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March 21, 2025 - Stew Peters Show

01:45:41

Logos Academy Episode 38: Justin Barrett

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	All right, ladies and gentlemen, we are live.
	Welcome, everybody.
	Today we are joined with Justin Barrett.
	He's a very interesting, prominent character out in Ireland fighting on behalf of the Irish people.
	I've seen quite a few of your videos and clips.
	I saw the interview that you did with Hammer or Chris not long ago, which was a fantastic interview.
	So it's an absolute pleasure to have you on the show.
	Welcome, my friend.
	Well, thank you very much, Zach.
	I'm very happy and glad to be speaking to you.
	What we will talk about is entirely up to you.
	You lead out.
	Okay, great.
	Well, I'm sure we're probably in the same ballpark with what we discuss most of the time.
	I'm not sure how familiar you are with what I discuss on my show, but it's essentially white nationalism talking about how we can secure the existence of our people, which is obviously a prevalent issue.
	And I think it would be great for my audience to get an understanding of What this struggle is like in Ireland, right?
	So I come from an American perspective.
	They hear a lot about America, and obviously America is the big to-do with a lot of these things.
	So we don't know a lot about Ireland.
	We don't really hear a lot in our news or our media about that.
	So please, before we maybe get into that, if you want to maybe give the audience some background on yourself as an individual, kind of who you are and how you came to be in the position that you're in today, that would be a lovely introduction.
	Right. Okay.
	Well, just to say that the question of, you know, mass immigration and the idea that it would present an existential threat to the actual existence of Ireland as a nation is a relatively new phenomenon,
	even on the furthest reaches of what they like to call the far right.
	It's not been a problem in Ireland.
	Ireland was, historically speaking, and when I say historically, I mean up until the turn of the millennium, was largely a homogenous society, a white homogenous society, not only a white homogenous society, but south of the border,
	the border the British established across the six counties of the north, is it was homogenous religiously speaking.
	It was almost exclusively Roman Catholic.
	It was believing Roman Catholic.
	The non-white population was so infinitesimal that it would not register on a graph.
	Never mind the overall foreign population.
	I'm not talking about continental Europeans here or even Americans who might be living in Ireland or retired to Ireland.
	To the extent to which they would even count if they're Irish Americans and, you know, et cetera, et cetera, as foreigners.
	So it's a relatively new phenomenon.
	Now, for me, it's not, because this is something that I have been worried about for a very long time and been concerned about.
	The inevitability of that existential question coming to Ireland, when exactly it was going to come, in what form it would come, because they knew it would come.
	Long before the actual phrase great replacement theory was there, there was the fact of the thing, which was that the populations of the continental Europe were being replaced.
	The American white population was going steadily down.
	I got involved in politics, got involved in politics.
	Well, I don't know exactly how you'd say when I got involved in politics, because to a certain extent, I've always been.
	And I've never had a time where I could say, well, you know, I had no interest in that or I didn't know anything about it.
	I can trace my knowledge and following of American politics back to the Reagan victory
	And I was involved in the pro-life movement for a large part of my life.
	So my first activist politics, shall we say, was conservative politics in Ireland.
	And conservative politics in Ireland meant Catholic politics in Ireland.
	But me, myself, would have been An aware national socialist throughout that time.
	Let's just say I was familiar with the concept of optics cocking before anybody had even mentioned the idea of optics, never mind cocking on them, which was that I had this political belief and I had this political ideology in my head and this is what I knew.
	There's a solution to Ireland's problems in general and the world's problems in general.
	And I knew we were going to get to that point at some stage.
	But I also knew that the presentation of that ideology to an Ireland in, say, the 1980s when I was a teenager, which I did do quite openly, in fact.
	But no one took it all that seriously.
	It was, again, you're talking about homogenous society.
	So you're just talking about...
	Reaction of adults, teachers and so forth to me was, this is a precocious kid who's got some crazy ideas in his head and he'll pass, you know, and every so often, you know,
	kind of a glare of acknowledgement.
	He knows far too much about this stuff for it to be a passing thing or for it to be a fad.
	But then, you know.
	Back to normal, normal, because there were no racial issues to be engaged in.
	1983 would have seen the introduction into Ireland of the constitutional ban on abortion.
	So it was, shall we say, the 1980s were the last hurrah for Irish conservatism.
	There was a number of referendums during that decade which were very solidly won by the conservative side.
	Now, I could see the menace approaching, but on the other hand, I was aware, or at least I thought I was aware.
	You see, this is a complicated question when I come into where I am now.
	I thought I was aware that the best way to present myself and the best way to present those ideas was in a conservative context.
	And not frighten the cattle, as it were.
	You know, not frighten the horses.
	So I presented that.
	And most of it, of course, if you're familiar with both the traditional Catholic social teaching and you're familiar with national socialist ideology, you'll realize that there's a great deal of crossover there.
	And so it is not difficult to present a lot of ideas.
	In terms of their Catholicism, the one thing that you can't present or cannot fully present under the heading of Catholicism, not that it's contrary, but under the heading of, is the matter of race and the matter of racial pride,
	racial identification.
	But that wasn't a thing in Ireland in the 1980s, nor was it really a thing in the 1990s either, when I got very much involved, even was working full-time with pro-life organizations.
	We were at the very, very early stages of having any kind of ethnic minority, if any, description.
	So this has overtaken Ireland in a very, very short space of time, compared to, say, the United States, which is...
	Pretty much, like, since its foundation has had a section of the country that was non-white, that had to be accommodated in some way, you know, sometimes in quarters, but in any case, had to be accommodated.
	And then in more recent times, of course, you have the flood across the border from Mexico, which had already started in the 1980s, too, when you had...
	You have Reagan's amnesty and so on and so forth.
	I was supposed to sort that out.
	But we didn't have any of that in Ireland.
	We didn't have any of that really until the turn of the millennium, into the 2000s.
	We found ourselves with this growing immigrant population.
	But even then, it was not of that greatest numerical significance.
	And also, with the accession of the Eastern European countries to the European Union, In 2004, there was a sizable influx of continental Europeans to work in Ireland.
	It was a boom economy at the time.
	But again, that didn't have the jarring effect that we are witnessing now, because they were white, they were Europeans, they were civilized people, and largely speaking...
	Although they were foreign, and there's only so much foreign that any nation can take over any given period of time, it was possible to foresee, and it certainly was possible for most Irish people,
	to regard this as a relatively minor problem.
	A relatively minor problem except You know, pressure on services, pressure on housing, pressure on and so on and so forth.
	Pressure of numbers, I guess, rather than a true clash of cultures.
	Until the late 2000s and early into the 2010s, then it started to rapidly ramp up.
	And so did all the other classic issues that the right was facing across.
	The European Union and it was facing across the United States, North America, Australia, Canada, etc.
	Which was the novelty for us then of non-white immigration in significant numbers and to the point where now it is...
	Let's just put it in bathroom terms for a moment.
	It's like the faucets have been turned on full on full and the bath's already overflowing and nobody seems to in media circles and in government circles.
	Nobody seems to understand or acknowledge, I guess, is even a better word.
	Because if they acknowledge it, there would be a debate.
	And if there were to be a debate, there would be an understanding.
	There would have to be a degree of understanding.
	But the established political system has agreed among themselves essentially to ignore this as an issue and therefore not to address it at all.
	And so over a very short space of time, we have now gone in Ireland to the point where 23%, this is of the official figures, these are census figures now, of non-Irish-born population is 23%.
	Now that's happened over about a decade of time.
	That's an incredibly short space of time.
	Within that, as I say, it is still...
	Largely continental European, but in such numbers at this point that the possibility of assimilation and integration is a significant problem.
	But, again, I go back to the thing that it is continental Europe, and they are coming from civilized countries at the end of the day, is this new phenomenon.
	This new phenomenon, which is non-white immigration, sub-Saharan immigration, Islamic immigration, and this phenomenon has brought with it a wave of criminality and a wave of racial identification,
	which is something that is entirely new to Irish people.
	The term white nationalist, for example, would only have a limited Audience of even understanding within Ireland.
	The idea that there could be an Irish person who was not white is still something that the government are grappling with in terms of trying to force upon us.
	It's only started to become on forms that you fill out.
	Government forms like driver's license and birth certificates and whatever.
	The categories, the ethnic categories like and you put in white Irish and then it's white other.
	And now we didn't have that because there was no Irish other.
	And so to an extent to which the Irish people would have identified themselves as white.
	We wouldn't have.
	Irish Americans would have, of course, immediately.
	You step off a plane into the Irish American community and you're instantly in a scenario in which your whiteness is a defining characteristic.
	Indeed, as early as 1995, I remember I was on a trip to Washington to do with, I mean, my naivety and ignorance, myself and another person I was with, Went wandering around in Washington just looking for a food store.
	So you buy some food, bring it back, prepare it, whatever.
	And when we got back, our host asked us where we'd gone.
	And we told him, and he said, did you notice anything about it?
	And went...
	Well, I said, like, most of the people there were black, but that's the truth in Washington, D.C., isn't it?
	And he said, well, yeah, yeah, in certain areas.
	He said, how do they look at you?
	And I said, well, we weren't really paying too much attention.
	And he said, well, you ought to have been.
	He said, because the only reason why a white person in Washington, D.C. would be where you were was either prostitution or drugs.
	And you went there to buy bread.
	Which would have been absolutely mystified.
	And he said, one of the things that probably saved your lives was the sheer incredulity of these two Irish pasty white faces in the middle of, like, black Washington just doing a grocery shopping.
	And he said, you're lucky you got out alive.
	But he said, I'm guessing it was just a surprise factor.
	And if you'd hung around any longer, you'd have been in trouble.
	So that's the, you know, that's the first time I remember thinking to myself, wow, like being Irish means being white.
	That's a thing.
	As a National Socialist, I'm conscious of Irish being Aryan and within the whole context of racial identity politics on a global scale.
	But I never thought of it as a direct identity in terms of I was white.
	The person who was with me from Ireland was white.
	No, we were from Ireland.
	And these were people who were in Washington before we got here.
	And they happened to be...
	Black, as such.
	And that was to be expected, because statistically I knew what the population of the...
	But I didn't know, and it's something that we are finding out now in the streets of our own capital, and the small towns and villages of our own country, is I didn't know that to be among Black...
	People was to be, for a white person, a dangerous place to be, and a naturally dangerous place to be.
	And that came as quite a shock.
	We came out of that unscathed, but as I say, that phenomenon has now come to us here in Ireland, and they're not pretending to, the government's pretending to identify them as non-white Irish, but for the large part,
	they don't.
	Attempt to define themselves, except when it comes to welfare benefits and various government handouts.
	Do they attempt to pretend or identify as Irish at all?
	They stay very closely to themselves.
	They stay very ethnically homogenous, even within their own communities.
	And the criminality is spreading out.
	The extent to which that is visited upon the white population is for Irish people is still phrased in terms of the Irish population, not in terms of white or black.
	And people are still saying in Ireland, it's not about race, it's not about race.
	Even the people who are hostile to the vast numbers who are coming in, it's not about race.
	And it's a luxury we can't afford anymore to have.
	Same as it wasn't really a luxury in 1995, it just got out with our skins on our backs.
	If Ireland doesn't wake up to the fact that as Irish people, as we take in this huge number of non-white, non-Europeans, that the identification mark of the Irish people will be that they are white.
	And that they have a racial identification as well as a national identification is something that has been forced upon us and is a very real thing and very suddenly so.
	So that's a long answer, I do realize.
	No, but it's a very good answer and it's an interesting one too.
	Being a white American who...
	Unfortunately, there's an interesting phenomenon when it comes to America specifically in that growing up here, you don't really identify with your actual culture itself, right?
	Like your heritage.
	So I'm 80% German.
	I've got like 20% Welsh in me, right?
	And that's not something that you grow up very conscious of after maybe two or three generations have been in America.
	They become Americanized.
	And then they do identify with this white factor.
	And I will say, you know, growing up here, we are very cognizant of being in an all-black area as a white person is absolutely a danger.
	That is something that definitely was kind of hounded into my mind as a child and very much seen through personal experience, how these people can behave and how dangerous these areas can be.
	And that you are, you're looked upon as almost a target, right?
	You're the guy to ask for spare change or you're the guy to...
	I'm very curious, maybe for the audience's understanding again, because we have very little understanding of how the Irish people view this problem.
	Obviously, someone like myself, who is also a National Socialist, and I understand this problem probably in the exact same way that you do.
	We obviously know that the average American does not see it through that lens whatsoever.
	They're happy to accept multiculturalism and literally watch their people go extinct.
	So I'm very curious, how do the Irish people receive this influx of mass immigration from these third world countries?
	Are they, would you say on mass scale, are they opposed to it?
	Are they open to it?
	How are they reacting to this?
	The reaction is in a very disorganized way.
	And at the moment at a very...
	Embryonic stage in terms of politics.
	But the reaction is hostility.
	Now, as I said, it's not racial.
	It's not seen as racial.
	It's not understood in racial terms.
	But it is seen as too many foreigners.
	And the average person in Ireland who is your walk-a-day Joe, he's going, that guy's foreign.
	Now, the fact it is brown or black is not really relevant to the question yet, but it happens to be.
	And the foreigners that we had taken in earlier seem to be nice enough people.
	There seems to be a bit too many of them, perhaps, all at once.
	But it's like if you had the whole white European immigration history of the United States, In, I don't know, 30 years?
	We've kind of had that as white immigration in 15. But the non-white immigration is still seen as an Irish farm thing, rather than in any kind of racial terms, or even in ethnic terms,
	really. And a lot of people are responding to the influx then with a kind of a civic nationalism.
	Overlapping in ethno-nationalism because, again, most Irish people don't divide the two things.
	And so those who have an in-depth knowledge of the issues clearly identify themselves in the first instance as ethno-nationalists.
	And in the second instance identify it as not just a foreigner Irish problem, which...
	It most definitely is in terms of overall numbers.
	But it is becoming a racial problem as well.
	And that the racial element of it is the real life and death struggle, I guess, of the Irish people and the Irish nation.
	And the Irish people have reacted with huge hostility to the concept and the idea, simply on the basis that it's foreign.
	But the media don't talk about it.
	The political establishment don't talk about it.
	The political parties don't debate it.
	The extent to which anti-immigration parties have made progress electorally or even organizationally has been at an absolute minimum.
	And so you have this deep-seated resentment of what's happening to the country without it.
	Being manifest as part of the public discussion or part of the political debate.
	Now, having said that, just in the last few days with President Trump inviting Conor McGregor into the White House, he has effectively thrown the whole Issue right straight into the mainstream,
	whether the left and the liberals want to agree among themselves in Ireland or not, the fact of the matter is that it is an issue, because it has to be an issue, because as you know yourself, if the President of the United States says something is an issue,
	it is, whether it was before or not, it's neither here nor there.
	The reaction of the media, of course, to Trump has been hostile since way before his election in 2016 and has continued to be.
	So there's that mind pattern being prepared there of left-wing hostility to Trump.
	But the problem with that, from our point of view, or the point of view of our political grouping, is that that has resulted in a pro-Trump reaction.
	And therefore...
	The fear, my fear, is that we are going to go through this long-staged conservative backlash that really isn't addressing the problem at all.
	And we don't have the time as a nation because we're six million people on this island.
	Now about one million of them are foreign and about three or four hundred thousand of them are non-white.
	In a very short space of time.
	And we're taking in immigrants at the rate of about 80,000 a year.
	So you can see how the Irish population is being diluted extremely rapidly.
	And the new immigrants are not from continental Europe.
	The last five years, you know, there's a to and fro from continental Europe with Poles, Lithuanians.
	It's generally Eastern Europeans coming and going but their share of the immigrant population is roughly flat.
	But the non-white element is rapidly growing and with it all the problems that you as an American would be very familiar with.
	These are new to us and I know from watching the United States' progression downhill and I know from watching the European Union nations like France, Germany, Britain, Italy, etc.
	I know that, number one, there will be some kind of conservative phase.
	And number two, that we don't have time for it to be as long as it was in the United States.
	And we don't have time for it to be as long as it was in Europe.
	Or we are not going to be sufficiently organized as a real national identification, addressing the real questions.
	In time, not to become a non-white majority country before we get past people going,"I wish things were the way they were 10 years ago." I'm realizing that this is a much bigger problem.
	And not only is it a bigger problem in a European or a global scale, but it's a much bigger problem within our own country.
	And it's tied in, and this is where the national socialist ideology comes in, it's tied in to all of these other things that are happening to us, like the COVID lockdowns, like the forced vaccinations, like the economic future of the...
	The country, like who is controlling the Irish economy, the extent to which the European Union is dominating real political decision-making in Ireland, and our own legislature is a member state legislature,
	which is kind of like a state legislature in the United States, except worse, because there are no defined rights within the European Union which are constitutionally.
	Held back to the Member States.
	Ultimately, there's no limit to the authority of the European Union within Ireland.
	And then there's no questioning within that context as of yet, or at least, let's put it in another way, we're trying to start that conversation as to who it is controlling the mechanisms Which are impacting our daily lives in this way.
	Which leads us on, of course, to the obvious, for you and I, the obvious, which is we have to now talk about the Jew.
	Because if you don't talk about the Jew, if you talk about the black man in your local village, It's impossible to understand that because he's not one black man.
	He's 200 that arrived last night.
	He was nobody.
	Their percentage of the population was nobody yesterday.
	And now they are a majority in your local community overnight.
	And he didn't do that under his own endeavor.
	He didn't do that.
	Of his own, well, of his own volition, I guess he agreed, but he didn't do that as a matter of his own initiative.
	And so where is this push coming from?
	Where is the globalist push coming from?
	And why is it coming?
	And that leads me back almost to my childhood politics, which is that it is time...
	To ditch the conservative talk, the conservative rhetoric and the optics of conservatism and adopt a more radicalized, not only a more radicalized ideology, because as much as I could possibly do,
	I tried to push forward in the most radical way that I could at any given time, but to push it forward optically as well.
	That we are in an existential crisis.
	We are in a life and death crisis.
	That Ireland will live or Ireland will die with this generation.
	And possibly the question of Ireland's life or death as a people will be decided within the next decade, two decades, three decades at the outside.
	And three decades is being very optimistic unless there's a major turnaround.
	In how politics is working, because the white Europeans who are here, which might identify, you know, as you say, in the United States, all whites identify ultimately as being white Americans, is the white foreigners in Ireland do not identify as Irish and don't really identify themselves as white and don't really think of themselves being here in 30 years time.
	So they aren't invested one way or the other.
	Once Ireland gets bad enough, they're just going to go home.
	And they're going to go home to largely all white societies in Eastern Europe for the time being.
	Until, of course, the problem lands on their store step, exactly as it did on ours.
	And all it takes, as we've seen in Poland, is all it takes is one slip of the electorate.
	One slip, one election, and in come the left.
	And in come the immigrants, and in comes the problem.
	But there's no, as I say, there's no identification as whites with them.
	They largely go about their business and do what they're doing, isolated from the population in general, and they intend to save enough money to go home.
	And start, you know, a life for themselves there.
	And they are able to do so in much better terms now than they were, shall we say, when they originally started coming.
	This non-white problem, however, is growing.
	It's massive.
	It's clearly permanent.
	They are being fed a daily dose of propaganda by our mainstream media, which is number one.
	That you're as Irish as anybody else.
	And number two, which is utterly and completely contradictory, is hate the Irish.
	Number one, you're as Irish as anybody else.
	Number two, hate the Irish.
	They're the problem.
	It's our Negro mind that can hold those two concepts together in the same place at the same time and not see a contradiction.
	So the hostility To immigration is there.
	The hostility to foreignness is there.
	The racial hostility is present in the immigrant community towards us.
	But it is not present in the Irish community as a response.
	It's not expressed in racial terms.
	It's not even generally expressed in racial terms.
	It's expressed in national terms.
	These are outsiders.
	These are foreigners.
	And it doesn't matter where they're from.
	And of course, the problem is, is it does matter.
	It very much does matter on a day-to-day basis.
	If you're trying to deal with them as individuals and as a problem on a national scale, it very much does matter where they've come from.
	And it very much does matter whether they feel that they are here with some kind of racial grievance against white people, of which they include The Irish people, despite us not having a colonialist history, despite us not having any history of slavery,
	and I know you could get into that, that slavery in America was a Jewish question as well.
	It wasn't really a white question, but the black people see it as a white question.
	And colonization and imperialism and The imposition of those things by international finance capitalism in the third world is being brought into Europe and now is being brought into Ireland as a racial hostility and a very distinctly racial hostility from the get-go.
	Irish people need to wake up to that.
	They're only very slowly doing so and it's a matter of great concern.
	I certainly concur.
	It's of the utmost concern.
	And you bring up a really good point when you talked about this conservative response to this problem, which is obviously fabricated and made up in this very specific way to specifically not address this through racial measures.
	So a common rhetoric from the conservative apparatus is that It's just illegal immigration that's the problem.
	It has nothing to do with who's coming or why.
	It's because they're illegal.
	They weren't put through a process and they didn't get the paperwork that says that they're a legal immigrant.
	And this kind of shapes the debate in a very different manner, specifically so that our people don't focus on that racial aspect.
	They don't see it through that lens and say, oh, maybe the problem is not that these people are illegals, but rather that they're here They're completely culturally different than us.
	They actually, in most cases, despise us, hate us for our history.
	And as you said, the slavery problem in the United States was very much a Jewish operation.
	There was little to do with white people.
	And even if, let's just say, let's just say it was completely correct that it was white people that did slavery in the United States.
	Do I have anything to do with that?
	Was I a part of something like that?
	It's just absurd to make me out to be the bad man for the deeds of ancestors, which, again, my ancestors didn't even do those deeds, so it's beside the point anyway.
	But this is a serious problem with the conservatives.
	And I have this concern with Trump even being president.
	A lot of people thought of this as a win.
	Oh, the conservative, the Republican, no more of the tranny stuff.
	This is a big win.
	And I don't view this as a win personally.
	I actually view this as the opposite because there's a great fear, which I think is very much in line with yours, that him being in, this is like a cooling agent where a lot of our people that are becoming upset with the things that are happening in society, they now see this Supposed good conservative man get into power,
	and he'll pull back some of the gas prices and some of the crazy, egregious Marxist stuff, right?
	But those fundamental principles of race and these cultural values that are very important to us are never going to be touched on, and our people will completely fall asleep on it and think that, well, things are good because the economy is a little bit better.
	That's a very dangerous precedent to set.
	And like you said, we don't have the time for something like that.
	I don't think globally we have that time.
	From an Irish perspective, as it's presented to the average Irish person, Donald Trump is the Nazi president.
	You've already got there.
	Adolf Hitler is in the White House right now.
	Right now.
	And so that warps Irish people's perspectives entirely.
	Because to a large degree, they believe that.
	To a large degree, they do believe that he is that far to the right and he is that dangerous.
	And when they're presented with things like his policy on Israel, Irish people are still honing in on, like, the Zionists are the real Nazis.
	That is a plausible line to present to an Irish audience, from a left-wing perspective.
	And the vast majority of people will nod along and go, yeah, yeah, Zionism, that's the problem.
	See, we have a very tiny Jewish population as part of the, like, you know, numerically speaking, they're infinitesimal.
	Having said that, they occupy significant and strategic places of power.
	The head of the Central Bank, for example, in Ireland is.
	But because Ireland is run through the European Union, a lot of people don't see a direct Jewish influence in Irish government in the way that they see it in the United States.
	You can't name the names in the same clear and defined manner.
	Now, you can take the Irish person then to Brussels and the names are there.
	But that all just seems foreign anyway.
	And to distinctly identify it as being somehow connected with a globalist conspiracy or somehow connected with international jury as a phenomenon and as something that needs to be tackled on a broad basis is,
	again, not part of the national conversation.
	It was believable, I think.
	And I would respect anybody for having believed that Trump in 2016 might have intended to make a difference.
	I mean, there were hints, there were indications that all was not well, that things were far more kosher than they appeared to be.
	But... There was a degree of reason behind the optimism that he just would simply break the mold.
	What astonishes me personally here is that, I can only call it the Felford Again Awards, is how in 2020 when Biden came in and everything kept going on pretty much the same way,
	Except some of the rhetoric, just some of the rhetoric changed.
	And then in 2024, you have Trump coming back in, and you have all this renewed hope for the next four years, like this man has come out of the wilderness of, you know, of Appalachia or somewhere,
	and that you haven't already had four years of Trump as president.
	You already have four years of seeing the fundamental problems which you face as a nation not being dealt with.
	And the idea that anybody fell for it a second time.
	Now, I mean, what would I do as an American last November?
	Would I have gone out and voted for him?
	Well, probably as the lesser of two evils.
	But having said that, sitting in the discomfort Of this march, with Kamala Harris not being the immediate alternative prospect of being president, is I don't see how the glow hasn't worn off the idea of a Trump presidency and the idea that real problems are going to be solved.
	Like, for example, as you say, they're pulling back on some of the more egregious elements of the Marxists.
	Woke agenda, the cultural Marxist agenda like critical race theory, transgenderism and so forth.
	But those things weren't even mainstream American problems in 2016 before he came in.
	So it's a little bit like the problem we have in Ireland is people are hankering back for a time that wasn't that great anyway.
	It's like maybe when Reagan was elected in 1980 and his rhetoric was harking back to an early 20th century American.
	The idea that that should have resonance with people and that that should be an attractive thing for them to grasp hold of was a plausible Notion.
	Now, whether you believe that Ronald Reagan was going to deliver that in the manner in which he said he was going to deliver that, so a whole other story of naivety and disbelief at the ultimate consequences.
	But the thing about Trump is he's been there.
	He's been president for four years.
	And nothing changed.
	It only got worse.
	And it got worse at perhaps a slower pace.
	But then it got worse at a faster pace.
	And now it's getting worse again at a slower pace.
	And some of these issues that you're facing in the United States, which we're facing here as well, like transgenderism and the more egregious elements, as I said, of cultural Marxism, some of these things...
	Even the rhetoric is only talking about going back to 2015.
	It's not talking about undoing the damage, the cultural damage of pretty much the latter half of the 20th century at least.
	And in Ireland, we don't even have a conservative movement of any significance.
	And my fear, as I say, is if we don't skip that phase, if we don't skip the...
	We have to skip the Reagan phase, right?
	We have to skip it.
	We can't afford it.
	We can't afford a Ronald Reagan.
	We can't afford an Irish political figure becoming prominent in the country that talks about taking us back, say, to the 1990s.
	Because the 1990s weren't that great, actually.
	Now, compared to now, I see the attraction.
	I live through them, so I know.
	I see the attraction.
	But I could see, when I live through them, the problems.
	Started there and started before there.
	So we can't afford a Ronald Reagan phase of conservatism.
	We cannot afford a Trump phase of conservatism either, because that, to me, and looking at the United States now, that is just a delay factor on the ultimate solution, which is making the ultimate solution harder.
	Because it is demographics, it's destiny, and ultimately, after four years of a Trump presidency, here will be the fundamental question.
	Within the borders of the United States of America, will there be more people hostile to the United States as an entity, as a functioning state?
	and as a political idea and concept than there were when he became president and all the indications are already is that they will be worse and so this is another four years of pretending for you the problem doesn't exist and for us We haven't got to Reagan yet.
	We haven't got to the Reagan excuse yet.
	Never mind the Trump excuse.
	We haven't got MAGA yet.
	We haven't got anywhere near that.
	That's Nazism in Ireland.
	That's Nazism.
	So, you know, we have a huge task before us.
	But having said that, since it's happening so quickly, one would expect, logically speaking, that the response Would take up a similar pace.
	I definitely don't think we're going to have a Reagan phase of Irish Conservatism.
	In the worst case scenario, and I would hope we could skip this altogether, but in the worst case scenario we're going to jump straight to a Trump phase.
	And a lot of Irish people now are looking at Conor McGregor being invited to the White House, looking at him saying that he's going to run for the presidency in Ireland, which is no executive powers, by the way, which is almost impossible for him to get a nomination for, because you can't just get a certain number of signatures or whatever.
	They have to be current members of the Araclis, which is the Irish Parliament, or they have to be a number of local.
	Like county councils, which is pretty much the same as the United States County Council.
	It's pretty much the same as the Irish County Council in scale and size.
	But you have to get a majority on four of those to get.
	Now that means you could only get in to the nomination even for the presidency through the channels of the already established political system.
	So Conor McGregor isn't even going to be a candidate.
	Unless the current political establishment allow him to be a candidate, which means that even talking about him being a candidate, never mind whether he's a good candidate, bad candidate, character flawed, whatever, it doesn't matter.
	And what he would do, the limitations he would have on his presidency were he to be married, were he to be made president by the Irish people, which is unlikely in and of itself.
	The limitations on the actual power he would wield, as opposed to the symbolism, is limited too.
	But it's not even going to happen.
	It's not going to even happen.
	And we're going to spend a year talking about it.
	And Irish conservatism right now is in a place where it's looking to Donald Trump as some kind of saviour.
	Of the West.
	Still not thinking in white terms, but a saviour of the West.
	Donald Trump will save America.
	When Donald Trump saves America, Donald Trump's influence will flow over, an American influence will flow over into Europe and particularly into Ireland through Irish America and particularly through an individual like Conor McGregor running for the presidency will save Ireland somehow.
	And we will be spared The bother, if you like, of actually going through finding the solutions to these problems ourselves and battling for those solutions.
	First, we need to think of them.
	Second, we need to bring them to public consciousness.
	And third, we need to make them the majority point of view.
	And then we need to enact them against all of the other obstacles and barriers that are there.
	An optimism in Trump, which is flowing into the right in Ireland, insofar as it exists, and it's incoherent and incoherent for, is a delay factor.
	And it's a delay factor no more than you can't afford it in the United States, in the White House.
	We can't afford it culturally.
	It's cultural overflow into our politics, which is, no, no, it can be done this way.
	Solutions can be found.
	Within the system as it's currently established.
	And there doesn't need to be radical changes.
	All we need to do is to go back to the way things were, and then people will pick a date off the top of their heads, as it were.
	People my age certainly will think of the 1990s, because that will have been the time when we were still racially homogenous, ethnically homogenous, nationalism, Kind of went without saying.
	And it was the first period of real economic prosperity in Ireland since the foundation of the state, since the end of British rule.
	We were well off, you know, for the very first time ever.
	We were used to being poor.
	But as soon as we weren't poor, of course.
	The whole world was invited to the table.
	And now we're in that stage.
	And people are going, well, if only we could get back to the 90s.
	And we're going, that's not it.
	I tell you, if you could go back to the 1990s, and I'm not terrifically sure you could, but if you could, you would only be going back on the timeline to the same place that got you to where you are now.
	So you'd be boarding the train three carriages back.
	Conservatism is standing still, if you like, by walking from the front of the train to the back of the train really fast while the train is moving forward.
	And you're thinking, if I could only get to the back of the train, everything would be fine.
	No, you're 20 miles forward.
	On the road to the left and on the road to national destruction, you're 30 miles forward while you've been traveling like, I don't know, 60 meters of the length of this train.
	And as a generality, Irish people don't get it yet.
	They don't even nearly get it yet.
	Yeah, I mean...
	I can say the same for America, unfortunately.
	And even when you do get people that maybe finally see the Jewish aspect behind a lot of these operations, whether it's Marxism being pushed in society or your financial institutions being controlled or the anti-white media,
	things of these different natures, these people still, more times than not, the ones that are now becoming anti-Israel.
	Well, it's simply that, right?
	It's just anti-Israel.
	It's not anti-Jews controlling my nation or Jews being in power.
	It's anti-Israel because Israel as a state is evil.
	So yet again, it's another method of
	the blame away from the actual source of the problem.
	Yeah.
	Hi, you've frozen now on your side.
	I'm not hearing anything.
	So, I'm just going to go silent because, yeah.
	So, I'm just going to go silent.
	Okay, I better say something.
	I don't know.
	I don't actually know who's on screen.
	Yeah, that's a phenomenon that we very much face in Ireland today.
	is am i here right i'm gonna go
	looks like we're back
	Folks, can you guys see me on the show?
	It's this damn internet.
	It's been giving me problems for a couple of days now.
	Okay.
	It's definitely on my end, not his.
	Let me just resend him a link.
	can get him back in.
	Thank you.
	Sorry about that, folks.
	It's definitely on my end.
	It's definitely on my end.
	Alright, are we back?
	Sorry about that.
	My internet went out there.
	My apologies.
	That's okay.
	I didn't know whether I should keep talking or not because I didn't know if I was on the screen because you were frozen and you weren't saying anything and I just went a bit mumbly.
	And a bit Joe Biden.
	I do apologize.
	They're going to take that clip out of context at some point.
	But anyway, yeah, that's very much how the current events, shall we say, are being perceived in Ireland, in the Middle East, in Gaza, and so forth.
	First of all, it's a Middle Eastern problem.
	Second of all, it's largely being blamed on Israelis as if they were distinct people from Jews.
	And it's being blamed on Zionists as if there was a thing that was not a Zionist Israeli.
	And more importantly, as if most Jews weren't Zionist by self.
	Identification and by self-description.
	That is entirely missing from the discussion in Ireland.
	And also missing, of course, and glaringly missing from an Irish audience's perspective is why the United States is so deeply involved in a conflict.
	Because we don't have a long memory for these things in our country.
	It's like the 1967 war and the Yom Kippur and all of this, the foundation, the state of Israel, that might as well, for Irish people, that might as well genuinely have happened three, four centuries ago.
	Israel has always been there in the mind of the average Irish person.
	And they're only beginning to come to grips.
	Within the Gaza structure.
	Actually, Israel's not been there, even for the length of the lifetime, of a lot of the people who actually live there.
	A lot of the people who lost their homes there, a lot of the people who have moved in there and taken over other people's homes there.
	But what is utterly bewildering to the average Irish person.
	Is why the United States is involved and heavily invested in this conflict in the Middle East in the way that it is.
	And the only conclusion that the left will give you, of course, it's, oh, this is an ongoing, it's like the Cold War, it's American imperialism, and it's part of the white supremacy agenda.
	And, of course, the Israelis are white.
	So therefore, what they're doing in the genocide of Gaza is a white genocide against the brown people of Gaza.
	And so it's more white supremacy.
	And of course, the most powerful, militarily powerful and richest white country in the world, which is also white supremacist, which now is under a national socialist dictatorship of Donald Trump.
	Of course, they are backing up the white supremacist Israeli state in Israel in its genocidal policy.
	And people are going, yeah, you see, it's another Holocaust.
	It's another Holocaust.
	It's another Holocaust.
	And the weird part about that is that Irish left-wingers persist in that language no matter how upset our Jews get.
	About the fact that they do.
	And they're horrified, Edward, that this comparison or parallel has been made to the Holocaust.
	You know, the story of the Holocaust.
	But of course, for the average Irish person, genocide for genocide.
	Seems perfectly, you know, they're not nearly at the point of realizing the last one didn't happen.
	And they're only beginning to realize this one is happening.
	You know, that has to be the ultimate falling off the stool moment, is when you're trying to move between realizing the last one didn't happen, but this one is happening, while you've got talking to somebody who's still drawing parallels between the two.
	And you're going, right, okay.
	Okay, you're so far behind in this conversation that it's going to take you a while to catch up with that.
	And meanwhile, by the way, since we're in Ireland, It's none of our business anyway.
	It really is none of our business anyway.
	What we need to be concerned about is not what the Jews are doing in Israel to the Palestinians in Gaza.
	We need to be starting to figure out what the Jews are doing in Europe to Ireland through the European Union's political institutions and what they are doing to Ireland through globalist financial institutions.
	And that question is Being deflected, but on the other hand, but on the other hand, I will say this, is that the idea for the first time that Jews could be bad people,
	again going back to the other holocaust, another show up, the idea that they...
	Jewish people is not made up entirely of people whose names were on Schindler's list is in and of itself a bit of a jarring moment for the average Irish person.
	And in that, there's an opening there to segue in and go.
	You do realize, don't you, that they are, this is what we're dealing with here is a fundamentally evil people.
	And they go, yeah, Israel.
	And you go, okay, okay, we'll talk about that for a while.
	We'll talk about that.
	You see how they did, Israel?
	You see how they did from the beginning, through the Balfour Declaration, through the Rothschilds, through the money power, through their manipulation of finances in the First World War?
	To get the agreement from Britain that there would be a Jewish nation state?
	Yeah, yeah, yeah.
	Okay, you see what happens from 1948 and the various wars that they provoked against themselves so that they could bring in European power and then United States power to win those wars for them?
	Yeah, yeah.
	And you see how bad those people are?
	Yeah, yeah.
	Well, guess what?
	The reason they can call upon all of this power outside of the state of Israel If we tried to do, if Irish people tried to do that with our immigration population in Ireland, what the Israelis are doing to Gaza, the whole world would fall in on us.
	So why isn't the whole world falling in on Israel?
	Why isn't everybody going, if it's only an Israeli problem, if it's only the fact that Israelis are bad, or the Israeli state is founded in some kind of noxious way that is unique.
	And that has never been seen before.
	If that's the only problem, then how come they're able to rely on such an enormous amount of international support?
	And why in particular is the Jewish state of Israel able to rely 100% on the Nazi dictator in the White House?
	And people go, whoa!
	And then you go, could it be because it's the Jews?
	And then, of course, you have the JFK files coming out.
	That's been a big thing because, you know, for Irish people, the Kennedy administration was the...
	Let's just put it this way.
	Kennedy battled his Irishness to become president.
	It was a net negative.
	And every president since has tried to find some degree of Irish ancestry in order to parade that with the view to getting more votes.
	So for Irish people viewing the world and viewing Irish people's performance within the world.
	John F. Kennedy's presidency was our arrival.
	That was when we had finally made it in the United States.
	We were finally 100% accepted.
	We were proper Americans in America.
	And to a certain extent, that gave a great pride to Irish people in Ireland, that the President of the United States was an Irishman.
	That was absolutely enormous at the time.
	And since it is carried down in the most absurd form, we have a place in Ireland called the Obama Plaza, where Obama claims to have had Irish ancestry.
	And there's a statue of himself, Michelle, outside this.
	Anyway, it's gone crazy here.
	But the affection...
	In which John F. Kennedy is held in Ireland was at that time extraordinary and is to this day a fundamentally Irish phenomenon.
	We do not see the assassination of John F. Kennedy as a foreign event.
	Irish people, and certainly of a certain age, Irish people see that as something that happened to us.
	It happened to our people.
	It wasn't even like the Twin Towers falling.
	That was a terrible event that happened in America.
	It's not even like the Titanic sinking in terms of its epoch making.
	It was very much a sense when the news came true from Dallas, Texas, that John Fitzgerald Kennedy was dead.
	That was for Irish people, one of our own has been killed.
	And to find out in the year 2025 that it was the Jews who killed him.
	You know, you gotta go through the Israeli state and Mossad and CIA and mafia connections and all the rest of it.
	But wherever you go, it's Jew, Jew, Jew, Jew, Jew, Jew, Jew.
	Mossad is not the constant presence.
	CIA is not the constant presence.
	The FBI's inaction is not the constant presence.
	The constant presence is the Jewishness of all of the forces which came together on that day and fired that bullet that went through his head.
	And that is a conversation opener in Ireland like...
	You would not believe on the Jewish question in general.
	And for Irish people who have this notion, oh, it's just the Israelis, they can't understand why the United States has not actually declared war on Israel, having realized that Israel was responsible for the death of John F. Kennedy.
	Never mind.
	Have they got to the point that the answer to that question?
	The answer to that question is deeply embedded Jewish power in the United States of America.
	But having said that, all these things that have happened have opened up an avenue of conversation.
	And so these things are not common knowledge and they're not common understanding.
	But having said that, no other narrative explains these things anymore which people actually know.
	No other narrative other than the anti-Semitic narrative.
	No other narrative can explain the behavior of the entire global system in the way that anti-Semitism can.
	There's a hole somewhere in any other explanation.
	Oh, it's the communists did that.
	Oh, yeah, but who were the communists?
	Oh, well, it's cultural Marxists who are doing that.
	Yeah, but who were the cultural Marxists?
	Oh, well, transgenderism, that's just sexual perverts.
	Yeah, but who are these sexual perverts?
	And where's the money for these sexual perverts coming from?
	Oh, it's the Israelis.
	Yeah, but how can the Israelis do this?
	How can they afford to do this?
	Why is Israel a rich country?
	It's a desert land.
	Why was it not a rich country when it was Palestine?
	Where's the money coming from?
	Well, where's the international military support coming from?
	And they're asking these questions and the only answer that answers all of them together in a coherent and logical is the anti-Semitic narrative and people are kind of choking on that now but on the other hand when you're actually in conversation with people it's very difficult for them now as of 2025 to explain all these phenomena happening all at the same time without factoring in a fundamental
	Jewish influence behind every single part of that agenda.
	And that's a crucial point, by the way, well stated.
	You know, we are, I would say, hitting that cusp where obviously you operate on Twitter.
	You certainly see how much the message is changing.
	People are inherently forced to talk about this issue on all parts of society, right?
	Whether it's, again, whether it's the transgender agenda or whether it's what Israel is doing across the seas.
	Or the financial situation that we find ourselves in, or pornography running rampant in society, mass immigration.
	Every door that you look behind, you can find this same culprit.
	And once we continue to link that for everybody in their minds and make it very simple, because people are simple-minded, right?
	I don't expect the average citizen to be...
	Watching Europa and reading Mein Kampf and giving themselves the whole educational process on these things, because that's just simply not how things work.
	But for them to at least be questioning things and come to that general understanding of what the circumstance is, that sets us in a very different circumstance.
	Just that general understanding.
	And this comes through inherently social pressures.
	The problem is...
	The whole reason that people are so afraid to touch on this one object, and especially in the United States, is there has been this massive campaign to teach everybody that antisemitism is the worst thing in the world.
	There's nothing worse than that.
	Even racism doesn't touch on that.
	You can't go anywhere near antisemitism.
	Don't speak about Jews, and especially not in a negative light.
	And now...
	That's starting to shift and change.
	Again, think about the anti-Semitism laws that they're trying to introduce into the United States.
	Yet again, I find this to be actually a positive thing.
	People go, oh, well, we'll get arrested for talking about these issues.
	Well, this is good because now this shows the public who's in control.
	If that's the only group of people that laws are being enacted in defense of, clearly there's got to be some kind of a reason behind that.
	You don't see Trump making a law to...
	Stop anti-white hatred, even though it runs rampant everywhere you look.
	There's literal organizations in the United States that have debated the morality of killing white babies upon birth.
	Where is the anti-white legislation?
	And it doesn't exist.
	And as people start to see these things, that narrative starts to change.
	And that's when things get better.
	So I'm curious, looking forward in the future for yourself, how do you see this moving?
	Do you see Ireland never becoming a national socialist state?
	Do you see that as a possible outlet?
	Do you think that Ireland is going to be taken over from playing the political system and gaining power inside of that political system?
	How do you see Ireland fixing the circumstance that it's
	Ireland becomes a national socialist state.
	Or Ireland ceases to exist.
	Those are the two options.
	And as soon as people realize that, then one of the obstacles to Ireland becoming a national socialist state will disappear.
	Because as soon as it's a life and death choice, and people understand that, that it's not a choice between higher taxes and lower taxes, and it's not a choice between a nice area and a more run-down area, and it's not a choice between a good school and medium good school, that it's a choice between perversion.
	It's a choice between being outnumbered and it's a choice of being slaughtered in your own homes.
	That it is literally a life and death question and that it is very, very soon.
	Then that removes the obstacle to the idea that there should be a radical solution.
	A radical solution.
	Because we're not there yet.
	Once people realize there needs to be a radical solution, that's actually where National Socialism comes into its own.
	Because a lot of people who have diagnosed the problem, even that a huge element of it is the Jewish problem, have attempted to explain how it might be solved by removing Jewish influence in a different way.
	That it can be done in a way other than the only time that it has ever been effectively done in a modern nation state.
	Because the examples of Jewish expulsions, first of all, the examples from Jewish expulsions in the Middle Ages and forward from there, are not particularly useful in a number of ways.
	One, they're too far back for the To be politically equated.
	And second of all, they ultimately didn't work.
	They were expelled from here and they went there.
	They stayed for a while.
	Then they came back and so on and so forth.
	And it was just a nomadic circle of gullibles around Europe, which they just moved from.
	And then, of course, in the immediate pre-World War II area and post-World War II, World War II era in the United States, you got introduced to Judaism en masse and Jewish power en masse because,
	of course, the center of international finance capital and World War II was, I don't know if it was so much the catalyst or the consequence of it, but the center headquarters of Jewish international finance capital was moving from The City of London to Wall Street,
	New York.
	That was a process that was going on probably a little before the First World War, but was really taking place between the two wars.
	And then you have the large influx of the numbers to man the positions in the post-World War II era.
	And Europeans is one of the things that convinces them, of course it was the Holocaust, because where did all the Jews go?
	Well, I tell you where they went.
	They live in New York.
	They live in Manhattan Island.
	They live in the United States in general.
	That's where you...
	If you want to go looking for the six million, don't look for ash pits in Poland.
	You're not going to find them.
	You're not going to find the mass graves in the Ukraine that you're looking for because they are in the synagogues, their grandchildren, their children and grandchildren are in the synagogues of New York and Washington and Chicago and Boston, the center of Irish America.
	In Boston, there's where the Jews are in control as well.
	And if you want to know where the six million went, that's where they went.
	Physically, they went to the United States.
	And the center of headquarters of international finance capital moved from the British Empire to the United States.
	The United States became, as a consequence, the dominant world power.
	Britain collapsed under the weight of trying to support international finance capital and its agenda through its expanding its empire.
	And since then, the United States has carried on the role of being the Jewish big brother, minding the state of Israel and minding Jewish interests worldwide and intervening everywhere and anywhere and to whatever extent was necessary in order for that to survive and for that to continue and for that to grow.
	When we say, well, is there a possibility of Ireland becoming a national socialist state?
	There's either a possibility of Ireland becoming a national socialist state, or there is no possibility of Ireland surviving at all.
	The same is for the United States eventually to realize, is that the constitutional norms which The founding fathers put in place in 1789 and then with the Bill of Rights afterwards,
	the Ten Amendments.
	That framework is only viable in a constitutional republic which is homogenous, which is all white, which is predominantly Christian and Above all else,
	where there isn't a huge racial minority bordering on a majority and where there isn't this subversive element in control because,
	of course...
	Obviously, from day one, July the 4th, 1776, were the Jews there?
	Were they involved?
	Of course they were.
	They were involved in both sides.
	So it didn't really matter to them whether the British Army triumphed at Concord or the American independence cause triumphed.
	Really, we win either way.
	Same Battle of Waterloo.
	The Rothschilds in London won because the British won.
	The Rothschilds in France would have won if Napoleon had won.
	This is the way it has always worked.
	But the United States either grasps this issue in a modern form, and that's National Socialism.
	Ultimately, that is not National Socialism.
	Call it Nazism if you want.
	I don't engage in an argument about the origin of the word Nazi as opposed to National Socialism because that's an awkward one in America because it's already associated with Marxism in Ireland, for example.
	You already have this hill to climb with people.
	But the other thing is that When you're telling people that the whole fabric of their national political structure needs to be altered or the nation is on a suicidal course,
	whether that's in Ireland, France, United States, Britain, anywhere, you must present a positive alternative.
	You must have something that you say, now, when that's gone, This is what we will bring in instead.
	And this is what it will look like.
	And this is how it will affect your daily life.
	And if you don't have a philosophy of government, if you don't have an ideology of government, then you have no way of telling people anything other than what they already know, which is how bad it is, where they are right now.
	And people in pain simply freeze up.
	If they do not have a means of escape, and a clear means of escape.
	And they simply despair.
	And that's why I think that Americans have latched on to Donald Trump in the way that they have.
	Last gasp of constitutional republicanism in the form that the George Washington, Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Jefferson, etc.
	laid it out.
	That he was going to be the last chance for this to work.
	And he simply is not.
	He simply is not.
	In Ireland, the problem we have with the political establishment is, is it universally unpopular?
	Yes. But when it comes to an election, do people vote for them again?
	Yes. Because the alternatives on the ballot paper do not have a coherent...
	Philosophy of government, an ideology of administration, which says if these people were gone, if they were removed from office, and if they were replaced with us, whoever us might be in the given question,
	this nationals group, that nationals group, is this is what we would do, and this is how we would do it, and we would do it fundamentally different.
	And within the modern context, to deal with Jewish subversion, To deal with racial identity, to deal with European consciousness, to deal with the question, the existential question, of survival or death as a people.
	The only philosophical foundation which has ever been implemented in practice is National Socialism, 1933 to'45.
	Or really, in a certain sense, 1933 to'39, because the war Is an aberration of National Socialism because, of course, it was forced upon Germany in the circumstances they were in.
	Now, did the National Socialist government know when it came in in 1933 that they were eventually going to be involved in a cataclysmic European struggle?
	Of course they did, because they understood that Jewish forces could not permit even an oasis of viable European culture and civilization.
	Still, the war is an aberration and ought to have in the totality of the thing.
	There should have been six years at the beginning for the reforms in Germany that created the powerhouse that was able to engage in that war.
	Then there should have been six years of war, there should have been a German victory, and then there should have been...
	Then we should have had the last 80 years of actually living with a National Socialist Europe.
	And actually, a constitutional republic in the United States might even be conceivable, might even be conceivable in the context where Europe was National Socialist, in the context where a strong France,
	a strong Germany, a strong Britain, and an independent Ireland and into the smaller states of Europe, independent of each other within a national socialist pan-European framework, that if that had happened,
	maybe the option of constitutional republicanism in the manner in which the founding fathers of the United States meant it to be might actually have been sustainable.
	It was not sustainable, and it immediately became not sustainable as soon as it was obvious that Germany had lost the war.
	And then you have the Bretton Woods Conference in 1944, and you have the new monetary system, and then you have the transfer of the headquarters of international finance capital.
	Only the headquarters, mind you, but the headquarters from Britain to the United States.
	Firmly established.
	The new American order, as it was called, but it was just a, you know, it was just moving house for the Jews.
	Exactly as Hitler said, who are the cosmopolitan elite?
	Who are at home?
	As he would have said at the time, he said in Paris or Prague or Berlin or London, he didn't even say Washington.
	He didn't even say Washington at that time.
	It was not as apparent.
	But that's exactly where the cosmopolitan elite that he was talking about moved to headquarters.
	Just the headquarters, the subsidiary associations.
	So we need a modern example.
	How do you do it within a modern industrialized society?
	How do you undo a fully framed Jewish dominated society and culture?
	Middle Ages examples are not examples of that.
	They're examples of immediate reactions to local phenomena and abhorrence with behavior, behavioral patterns.
	They're not global on scale.
	They didn't have the organizational structure that needs to be taken apart, and they weren't so all domineering.
	Only in Weimar Germany do you have Let's just say Weimar Germany has gone global, right?
	Along with globalism.
	Weimar Germany has gone global.
	And it's a cliche, but it's a cliche I'm going to use because it's useful, is Weimar problems require Weimar solutions.
	And that's absolutely definitely true of Ireland.
	Now, can I say to you that that's what's going to happen?
	That the Irish people are going to turn on mass at some point to a national socialist alternative.
	I can't.
	But what I can do and what we can do as an organization is we can at least present that as an alternative.
	And we can do what we can do within our own context and within our own lifetimes and within our own abilities and limits to our abilities.
	Present an alternative, functioning alternative to the system that is there.
	It will ultimately be for the Irish people in one way or another, whether it's through the political system of the ballot box or whether it's ultimately in some kind of revolutionary scenario.
	But one way or the other, the Irish people are going to have to choose whether to live or die.
	And they're going to live under National Socialism or they're going to die under the Jews.
	And it's the same story for every European and European descendant.
	On this planet.
	Live under National Socialism or die under the Jews.
	That is the two options.
	And they're the only options that are left.
	There is no conservative option left.
	The era of the white citizens' councils is over.
	It needs to be the National Socialists.
	White civilist citizens' councils, or it's nothing.
	Or it's nothing.
	And America will have to, you know, is Trump standing in the way of that?
	Yeah, I think he is.
	I think he's standing in the way of it in the United States, and it's developing as a phenomenon, and I think he's standing in the way of it happening in Ireland, too.
	Because I think we're going to skip the Reagan era, but we're only skipping it to its Trump era.
	And a Trump figure will arise who will not solve the problem either.
	And we don't have time.
	And the United States really doesn't have the next four years.
	Although you've got to take it now because it's there and these are the facts before you.
	But the next four years, if Donald Trump has been President of the United States, probably going to take you into another Middle Eastern war with Iran.
	The refugees from that war and the wars in the Middle East in general for the creation of Greater Israel, those refugees are going to be dumped into Europe.
	And that's going to be a problem that we're going to have to deal with here.
	And so you're going to have to deal with another Middle Eastern foreign war, our wars.
	And on the other hand, we're going to have this massive influx in Europe of new immigrants.
	All hostile to Western culture and civilization.
	And all hostile to us personally.
	And all having a feeling that it was the Whites who drove them out of their homelands.
	I'm not understanding, the Arabs to a certain extent understand that it was the Jews.
	They conflate.
	And of course, American politics and American discourse is largely used to support the narrative.
	They conflate Jewish interests with white interests when they are quite clearly not the same thing at all.
	Those Muslim immigrants are arriving into Europe with an ancient hostility towards Christianity, an ancient hostility towards Christian civilization, a grievance against the American power structure, which they conflate with white supremacy,
	which our own governments are funding the propaganda to back that narrative up.
	And then they're coming here as a hostile minority at the moment, becoming a hostile majority.
	And in that scenario where they become a majority and then an overwhelming majority, well then your back is to the wall.
	And I don't know what happens then.
	And I don't even want to speculate because it's probably illegal for me to even say out loud what the solution would have to be in that scenario.
	But we're still in the majority stage.
	In Ireland and by a significant degree.
	And so other options are available to us in terms of methodology.
	And you're still technically speaking in a majority situation in the United States, white majority.
	So you're still technically the constitutional mechanisms are available to you.
	But Trump, Trumpism, MAGA, that kind of politics is only holding you back.
	For the time being, until the balance tips and the majority becomes a minority, becomes a smaller minority, becomes a smaller minority.
	And the empathy which white people have towards non-white minorities is not present among the non-white minorities.
	It is not present for us.
	And we're going to find out when we try and make the same anti-racist appeal.
	Back to these people who are now physically in control because of the sheer numbers.
	You've got the Jewish money structure above that again.
	But they're physically in control because they're physically present as the majority.
	When we try and appeal to them on an anti-racist platform to be nice to white people, we're going to find out that the only uniform, as George Lincoln Rockwell said, At the end of the day, the only uniform anybody's wearing in this war is the color of their skin.
	And you can't take it off.
	And they don't care if you're a white liberal.
	And they don't care if you're a white conservative.
	And they don't care if you're in the Ku Klux Klan or the National Socialist Party.
	It's not going to make a damn bit of difference.
	We're going to be like...
	I was in 1995, wandering around the store in the black area, totally naive of the hostility around us until it's too late.
	Until it's too late.
	So, is there another alternative to national...
	No, there is not another alternative to national socialism.
	There is a national identification of that.
	No, what do I mean by that?
	I mean, it'll find its own unique expression.
	Within the context of Irish culture, it will not be dramatic.
	And as it found its voice in Belgium under the Grelle, or it found its voice in France under L'Action Francaise, or as it found its voice in Britain through Mosley,
	it will find its...
	Authentic Irish voice and its authentic Irish way of doing things.
	And it will find its authentic American way of doing things as well.
	But the fundamental philosophy of National Socialism, as we know, is the application of the laws of nature to politics and social and economic life.
	And that will be true everywhere.
	And what the structural form that takes will not fundamentally differ.
	Because ideologically, it must be the same.
	Fantastic. Very good answer.
	Probably the best answer you could have given.
	I entirely agree on that same very polarized stance that I truly believe national socialism is the only solution to the problems that we have in front of us.
	I have one more question and then we'll kind of go to conclusions because we're getting close to closing time.
	So my final question for you is, What can the average American person do that is, well, average white American?
	I'll specify that since, again, we are very conglomerated.
	But what can the average white American do to help stand or spread the message on behalf of what's happening to the Irish people as well as their own for what they care about that?
	Although they seem actually to care more about...
	What happens in Europe than what happens in America, sadly.
	But that's a problem everywhere.
	We're taught to care about problems that are a long ways away, which we can't really do anything about anyway.
	And so we can sit around and debate and pontificate about things we can't actually impact.
	So, yeah.
	Absolutely. What can those Americans that are trained in that fashion, white Americans, what can they do to help spread the message on behalf of the Irish people and continue to push that understanding of what's happening to you guys as well as everywhere else out there?
	Well, Clonairn has a North American branch.
	Now, it's very small.
	By its nature, we're still small in Ireland, never mind that our branch be small in North America, but you can check out their channel on Telegram, the North American division of Clonairn.
	Irish Americans in particular, I'm going to say this, right, they can send us some money, right?
	They can send us money.
	Because I don't want to come across as like shaking the box for the shekels.
	And I do realize that every time you mention money, people will go, oh, well, we were waiting for the sales pitch and for the money box to start rattling.
	Well, yeah, okay.
	I'm just going to say it once and then pass it by.
	The fact of the matter is that the right wing in Ireland, in any shape, fashion or form, conservative or otherwise, Very badly and poorly funded and does not have the kind of money to run large-scale campaigns like we would like to do.
	And so that would be very helpful.
	The Irish-American community has always felt an attachment to the homeland, I think.
	American first, of course, not like this.
	We've never managed to extract $40 billion a year from the United States, like Israel.
	The Irish-American community has always felt close to Ireland and the Irish people have always felt an affinity for the Irish-America.
	We've always felt that...
	Irish Americans are the example of when people say to us, and we have this inferiority complex in Ireland, you know, well, you were ruled by Britain for so long, and you were under the heel of a foreign power, and you never got out from under it, and et cetera, et cetera, et cetera.
	You were this level poor, and this level backward, and this level this, and this level that.
	And there's always been a kind of a psychological tendency among Irish people in Ireland to go, yeah, but look.
	There's the Irish Americans.
	And that's why John F. Kennedy is so important to us.
	There's the Irish Americans.
	That's what Irish people can do when they're free.
	And Irish America has been the example for that.
	Now, it's not something that's portrayed in the mainstream media anymore, but it is something that the average person feels.
	Is a deeper affinity probably with the Irish-American community than the Irish community in other countries, like white countries like Canada and Australia and New Zealand and so forth, where large sections of the population.
	But there's a special relationship between Irish America and the Irish people at home going in both directions, which, by the way, the Irish establishment is doing everything it can to undermine and everything it can.
	To Europeanize us, but not Europeanize us by bringing us closer to cordiality with the French and the German people, but in connection with a fundamental anti-Americanism,
	which is not anti-Jewish imperialism, by the way, but it's anti-Americanism, and we blame white America, and we'll talk about the Nazi Trump in the White House, and that's how it's to express itself.
	And we're to cut our ties with Irish America and look to Europe, but we're not to look to the peoples of Europe in a coherent way of understanding we have a shared fate,
	whether we like it or not, but through the institutions of the European Union.
	That's how we are to express our pan-Europeanism.
	So every effort is being made to cut that connection between Irish America and Ireland, going both directions.
	I think if the average Irish American had an idea of just how bad things were, and that they are not as they are portrayed in the American media, they are not the way they were in Ireland,
	and they are not even actually the way they were a decade ago.
	A decade ago, it would have made all the difference between Irish America's perception of where Ireland was and where it actually is.
	But even that was a far rosier picture than was actually true even 10 years ago.
	As I say, Clonairn is organized and will be organized on the North American continent.
	It's not Exclusively to feed back into Irish political discourse, but to take The political discourse that we have and bring it, give it, when it has its Irish form, that it can have its unique Irish-American form,
	shall we say, as well, and therefore be expressed that way in its Irish-Canadian form.
	Not too many Mexicans, mind you, of Irish extraction, so we're okay there.
	We won't have it.
	Technically, it's North America, but I don't see us opening an Acapulco.
	It's not happening.
	That connection is very important.
	It's very important on an emotional level and we need to make that a physical level because the contribution of Irish Americans and the Irish independence struggle against Britain, when of course Britain was the headquarters of international finance capital, that was hugely significant and will always be a part of our heritage and presumably will be part of our future too.
	All right.
	Well, thank you very much, both for that explanation and additionally for coming on the show.
	This was a pleasure.
	Very informative.
	I learned quite a bit.
	I hope I didn't talk too much because I have a habit of giving along.
	It's not a problem.
	It's an interview.
	I like to allow my guests.
	My show, my audience hears plenty of me every day.
	So I'm more than happy to allow somebody else to take over for a bit and give them some information that I don't have.
	So I'm very happy to hear about Ireland.
	I commend your struggle and your efforts.
	I've seen quite a bit of what you're doing, and I think it's extremely impressive.
	And where can my audience support you online?
	Where can they find you?
	Where can they support you in any way, shape, or form?
	Well, quite literally, you can go to the website of Clan Aaron just by Google.
	A search on Telegram will bring you to our Telegram page.
	A search of my name on Telegram will bring you to my Telegram page.
	And so on and so forth.
	And you can interconnect.
	And to the extent to which you want to connect, it doesn't matter.
	Because we do have, as I say, a foreign branch.
	And we do have a membership for people of Irish extraction, largely.
	You know, to exercise abroad.
	So you can actually join Donairn.
	So long as you're a European descendant, of course.
	Yeah, so I would suggest to people, just look us up.
	We're not that hard to find, because it's a bit controversial.
	We've managed, let us say, you know, it's not been a pebble in the pond to have an openly national socialist organization operating in Ireland, which is distinctly Irish and is not LARPing as some kind of...
	Like historical reenactment movement or something like that.
	It is very real.
	It's very now.
	It's very here.
	It's very up to date.
	And it is Irish in its own distinctive way while being authentically National Socialist too and tracking its history very much and very clearly back.
	It's created its own splash and it's created its own notice.
	So we won't be that hard to find if your audience wants to find out about us.
	And so I was very happy to come on here tonight for me, this evening for you.
	Very happy for the invitation and I really appreciate and really enjoyed being on and having the opportunity to talk to you and to your audience.
	Of course.
	My pleasure.
	And again, it's been great to have you.
	And you're always welcome back.
	If there's a pressing issue that comes up and there's something you want to spread the message about, I'm more than happy to host you and have you on to discuss it.
	Thank you very much.
	I appreciate that.
	I just want to thank your audience as well for their attention.
	I hope they found something in what I said of use to them or of interest to them at the very least.
	Okay, well, you always, again, have an open invitation.
	And thank you to the audience for listening to the show.
	You know, I always appreciate you guys.
	Don't forget to make sure you do follow Justin and share some of his work around, help him out.
	Share my stuff around, as always.
	You know, sharing clips, sharing posts, things like that.
	Just getting the message out there is the best way that you can help us right now.
	And again, there always are those financial options to support down in the description below on the bio site.
	That's always greatly appreciated as well.
	With that said, we're going to close out.
	Thank you again, folks.
	Thank you, Justin.
	And we'll see you guys on Monday.
	We'll be picking up on Mein Kampf reading again, so picking up on Chapter 2. We'll see you guys then.

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