| Speaker | Time | Text | 
|---|---|---|
| 
             
                            
                                unidentified
                            
                         
                    
                 | 
        
        [MUSIC PLAYING] | |
| I'm Zohra Amari, who has left, officially, the New York Post after about a decade. | ||
| He's building his own media empire. | ||
| 
             
                            
                                unidentified
                            
                         
                    
                 | 
        
        How's that going, building the media empire? | |
| I've never had to do payroll before. | ||
| I've always been an employee, now this new reality, but it's enjoyable. | ||
| It's very exciting. | ||
| Yeah, so what exactly are you working on? | ||
| 
             
                            
                                unidentified
                            
                         
                    
                 | 
        
        Sure, so I'm doing it with two other partners. | |
| Some of us come from the right, and some of us come from a more leftist milieu. | ||
| And we want to critique both the existing left and right, because I think they've both failed, and to maybe try to forge a new fusion. | ||
| And what this conference is about is trying to piece this thing together. | ||
| So I guess in the broadest sense, do you think it's even possible to do it? | ||
| 
             
                            
                                unidentified
                            
                         
                    
                 | 
        
        I think a new kind of coalition has to emerge. | |
| I've used the term the new right, and that includes traditional conservatives. | ||
| It includes nationalists and national conservatives. | ||
| It includes a kind of pure Trumpian populist as well. | ||
| And I would even add various people exiled from the left. | ||
| All of these people, you know, we're not going to agree on everything, but we share a critique. | ||
| isn't working. | ||
| There is a dystopian quality to life in the United States and across the West. | ||
| And I think it tends to work for an elite. | ||
| It increasingly doesn't work for ordinary people. | ||
| They want economic stability. | ||
| They want a measure of cultural normality, I would say. | ||
| And I think out of that, it is possible. | ||
| You can, you know, ferociously disagree about what comes next. | ||
| And out of that, engagement possible to forge a new coalition. | ||
| So the elements are there. | ||
| As someone that comes from the more religious side of this, how do you say to the purely secular people, | ||
| you can fit in? | ||
| 
             
                            
                                unidentified
                            
                         
                    
                 | 
        
        I think it's something that you said, Dave, at your remarks here earlier, | |
| where you said that freedom without ends, in a sense, what are we fighting for, has left us here. | ||
| An idea of the kind of liberalism that rejects any kind of moral authority, | ||
| or any account of what makes people happy. | ||
| What it means to build a society where people flourish. | ||
| If you reject that, you go down a dark place. | ||
| And ideologies like wokeism, in a way, are prepared to It has a moral account. | ||
| Now, you and I think it's a correct account, but it is a moral vision, and so it cannot be met with mere individual rights type discourse. | ||
| It has to be met with a truer account of who the human person is, and religious conservatives play a role in that. | ||
| Um, and they can play well with that, not spray drawing on revelation, but just reason alone, right? | ||
| Reason as the classical understood it has a much bigger account. | ||
| Okay, who's the human person? | ||
| How does he fit into a cosmos? | ||
| That sort of stuff, I think. | ||
| Again, without bringing the Bible into the picture, is where, you know, seculars can meet conservatives like me, religious conservatives like me. | ||
| Yeah. | ||
| Are you shocked that it's happening? | ||
| It seems like it really is happening. | ||
| 
             
                            
                                unidentified
                            
                         
                    
                 | 
        
        I mean, the fact that you and I find common cause in all of this. | |
| People would ask me this a few years ago when things look especially, well, things continue to look great. | ||
| But what's going to happen? | ||
| Do you have any optimism? | ||
| And the answer I would give is that the very miserableness of our current social economic arrangement, that will awaken people. | ||
| They have to ask themselves, there must be something more to our common life together. | ||
| It can't just be this. | ||
| With the particular formation that it took? | ||
| No. | ||
| I didn't know. | ||
| I couldn't predict that. | ||
| But a sense that some liberals, some leftists would break. | ||
| I thought I saw that coming. | ||
| So, you live in New York. | ||
| Yeah. | ||
| I live, at least for now, in California. | ||
| 
             
                            
                                unidentified
                            
                         
                    
                 | 
        
        We are here in the free state of Florida. | |
| Do you sense that, regardless of whether we can put this coalition together or not, that the states are just going to keep drifting apart? | ||
| Which, in many ways, is sort of how it's supposed to be. | ||
| That's sort of what the founders wanted, in some sense. | ||
| 
             
                            
                                unidentified
                            
                         
                    
                 | 
        
        See, I don't like that. | |
| I don't like any kind of pseudo-secessionist thoughts, I think. | ||
| I didn't say I like it. | ||
| 
             
                            
                                unidentified
                            
                         
                    
                 | 
        
        No, I know. | |
| It just sort of is what it is. | ||
| Well, we have to aim... | ||
| For national power. | ||
| They're not going to leave us alone in states where, for example, the regime is more sane. | ||
| They can muscle through what their will, both at the federal level, but also because often their power is corporate power. | ||
| It's private power. | ||
| And so as long as they have that, we don't have a countervailing power. | ||
| So I just say, you know, it's not going to last. | ||
| Either they're going to take over the whole or we're going to take over the whole. | ||
| Right. | ||
| What do you make of this Virginia situation tomorrow? | ||
| I see this as a huge bellwether moment. | ||
| Like, it's crazy that I have to care about a Virginia gubernatorial election. | ||
| It shouldn't be that way. | ||
| But for the purposes you're talking about, it's sort of all or nothing in a weird way. | ||
| I think this is huge, huge. | ||
| It's like, if we can get a win here, it signals to people we're going to really push back against critical race theory. | ||
| We're going to start caring about, you know, parents are allowed to care about their kids again. | ||
| And if we don't win, it's just more ash on the heap right now. | ||
| 
             
                            
                                unidentified
                            
                         
                    
                 | 
        
        I think it's a very crucial race because it will confirm this theory or not, which is that liberals in their aggression went... | |
| Pick one too many battles and pick the battle where it's things are very very sensitive and that is people's children. | ||
| Yeah. | ||
| 
             
                            
                                unidentified
                            
                         
                    
                 | 
        
        Even people who don't think like me don't like the thought of their kids being targeted for gender ideology and transitioning without them having a say in it or being told that because of the color of their skin they're inherently either a victim or a permanent oppressor class. | |
| People don't like that and I think it is a good bet to think You know, this is where the fight back begins. | ||
| And it's so appropriate because family, children are the fundamental unit of political community. | ||
| And so in defending it, you're defending the whole as it were. | ||
| So do you want to make an official prediction? | ||
| No, I'm not. | ||
| I don't follow polls. | ||
| I have no idea. | ||
| All right. | ||
| Well, I think we should leave it there because we're going to pick this up tonight for a good half hour or so. | ||
| 
             
                            
                                unidentified
                            
                         
                    
                 | 
        
        Previewed our discussion. | |
| If you're looking for more honest and thoughtful conversations about politics instead of nonstop yelling, check out our politics playlist. | ||
| And if you want to watch full interviews on a variety of topics, watch our full episode playlist all right over here. |