadership that takes this.
I don't understand it at all.
And that kind of leads the most uncomfortable question of all.
And I don't know if you can answer it.
I don't think I can answer it.
But since all of these dynamics are very well known to everyone in Washington, everyone who pretends this is not real, the Tom Cottons of the world, Lindsey Grahams or whatever, the liars, everybody knows.
Everybody knows.
Pro-Israel people know, anti-Israel people know that what you're saying is true.
I don't think there's any debate about any of it.
So since it was clear that we were being pushed by the Netanyahu government into this war, that they were choosing the timing, they chose the timing, right?
I think there's two potentials, there's two schools of thought.
I mean, one is the media echo chamber, the donors, the way the Israelis come in and kind of launder the information like I described previously.
And then the other option is much darker.
I mean, we still don't know what happened in Butler.
We don't know what happened with Charlie Kirk.
And by no means am I saying like, you know, the Israelis did this or any of that, but I'm saying there's a lot of unanswered questions there.
And there is enough data to at least say that there's a good chance that President Trump feels like he is under threat.
We're not allowed to ask, basically, was there any linkage between what took place with Asif Mershant, who was recruited by the Iranians to come to America to recruit proxies to kill President Trump.
The FBI put a confidence human source at him.
All this is public now.
This is all out there in the open.
And he's arrested.
And then two days later, a sniper takes a shot at President Trump.
We think Mershant and the CH, we know the CHS was talking about the human source that the FBI put at Mershant.
They were talking about, hey, we could kill the president potentially with a sniper rifle.
But then they arrest him.
Two days later, Butler happens.
And Crooks, according to the official narrative anyways, is an enigma.
We don't know anything about him.
We can't get into his devices.
If we did get into his devices, maybe there's nothing there.
No more questions are allowed to be asked about Thomas Crooks.
The DHS IG is currently being blocked from investigating Butler as well.
That's out in the media.
That's all well known.
Your investigative journalists found that Crooks did indeed have an online persona online footprint, and he was talking to people.
And he walked off, and he went, I believe, into the oval.
So when one of President Trump's closest advisors who is vocally advocating for us to not go to war with Iran and for us to rethink at least our relationship with the Israelis, and then he's suddenly publicly assassinated, and we're not allowed to ask any questions about that, it's a data point.
We've been told that this individual, Robinson, is a lone gunman, and maybe he is.
But the investigation that I was a part of, the National Counterterrorism Center was a part of, we were stopped from continuing to investigate.
And the FBI will say that they stopped that because they wanted to have, turn everything over to the Utah state authorities.
Everything's going to trial.
It's very, very sensitive.
But there was still a lot for us to look into that I can't really get into, but there was still linkage for us to investigate that we needed to run down.
And I'm not making any conclusions.
I'm not saying because of this, this happened.
I'm not saying that at all.
I'm just saying there's unanswered questions.
We know the pressure because of the text messages that have been made public that Charlie was under a lot of pressure from a lot of pro-Israel donors.
And again, we know Charlie was advocating to President Trump against this war with Iran.
And we knew at the end of the 12-day war at the end of Midnight Hammer that the Israelis were going to come back and ask us to go back to war again.
So we have a lot of data points between Butler, the assassination attempts against President Trump, the breaches of his security, what happened to Charlie Kirk.
Can I just ask you to pause on the Charlie Kirk just because it upsets me to hear what you're saying, to be reminded that he was murdered, but also to hear you confirm what was reported in the media several months ago that your office had been blocked from investigating his murder.
That does not make sense to me.
I don't understand why you would ever turn down help in an investigation from a U.S. agency with a lot of experience in gathering intelligence on things.
And, you know, that just strikes me as inconceivable that that could happen.
And again, I was aware of it from reading about it, but not really to the extent that you've just described.
So I would love to hear the justification for that.
And can you flesh that out a little bit more?
What were you told was the reason to prevent you, as a federal intelligence official running the National Counterterrorism Center, from looking into the murder when you had reason to look into it?
Well, the way the bureaucracy works is they can just kill things in process.
So initially, we were cut off pretty early on from being able to access the files and being able to send people out there.
We sent people out initially to work in the task force.
After the crisis period, the first week or so, that dispersed.
And we basically were told that, hey, we'll get back to you if we find any kind of foreign ties, et cetera, that we want you guys to look into.
Meanwhile, we had already dug up a decent amount of leads.
Again, I'm not saying that we knew anything concrete, but we found more work that we needed to do to say that we had done our due diligence.
We were then told that, hey, you guys need to stop.
You can't work on this anymore.
I had a bureaucratic dispute about it.
Eventually, we were allowed to continue to investigate.
But then, in very short order, all the requests that we would make that normally different parts of the interagency with the FBI being on point would facilitate data share.
Data sharing is a big thing that NCTC does.
Those requests were just never met.
Or, in my opinion, not an honest effort was given to fulfill those requests.
Just basic information that any competent police service, which I believe Utah has, and the FBI, that they would have access to to help us run down the leads to either confirm or deny some kind of foreign activity.
So, we were cut off from that.
They didn't ever officially come back and say, you can't look at this anymore.
All of the requests just continued to die on the vine with the various agencies that we needed to actually fulfill those requests.
You know, all just the basic investigative questions of how to get there.
You map it out.
You know, nothing, this isn't rocket science.
I mean, this is anything that anyone with common sense would know to ask.
But basically, once they caught him, once he turned himself in and his fingerprints were on the gun, it was basically pencils down.
Utah has the rest of it.
There's nothing else to see here.
And, you know, I'm over there thinking I'm in crazy town saying, like, no, we have all these different leads that we need to run down.
Just from my perspective, now the people who had prior knowledge, I believe most of them were American citizens, so that would be on the FBI to go run down.
But again, without saying anything specific, there was more work for us to do on the potential of a foreign nexus.
Again, not saying there is one, but we had more work to do, and we were blocked from doing that.
And so I think the onus is on people who are preventing the collection of information to describe why they're doing that.
That's the question for them.
Why wouldn't you want to know?
Specifically, you may not know the answer.
Of the people who demonstrated prior knowledge of Charlie Kirk's murder online, and there were a number of them, are you satisfied that all of them were interviewed by the FBI in person?
I just think considering they knew Charlie was going to be assassinated, and there was enough of them that it wasn't just some rando who maybe he tags every TPUSA post with that.
There was enough of them that there's something there.
I personally did not know Charlie well, but Charlie Kirk is a generational figure.
I mean, he led a movement.
He was speaking to millions of young Americans who came out and who voted for President Trump.
And he was just a genuine great man, husband, father.
I mean, how can you not like Charlie Kirk?
But also the fact that he was murdered so publicly.
And yes, there's been a lot of sympathy and his movement has grown, et cetera.
But actual curiosity about getting to justice, to figuring out what happened, that makes me furious that we're being blocked from that and that we're not allowed to ask the question anymore.
We're just not allowed to talk about it anymore.
And I think that's absolute insanity.
And what does that mean?
What does that mean that there are people and there's entities out there that don't want us looking into this?
And I'm sure they're preparing the response right now and they're saying that's because we don't want to screw up the Robinson trial.
Like, okay, if the Robinson trial is so slam dunked, then don't worry about it.
You know, he's got his fingerprints on the rifle, et cetera.
But there was people publicly posting.
They had prior knowledge of this.
And I'm here telling you, as someone who's involved in the investigation, there was more stones for us to overturn.
And every time we asked, we were blocked.
And then they leaked the New York Times and we had a blow up and we had to throw them out of the room because they're crazy, et cetera.
So it's incredibly frustrating that there's not more, especially considering how pivotal Charlie was to the MAGA movement and to President Trump, that there hasn't been a more concerted effort to find the truth and to find justice.
No, yeah, at a certain point, I've really tried not to say anything about it because I don't know the answers.
But I want them to be found because I believe in justice and because I love Charlie.
But I think everything you have said may be dismissed as crazy or evil, but tell me how.
With reference to the words you've just spoken, I don't see how someone could level a legitimate attack on you.
It won't stop them.
You mentioned the breaches of the president's security that have been reported.
One that was reported, and I can't say whether it's true.
I'm only asking to see if you know that it is true.
But it's been reported that Prime Minister Netanyahu's security tail was caught twice by Secret Service attaching some kind of device to the President's Secret Service emergency response vehicle.
I think the president and the vice president and several members of the cabinet going out to dinner in D.C. and the Code Pink protesters having a heads up about that to rent the table.
And that's hard to do.
They had to figure out where.
They rent the table.
They had to kind of get the restaurant on board to a certain extent.
They're just going to be kind of crazy and annoying.
However, what does that mean?
That means you've got real problems with your security detail.
And then a few weeks later, you have an armed police officer who's off duty who's not part of the president's detail come right up and shake the president's hand.
And the guy's probably patriotic American, whatever.
He probably just wanted to shake the president's hand legitimately.
But that got a lot of publicity.
And what does that mean?
And the president, again, President Trump is very smart.
I think President Trump has a gift for interpreting large sets of data and making very, very key strategic decisions.
And so when the president sees that he's got issues with his own security detail, when he sees what happened in Butler with the other assassination attempts, when he sees what happened with Charlie, I think it's reasonable to believe that somewhere in his head, he thinks that maybe I don't have a choice.
Maybe they could harm me or they could harm my family.
And if they can't keep me safe, I believe the president deeply cares.
I believe he's very courageous.
I think if it was just a matter of he worried about his own physical safety, I don't think he cares.
We saw that in Butler.
But he does love his family, and he's got a big family.
And so somewhere in his head, if they can't keep me safe, what about my family?
So look, maybe the president was just simply deceived by the echo chamber we described, and that's how he got to this place.
But it's also there's a potential that there's an element of coercion, intimidation, whatever words you want to use there, that is also influencing his decision-making.
If you were assessing a similar situation in another country, a country not your own, and you as an expert on these questions, which obviously you are, I gave you the same data set you've just presented to me.
And I said, would you say that's just crazy even to bring that up as a possibility?
I mean, when you map out those data points, I would just say this moves from being a possibility to potentially, depending on how you look at it and interpret it, this could be a likelihood.
It would be something that I'm sure that we would debate rigorously, but nobody would dismiss it altogether.
And the way that we were aggressively blocked from that, I found the hostility to be above and beyond what you would think that you'd find with just typical rivalry, bureaucratic rivalry, turf wars, those types of things.
Some of that was at play, but the level of like, you cannot look at this.
And then for them to escalate it, to attempt to get us kicked out of the case, that to me was very surprising.
Same thing with Butler.
When we first started asking questions about Butler, I thought because especially that happened under the Biden administration, that, hey, we would come in and we would get the truth because the previous administration really screwed this thing up.
And there just wasn't curiosity there.
There wasn't curiosity and there wasn't a tolerance whatsoever for us going after just the key questions of like, hey, did the informant that you had that was interacting with this guy, Mershant, was he in communication with anybody in Butler?
I mean, basic questions to ask.
Again, this is nothing that's going to blow any investigator's socks off.
Just those basic questions.
Like, no, no, the two aren't related.
Like, you can't talk about it.
You can't ask any of those questions.
Even when we found data that needed to be looked in.
Yeah, I mean, they would say at the time, like, well, the Mershant case is ongoing, et cetera.
I think this is like a new rule, which is to say a fake rule that you're not allowed to gather information about anything that might potentially intersect with an ongoing case that's not directly related.
And we're just not going to look into very obvious leads or divulge information that everyone knows they have.
For example, the surveillance tape from the shooting range at which Thomas Crooks trained, because it would answer the question, was he training with somebody?
Yeah, I mean, so basically you give no information whatsoever on something that's obvious that there should be information.
Like you outlined, like there's potentially footage of crooks at the shooting range.
Again, police 101, go get the tapes.
Let's figure it out.
If you don't want to address that question, then you just go silent and you say, you can't ask that question, which then creates people who come out of kind of nowhere and they start drawing their own conclusions.
Knowing the way the internet works, I mean, half of them, if not more, are probably going to be so far off in left field and made by legitimate kooks or bots that then you can just be like, oh, these people asking these questions about that tape at the video range.
I hope everyone watching will just clip that tape and keep it on your phone and replay it every day because that is one of the primary ways that the Intel agencies and federal law enforcement influence public opinion, influence elections.
That's the way they influence the perception of what's going on.
But more than anything, it's the way that they hide their own behavior from the public.
So at the beginning of the administration, I think it was October, rather, it was January 23rd, was like right after the inauguration, the president issued an executive order calling for the total declassification, release of all documents relevant to the assassination of President John F. Kennedy in November of 1963, all of them, and also documents relevant to the assassination investigation into Martin Luther King and Robert F. Kennedy,
the Attorney General.
I don't think all the Kennedy documents have been released, have they?
I think more of this goes to the deep state, the system, the machine, whatever you want to call it.
They're not hiding something in the Kennedy files, in my opinion, because it's not like the assassins wrote down on this day we're going to kill J.F. Kennedy and they put it in a file at CIA or FBI.
That didn't happen.
So I don't really think there's anything that's in particularly, would be earth-shattering inside the files themselves.
The system doesn't want to get us used to things being rapidly declassified.
They don't want a president to be able to come in and say, here's an executive order, and I said declassify it because the people demand it.
And it happens like that as fast as it could happen.
They don't want that to happen.
They want to condition us that, like, okay, the president of the American people elected, he may have, you know, come in and lawfully given us an order, but there's a process here.
There's an interagency process.
Everyone gets to check to make sure there's nothing still classified or still ongoing, even if it was from, you know, 1963 or even further back.
Because again, they don't want us conditioned to we can just have access to this information.
And I think there's probably times where that would be appropriate, like something declassifying something that happened last week, for instance.
Yeah, there's going to be equities there, and I think the American people would understand that.
I mean, this fact, the fact that the government doesn't have to tell you what it's doing, even though you pay for it, just invalidates the whole concept of consent to the governed.
Like, how can you give consent to something you know nothing about?
But more than that, it creates a moral poison at the center of the society.
Lying is a sin.
It's the core sin.
And lies beget lies, and they, like cancer, destroy the body in which they live.
And if you care about the body, this country, if you're from here and you hope to live here and have grandchildren here, you have to fix that.
And I really think that telling the truth, radically telling the truth, is the only thing that gets you there.
And the pain that that entails, and it does entail pain, there's no doubt about it, and humiliation, is much smaller a price to pay than the price that we will pay inevitably and maybe soon if we don't do it.
I don't think this is sustainable, this level of lying in any society.
And our system is based on that faith: that we get to have these elections.
In theory, hopefully, you'd hope the elections are free and fair.
We've got a lot of issues there as well.
But when you finally get your person in office, that they're going to be able to control the government, that the people pay for, that are supposed to be RAM of the folks that they voted for, that they'll actually get their will implemented, or at least what's in the best interest for them implemented.
So we've been talking about this for 24 hours because I think that without even getting into it, anyone who's followed it carefully and is thinking clearly can see that the war with Iran is potentially like the end of a lot for the United States.
I mean, I don't think we could overstate the consequences of this.
And I don't think I'm being hysterical.
I've had three weeks to think about it.
I've actually had 10 years to think about it because that's how long they've been pushing for it.
So at this point, it feels like there's no way out.
But you were saying to me this morning in a really thoughtful way that gave me hope that you think there is a way out.
And so I'm going to stand back and let you explain how you think that the United States can exit with a lot of its interests intact and its honor intact and the president's administration intact because the political cost of this is shocking.
I mean, it's not the most important thing, but like right now it's all very broken.
And the good news is, I believe that this is something that President Trump is uniquely qualified to fix on his own through his sheer willpower.
President Trump has an amazing ability.
It's almost his superpower, I think, to be able to kind of breathe life into ideas and, again, to capture large data sets and to find leverage.
And right now it's clear that this conflict will just continue the way it is and get exponentially worse, especially if we go down the path of demanding a total surrender with boots on the ground or maybe even something far, far worse.
I mean, inevitably, if we say it's total surrender, what does total surrender mean?
Now, again, this is where President Trump is uniquely suited.
President Trump can define his own total surrender.
He's in charge.
I ended my letter with, you know, you hold the cards because President Trump truly does hold the cards.
He's a very powerful, very respected leader.
And what I think President Trump must do is, number one, he has to address the main issue.
The main issue is what the Israelis are doing.
And he needs to very forcefully, and probably with a new team of diplomats, go to the Israelis and say, you're done.
We will defend you.
We will make sure that ballistic missiles aren't rained down upon you.
However, you are done going on the offense because this is our war.
We're paying for it.
We're bleeding for it.
This is not your war.
If you choose to continue this offensive operation, we're out.
And as a matter of fact, if you choose to continue, we will start withdrawing features of your defense system so that you will be on your own.
We have to say that to them.
And we have to be very blunt and we have to be very forceful.
And I know a lot of people who, like the Israelis, are going to say, we can't do that.
That's wrong.
They're under fire, et cetera.
But if we don't do that, if we don't address our relationship with the Israelis, even if we come up with a temporary ceasefire, we'll be right back in this same situation in very short order.
So that's the first thing that President Trump must do: address the main issue.
The main issue is how the Israelis are out of control and they are driving this entire war.
Address that aggressively, get the Israelis to stop.
It will be hard, but again, President Trump can do it.
President Trump can call the prime minister of Israel and get him to the table.
President Trump can force it.
I believe that.
I truly believe that he can.
So I think it's doable.
It's only doable with President Trump.
And then from there, once we get the Israelis to stop, we still, for now, have strong allies in the Gulf.
We have the Emiratis, the Qataris, the Saudis, the Bahrainis, all these actors, the Omanis.
They may not always agree with each other, but they're all pretty good partners with us.
I think we need to use them.
And again, I think we probably need to bring in some new diplomats and we need to aggressively engage with the Iranians while we can to get to a ceasefire and to come up with a way that we can stop the killing.
We can stop the destruction of not just these countries, not just the loss of more life, but basically the collapse of the energy system that we have right now so that we can open the Straits of Hormuz back up again and so that we can make sure the petrodollar is being used.
Because right now, we didn't stop the flow of oil going to the, you know, the Chinese.
The Chinese are still getting their oil out and they're settling those transactions in Yuan, not the petrodollar.
So we have to, once we get the Israelis to stop, we have to aggressively pursue our economic interests.
And I think the only good thing in here is that our economic interests are in line with not just the GCC countries, but also with the Iranians.
Because the Iranians want this war to stop.
They want to be able to rebuild their energy sector.
They want to be able to revitalize their energy sector.
And on this mutual cooperation to open up the Straits of Hormuz and to build back the energy sector, I think we could come up with a peace.
I mean, we just lifted sanctions on Syria because the regime changed there, but we lifted sanctions on a guy who used to be the former leader of al-Qaeda.
I'm pretty sure we can go ahead and lift some sanctions.
If it would be in our benefit to lift the sanctions, not only would it help us in the war, but also a condition of lifting the sanctions would be you will settle all transactions that you're going to get from your new oil industry that will be reintroduced to the world economy.
You'll settle that in the dollar.
And we need the dollar to survive if we want our country in its current state to survive as well.
So, the lifting of sanctions in this case very much works out in our national interest.
That to me, and I'm sure there's lots of different variations we could have of this plan, but President Trump aggressively enacting this and addressing the Israelis first and foremost.
Otherwise, any kind of negotiation we try to have with the Iranians or pretty much anybody else, if we don't address the Israeli factor, they're simply not going to take us seriously.
And every day that this goes on, again, the more I have no love for anybody in power in Iran right now, but the more of the people that we, more of the leaders we kill in Iran, you're not getting to Thomas Jefferson next.
It's not like if we kill 15 or 20 of them, the 16th or the 21st guy is Thomas Jefferson or he's a moderate.
It's very obvious to me that some of these strikes, not all, but some were conducted with the intent of making a negotiated settlement impossible.
And that leads me to the saddest thing, you know, a whole cluster of sad things, but the saddest thing is the bombing of the girls' school attached to the Iranian naval base.
And the U.S. has admitted we did it.
But I'm wondering about the targeting coordinates and where those came from.
And obviously from the way the Israelis have conducted themselves in the Gaza War and other places, they have a much different way of fighting than we do.
I mean, America definitely makes mistakes and we do everything that we can.
I can tell you as a guy who fought on the ground, Americans, almost to a fault sometimes, we do everything that we can to prevent the loss of civilian life.
I mean, almost to the point where sometimes we risk our own lives deliberately to not kill Americans, to not kill innocent civilians.
So, again, this is where being in partnership with air quotes partner that has a very different agenda than you and a stated outcome, but then also just a different standard for how they fight, it's very dangerous.
And as somebody who fought for most of my life, I think I can get into their heads pretty easily.
If I was an Israeli, I think I would have the same view.
I think I would say like, well, we're going to fight them at some point anyways.
If there's civilians in that area that's militarily important to us, whatever.
Like, I have a job to do.
I understand that.
But it's also important for us to understand our Irkuts partners.
If we're going to be in a partnership with them, we have to be clear-eyed about that.
Just because they speak English and a lot of them went to school over here and we have dual citizens doesn't mean that they're going to target the same way that we do.
We have to be clear-eyed about it.
And that's what I think is missing.
If we're going to do joint operations with the Israelis, they are going to, look, we saw what happened in Gaza.
And you can say that's a horrible thing.
You can say that's just the way it is.
But that is the way the Israelis fight.
And so we have to go into that clear, with clear eyes and understand that's how they're going to fight.
And now we're going to be viewed as being not just complicit, but we're going to be viewed as being partners in that.
And again, that's a very dangerous place for us to be because our object, at least our tactical objectives, have been pretty clear that we want to take down the ballistic missiles, the nuclear program, the Navy, the Army, et cetera.
And those are military targets.
But we're in partnership right now with the Israelis, who they're going after some military targets, but they're going after a heck of a lot more that are not military targets.
He was just very logical about that and very clear-eyed about that.
Again, this is why President Trump is uniquely qualified to solve this problem because I think he has the ability to understand things from multiple perspectives at the same time and then find our leverage and then find out what's best for our objectives, for America's objectives with clear eyes.
I understand the way I left and writing the letter that there's parts of his administration that are going to have to come after me and try and discredit me.
I understand that.
But I think the president is someone who listens.
And so I think he's listening not necessarily just to me and to you, but I think he is listening to a lot of different people because I think he knows at a core level this is not going well and he needs to find a way for us to get out of this.