And greetings to you, my friends, and welcome back.
It's Rush Limbaugh.
This, the one and only Excellence in Broadcasting Network, the one and only Rush Limbaugh program, because there's only one and only me.
Often imitated, often duplicated, often copied, never equaled.
That's the kind of stuff that really scares 24-year-old girls.
Anyway, great to have you back here, folks.
Telephone number is 800-282-2882, and we'll get back to your phone calls in a moment.
I'm really proud to have our next guest, James O'Keeffe, is here.
And he, our first book is out, came out last week.
It's called Breakthrough.
Mr. O'Keefe is an interesting character.
He has been a conservative all his life, but he always believed that it wasn't enough just to talk about them, just to tell people who they are.
He wanted to engage in operations or behavior that was being videotaped that forced them to actually be who they are.
And that's what he did.
He believes that in taking on the left, it's not enough to call attention to them and act outraged and try to get other people mad about it.
What you have to do is to get them to act out who they are because they hide who they are.
And so the book is out now.
The first question I want to ask you, James, and by the way, welcome to the program.
Great to have you here.
Thank you so much, Rush.
Great to be with you.
Did you mention me in this book?
I may have.
There's a lot of people mentioned.
I know you're such an inspiration to Andrew Breitbart.
I was just in the ⁇ it'd sell more if you had.
I had to say that.
I need to ask you, do you ever feel like, because your work is well known, particularly among this audience, with Acorn?
I mean, Planned Parenthood, NPR, Eric Holder's ballot offered to a stranger, the son of Congressman Jim Moran resigning after encouraging double voting.
That was all you.
But have you ever encountered people on our side who've let you down, who've said, you know, James, you're making it putting too much pressure on us?
Have you had any people on our side ask you to tone it down?
You know, Rush, one of the things you've said that really resonated with me is you said that our adversaries circle the wagons and our allies circle the firing squad.
I have come to known this over the last few years in a sort of baptism by fire.
People don't know this when we did the pimp and prostitute videos on Acorn.
We had spent our own money to do it, Hannah Giles and I did.
And we went to Washington, like Mr. Smith goes to Washington bright-eyed and bushy-tailed, trying to show members of the Oversight Committee.
There's a chapter in this book, Breakthrough, where even Republicans threatened to arrest us if we didn't give them the footage exclusively.
And there are so many more stories in this book about trying to speak truth to power and try to overcome obstacles, not just from the people you would think, from the government, from the media, from the federal judiciary, and even sometimes, yes, from allies.
Well, it doesn't surprise me because some people are afraid to be want to appear to be argumentative, much less confrontational.
And a guy like you, acting as an independent contractor, so to speak, can make some people on our side nervous.
Now, I'm sure it's a minority compared to the number of people who cheer you on.
At any time, in any of your, I don't want to call them stunts, what they really are, they're in their own way.
They're works of art.
Have you ever felt personally threatened, in danger, during any of these?
Well, yeah, I mean, to say I was in danger was an understatement.
The book starts out with me in federal jail.
We had a federal judge delete my videotapes and then charge me with a crime I didn't commit.
I was confined to my state where I live, New Jersey, for three years, three and a half years.
The government would not let me travel without permission from a U.S. attorney, a federal judge, and a probation officer for a misdemeanor crime, which I would argue I didn't even commit.
And I was audited once a month.
I had to submit cash inflows and outflows to federal agents.
When I would release an investigation, they'd show up at my parents' house and ask my father, what's your son doing?
What's he doing next?
We have faced the fire.
And I know that they are politicizing the First Amendment.
I see the Department of Justice protecting the guy who bugged McConnell and calling him a journalist.
And it is this politicizing of the First Amendment which threatens us, not just me, but everyone, all Americans.
Because if we lose this, we lose the First Amendment, it's over.
And we have been on the front lines.
And that's what my story is about.
It's about surviving them and overcoming their obstacles and continuing to make a difference despite everything they've thrown at us.
We're talking with James O'Keefe and his new book out last week called Breakthrough.
You might want to tell people about the very first mock investigation that you did at college.
It's revealing, but everybody's interested in how people get started, what it is that interests them.
And you've obviously given an aptitude for this.
You've had an inclination towards it.
But what was the first mock investigation that you engaged in?
Well, Rush, you had said when you first mentioned me after the Acorn Buddies, you pointed to Saul Linsky something in his Rules for Radicals.
And it was, make your adversaries live up to their own book of rules.
Bring out their absurdity.
So in college at Rutgers University, I'm 29 years old.
When I was a junior at Rutgers in 2005 on St. Patrick's Day, I walked into my dining hall and said I brought a box of Lucky Charms, the breakfast cereal, and I said, this box of Lucky Charms is racist against Irish people because there's a little leprechaun, a little green-cladded gnome.
I myself and Irish American, we're not all short.
We have our differences of height.
Rutgers University took my complaint seriously and said that they would remove Lucky Charms because it was in violation of their campus speech code.
So we demonstrated the absurdity of their own argument by using their arguments against them.
I think it's fantastic.
I love this.
You're a guy after my own heart.
Has anybody, you know what you do?
You do what 60 Minutes used to do.
You just do it in a little bit more creative way.
You do it from a different point of view, obviously.
Has anybody in the so-called regular mainstream media ever praised you, ever welcomed you, ever given you an ad-a-boy here or there?
It took after Congressman Moran's son resigned, that his field director was telling us how to vote multiple times in other people's name, you started to see a begrudging respect because of our results.
But let me just say that I have actually sued journalists for defamation and gotten settlements, which is not an easy thing to do if you're a public figure.
You have to prove actual malice.
I have actually gotten money from journalists for defaming me and then used that money to fund more investigations.
It's really incredible.
We've gotten front-page retractions at the Washington Post.
We've had hundreds of corrections printed on our stories.
And nobody in the mainstream media seems to view me as an ally.
And my message is I'm on the same page as you guys.
We're trying to be government accountability people.
There's a storied tradition of this type of work going on.
And they're not.
They're not today.
They are part of it all.
Now they're pushing the government agenda.
They're not calling into question anybody in power today.
Certainly not in the administration.
You're it in doing it the way you're doing it.
It's definitely a challenge, and I think that goes back to your point before about not wanting to shake things up.
It is political.
A lot of it's shared politics and ambition and a pinch of fear.
I think it's also just their hands are tied.
There's this forces of conformity and compliance in our society.
And ever since I was in college, I was a disruptor, you know, kind of in the spirit of some of these people back in Woodward and Bernstein and Alinsky.
You have to be a disruptor.
You have to go against the grain.
And I don't see today's reporters wanting to fight with those in power.
They almost want to protect them for their source material.
Now, don't misunderstand this.
I'm not asking to toot your horn.
I'm asking for an actual self-assessment.
How much of an impact have you had?
How successful have you been?
And what is your objective in all this?
Sure.
Well, Dave Weigel and Slate, and Slate is not necessarily the most friendly of publications to our mission, had this to say, quote, Project Veritas had more of an impact on the 2012 election than any other journalist, unquote.
And our voter, for example, our voter fraud exposés prompted six states to change their voter ID laws.
It prompted resignations in the Organizing for America campaign.
It prompted offices to be shut down because they were telling us to vote twice and forge ballots.
And it's the results.
We got no media coverage.
No one in the mainstream media wants to talk about this.
But now we're getting results.
Laws are changing.
Just two weeks ago, the Lifeline program known as Obama phones, they fired all the workers we caught on tape telling us to sell the phones and get drugs and handbags.
And they retrained all the workers.
So we're getting real tangible results.
And my vision is that if I just film, we call it cinema verite because I show a time slice of reality.
If I'm just filming 1% or 0.1% of all the people out there with government, imagine if I was filming 50% of them.
It's just a confidence interval.
Obviously, there's hundreds of these people committing fraud.
And then we go to the top.
We've established the low-level employees, but we go to the top of it, and they have to take responsibility if we get enough instances.
James O'Keefe is our guest here.
He's the author of the new book, Breakthrough.
He is the artist that videotapes the left without them knowing it as they act out who they really are.
Let me ask you about the Acorn business.
It's not just you.
You have some associates that help you.
When I watch the Acorn stuff, if it were me in there, I wouldn't have been able to keep a straight face.
How do you do it?
I mean, it is so outrageous, some of the stuff that you encounter, some of the stuff that you expose, it is so outrageous.
And a related question, the more successful you are, the more of these you do, the more known you're going to be.
And therefore, the tougher I would think it's going to be to be able to do what you do because they're going to see you coming.
Yeah, I mean, first of all, we train, we're training a small army of guerrilla investigators.
Oh, yeah.
It's not just me.
But when you laugh, you laugh in character.
You're sitting there and they're saying, yeah, you know, you can claim the underage prostitutes as dependents on your tax forms, and you kind of laugh it out.
You're in character.
You're a prostitute and her boyfriend, and you're just laughing.
But if they can confine me to my home state and harass my family, and they won't be able to stop me that way, I think donning some makeup, gaining some weight, having costumes, we'll do whatever it takes to keep going.
So you do want to keep going?
This is your calling.
Well, this is the beginning.
I mean, my vision is to get more information out there.
And like I said, if I can film 0.01% of federal employees and they all get fired, imagine if I was taking cameras behind all closed doors.
And We are trying to tell you that if you are committing fraud, if you're abusing the system, if you're acting out absurdly, then you're going to be the next unwilling Internet star, Internet sensation.
If you look at some of our recent videos, you'll become famous.
And that's our message.
We want to clean up society, make it a more transparent and ethical place, have people behave more virtuously.
This is the only way I can foresee that happening.
Now, again, I don't mean this question to be an intrusion.
I'm more interested in how you are maintaining, sustaining, and growing.
How do you fund yourself?
How do you earn money doing it?
It's a very unique business model.
Some people are doing it.
We basically crowdsource our funding using a charity.
We have thousands of people send us $20, $40, sometimes $10.
And honest to God, I actually paid for the Acorn videos and those NPR videos on my credit card because nobody, people thought I was crazy.
And after my unfortunate, unjust incarceration, nobody really wanted to support my efforts moving forward.
So I actually just put it on my credit card and then I sent out some letters saying, hey, I've got this credit card debt, a couple thousand dollars.
Could you help me pay it off?
And that's been what we've been doing.
We've been pleading.
We've been begging.
I'm not a natural fundraiser.
That's not what I was born to do.
That's just a means to an end of doing what I have to do.
And, you know, Linsky wrote, tactics means doing what you can with what you have.
And so many people, especially in the conservative movement, wish they had all these resources.
This book is trying to inspire you.
You already have the technology in your pocket.
You have an iPhone.
You have the clothes on your back.
You don't need anything else to be effective.
James O'Keefe, author of Breakthrough.
This probably hasn't happened yet, has it?
Have you been approached by money people on the left and offered something to stop?
You know, that hasn't happened yet.
I've been through a lot of the indictments and the prosecutions and the lawsuits, but I have kept a pretty, I've kept my head down.
I've kept a pretty tight-knit team.
And I'm sure that that's going to happen, but we're doing our best to vet people.
It will.
As you become more effective, they'll either try to shut you down or failing that, maybe try to co-opt you.
At any rate, it's great to have you here.
And congratulations on this.
You're doing something that really is unique.
And unlike the guy who made the video that blew up the Middle East, you haven't been put in jail yet.
And you've not been incarcerated without bail.
So congratulations.
You're ahead of the game.
Yeah, when you read this book, by the end, you'll stand up and cheer because you can't believe what you can overcome if you just focus on content, focus on the truth, and you'll survive whatever they throw at you.
And I know you understand that, and you've been through a lot too.
Well, you know, James, a lot of people, I've been doing this 25 years, and over the 20 issues are starting to repeat themselves now.
And one of the things that you're a young guy, you've got this early arrival energy, and nobody's stopping you.
Don't ever lose that.
There are people now that have been at this for so long that think victory is unachievable.
And they're basically in a mode of, gosh, maybe just hold on to what we've got.
And there are a lot of really depressed, frustrated people on our side, just average ordinary Americans who don't think they got any leadership.
The Republican Party's not advocating what they believe, not standing up for it.
They're puzzled by it.
Somebody coming along and doing what you're doing inspires others.
And I hope you keep it up.
I hope you keep loving it.
And I hope you continue to have profound effect with it because it's great.
It really is.
We will.
And there's an adage, there's no profit in social change, but there's a lot of profit in this rhetoric.
But I mean, we get results.
We're not going to stop.
Never give up.
Never surrender.
No matter what they throw at me, it's obviously not enough.
So they're going to have to up their game a little bit.
I'm really happy to have the supporters.
I don't care how small you are.
If you're sending us $5, you know, that's how we continue.
So thank you for all the grassroots people out there.
I could not have done it without you.
They love you.
Now, the title of the book is Breakthrough, right?
It's Breakthrough, Our Guerrilla War to Expose Fraud and Save Democracy because it's up to ordinary people.
We cannot rely upon politicians to do this.
It has to be you.
You can do it.
You can make a difference.
I'm living proof that ordinary people can make a difference.
Is it available in traditional places, brick-and-mortar bookstores, Amazon, Barnes and Noble?
Yeah, it's available in Barnes and Noble.
They probably have it up in the corner up in there, top floor.
Obviously, it's on Amazon.
Breakthrough by James O'Keefe.
It's gotten all positive reviews from both sides of the spectrum.
It's really more of a thriller book than it is like Gulliver's Travels more than it is your typical political book.
It's a really exciting story.
Thanks for your time.
James O'Keefe, Breakthrough is the book, and we will be back after this.
Don't go away.
James O'Keefe, maybe a good description, a good analogy would be to compare him to the special forces of the conservative movement infiltrating enemy lines and becoming amongst them and getting them on videotape, being who they are.
Therefore, no explanation is required.
It isn't necessary to warn people and tell people, for example, what Acorn is.
O'Keefe made them show everybody what they do and who they are, what they're really all about.
And the title of his book, again, is Breakthrough, Our Guerrilla War to Expose Fraud and Save Democracy.
James O'Keefe.
And here is Bill in Gainesville, Florida.
Bill, I'm glad you waited.
It's great to have you on the program today, sir.
Hello.
Hey, Rush, I'm honored.
I think this is a great segue, I hope.
I'm grateful for Mr. O'Keefe.
I'm 53 years old.
I'm single.
I'm self-employed.
I've got a big footprint.
I've got six kids that I've raised here in Gainesville, Florida.
And the only ability that I feel like I have is my vote.
And I wanted to ask you about the birth of the Tea Party.
Yeah.
I think it was before Obama.
I think because of John McCain's attack on the First Amendment with McCain fine gold and Senator Gramnesty.
I voted for Ronald Reagan first time.
Well, now this is an interesting point.
Clearly, the Tea Party just didn't arise overnight.
It was slowly building.
And I think you're right.
I think the Tea Party's roots actually can be traced to the Republican Party's open abandonment of conservatism.
But my only point about Obamacare, Obamacare and Obama and the debt and the spending is what brought them out of their homes and to start attending town hall meetings and getting organized as a political movement to the extent that they did.
There's no question the sentiment that propelled them was in their hearts long before they started showing up anywhere.
I was able to watch my adult children greet George W. Bush at the airport with enthusiasm.
And since then, they've kind of turned me on to Ron Paul.
Last time I wrote him in, and before that, I voted for Chuck Baldwin.
And I don't say that, you know, without, you know, my father came home on a hospital ship in World War II.
There's a lot of sacrifices.
I understand.
And Ron Paul's got a lot of Some supporters out there, but he was never going to win the presidency.
He was splitting votes.
Anyway, thanks for the call.
Back in a moment.
Folks, I didn't mention it today.
I did yesterday, but I forgot to mention at the top of the program today.
We're doing Open Line Friday on Wednesday today.
Whatever you want to call, talk about is fine.
Doesn't have to be anything I particularly care about since I'm not going to be here Friday.
Mark Stein will be here.
We have a best of program on tomorrow, Independence Day.
Mark Stein here on Friday.
We'll be back here on Monday.
So if you want to call about anything today in the remaining hour and a half of the program, it's 800-282-2882 and the email address lrushbow at EIBnet.com.
You know, it's interesting to try to pinpoint exactly when the Tea Party began.
Now, the modern incarnation, Tea Party as we understand it, is a television phenomenon.
And that was Obamacare.
Obamacare and the stimulus, the debt and the spending is what motivated people who were already thinking in a different way.
I think some people might think that the Tea Party's origins really could be traced back to Clinton.
There was a group back in the 1990s, and they still exist.
There was a group in the 1990s that were malcontents, renegades, off the mainstream plantation of conservatism, as articulated by the party.
And those are the people that were the early participants in the website Free Republic.
They were known as Freepers.
And they were, I say all this in a positive sense.
No, I don't want any negative connotation.
But they were one of the first visible groups of people off the reservation.
And by that, I mean abandoning the Republican Party's confined definitions of conservatism.
One of the first in the modern era groups of people to openly express dissatisfaction with the Republican Party at large.
And I think Clinton inspired a lot of that.
It went somewhat dormant during the Bush years, but even then, these people were very distressed at what they were seeing on the spending side.
Really, really troubled because of what it was going to mean to their kids and their grandkids.
All this debt.
It was going to impede the creation of wealth.
As the government grew bigger and became more and more in debt, the government swallowed more and more of the private sector.
The private sector is where opportunity is for average people.
For the middle class, the private sector is where growth is, the growth opportunity, the pie that gets bigger.
And your piece of it.
It's the middle class.
It's not in government.
It's in the private sector.
And it was shrinking.
Obama comes along and just nuclear weapons, everything everybody is already afraid of, adds a nuclear charge to it.
First, the stimulus came, and then Obamacare was always a subject in the campaign.
Everybody opposed to Obama knew that he wanted it.
And at first, it seemed like nationalized health care, it's not going to happen no matter what.
In the first two years, Obama owned the House and he had the Senate and he still couldn't get it.
And it was harder and harder to get it done.
And there was still a little bit of confidence that it wouldn't happen.
And as it became clear that it was going to happen and then did happen, I think solely on my memory, the combination of Obama and all of the spending, all the debt, and the lack of pushback from the Republican Party, you've got to understand, in analyzing the Tea Party, they felt leaderless.
They felt like there was no representation.
Obama is elected, then inaugurated, and they hear everybody in the Republican Party salvating and trying to get in on it by complimenting and praising Obama and all of his cabinet selection.
I remember all the Republicans, Eric Holder was a great appointment, all these Republican legal minds.
And to average ordinary Americans in the Republican Party, it was shocking and frightening that there was no pushback.
There was abject, you could see it.
The Republican Party scared to death of criticizing Obama, of opposing Obama.
They were scared to death, intimidated out of the fear of being called racist, and their voters were just fit to be tied over this because they weren't afraid of that.
And finally, I think the, if you can say there was a tipping point, it was Obamacare which caused this group of people, many of whom had never, ever been involved in politics outside the ballot box, for the first time in their lives to show up at town hall meetings and demand to know what was going on.
Republican Party didn't know what to do with them.
Republican Party was afraid of them.
And the biggest mistake the Republican Party made in 2010 was not embracing them.
And I look back on that today, and I'm more and more puzzled and amazed.
Well, I'm not puzzled, I know why, but I'm just still amazed that they didn't embrace it.
I mean, here you have a made to order, motivated, energized, activist, willing to donate millions of people that you could welcome into the fold.
You could build a movement around them.
And the Republican Party was as uninterested as the Democrats were interested in destroying them.
And I think that just fired up the Tea Party people even more.
And then as time has gone on, the Tea Party people have figured out what others in the Republican base have figured out, and that is the Republicans really not that crazy about them being in the party because they've embarrassed them or something.
It's like, you know, there's a, I was reading something today.
Sadly, I can't quote this.
It's a piece on Paula Dean and something else.
It's a piece on how the northern and the urban liberal elite look down in a condescending, contemptuous manner of people in the South.
Now, you and I all know this, but this was a great piece contrasting how the South is actually less racist today than Newark, than Boston, than parts of New York, other parts of the upper Midwest, Chicago.
Paula Dean loses endorsements in a TV show for something she said 30 years ago because the left lives with this false, phony narrative that the South is still the same way it was back during the plantation days, and they don't want it to ever be anything but that.
They don't want to ever recognize the South has changed.
They need the left needs the South to always be in their minds and as many other minds as they can convince a hotbed of racist backwoods hickism.
And they look down their noses at the people from the South and just basically laugh at them, make fun of them, and put them in.
So when Paula Dean comes along and admits to using the N-word 30 years ago, she got to go.
And see, that just proves, Paula Dean proves that the South is a bunch of racist hayseed, gun-toting, pickup-driving hayseeds.
Alec Baldwin, on the other hand, can run around and threaten homosexuals, physically threaten them.
And he gets richer.
He gets more businesses to ask him to endorse them.
He gets more television show guest shots.
And it is, the point here was that if there's really hotbeds of racism and backwardsness and closed-mindedness, it's in the elite conclaves of liberalism in this country.
Well, the dovetail here, the link is that to many Republicans, the Tea Party is made up of the same kind of unsophisticated, they don't really know what we do here.
They don't really know how we do it.
They don't really understand the issues.
They're just emotional and a little out of control.
And we somehow got to find a way to contain them.
And I think members of the Tea Party understand this.
I know they do.
I know they understand it.
And so it's now manifested itself, not only the Republican Party in 2010, not.
Can you imagine if the Republican Party in 2010 had embraced this group?
If the Republican Party had seen, it is, even though I understand why, it's still amazing to a political party actively rejecting millions of people who want to support it.
And they don't.
The Tea Party doesn't believe anything drastically different than the Republican Party.
In fact, the problem is the Republican Party is less committed on things than the Tea Party is.
Imagine how things would be different if the Republican Party had embraced that group and sought to bring them in the tent and use all that energy and desire and inspiration.
I always thought there was a way to replicate that 2010 turnout in 2012.
And I thought it would happen.
That's why I rejected the polls in the 2012 campaign because I thought the 2010 electorate would come out again.
I thought they would be even angrier than they were in 2010 because things had only gotten worse.
Health care was now the law of the land and the debt was greater and jobs were being lost in great numbers and the economy was shrinking.
I mean, everything that brought him out had worsened.
What I failed to see was that they knew they'd been rejected.
The party in any number of ways had let them know that they weren't interested.
So they sat home.
A number of them sat home.
Now, without going to 2014, the midterms coming up, there will not be a singular Republican nominee for anything on the ballot, which bodes well for the Republican Party, which means that Tea Party types will be less constrained in turning out.
And they have more reasons than ever to turn out.
Stopping Obama from totally controlling all the branches of the government.
And so the fact that there's not going to be a Republican nominee anywhere to depress that turnout, the Democrats are right to fear it.
The Democrats are very wise to fear a 2010-like turnout in 2014.
And that's why Obama has delayed by one year the implementation of the employer mandate because it's nothing but an albatross.
It's nothing but a negative.
I'm still amazed.
I'm still amazed.
They sold this bill as the panacea.
They sold it as utopia.
They sold it as the final solution all anybody would ever need for finally getting affordable, cheap, plentiful health care.
So wonderful, so beautiful.
And yet, from the first day it was signed into law, we had to grant certain people waivers because it was actually so bad.
And now it is so bad and so punitive and so damaging, we have to keep delaying the implementation of it so that it does not harm the people who are responsible for it becoming law, i.e. the Democrats.
In a sane world, this alone, in a sane and informed world, this act alone would lead the Democrat Party down this road to becoming a minority party.
People would see the fraud and the deceit for what it is, but they don't yet.
Got to take a break.
Be right back.
It is the Excellence in Broadcasting Network, El Rushball, half my brain tied behind my bank to make it fair as I exist in my role as America's real anchorman.
David, up the road here, Jupiter, Florida.
Great to have you, sir, on the program.
Thank you, Rush Limbaugh.
The reason for my call is I think with Marco Rubio with the amnesty thing that's going on, it's a two-for-one for the left.
One, they get what they want, and second, they give us, like you were saying, a reason not to come out and vote for him in 2016.
You think this is a leftist, thought-out, brilliantly conceived, flawlessly executed plan?
I think that's the case.
I think if we look back at the Mitt Romney thing, one of the things was, you know, he's not a Christian, so maybe he loses the votes on that.
And I think this is just another thing with the left, as far as Rubio goes.
They found a way to cleverly him for the 2016 election.
Okay, well, let's play this out.
So the left decides that they're worried about Rubio.
By the way, I want to, again, if this theory, just the fact that it exists, I want you to realize, look at the power, look at the brilliance that we automatically assign to people on the left.
So they saw Rubio.
They saw a threat.
They saw a guy who might be able to beat them for the White House.
So then they said, we got to destroy this guy.
Okay, how are we going to destroy this guy?
Well, he's Hispanic, and we know he's going to want to look good with other Hispanics.
So maybe we can co-opt this guy, make him to go along with us on Amnesty, and then we'll make him the face of it, and we'll see to it that it gets passed.
So we'll praise him to the hilt.
And then the Republicans will nominate him, but he will lose because the Republican base will be so disappointed in Rubio for supporting Amnesty that he won't get a lot of turnout, and we will win the presidency again.
You think that's how it happened?
That, I think, is fine, and I think that's what's happening.
So for this to happen, you realize for this to happen, Rubio has to be duped because Rubio has been conned into doing something guaranteed to defeat him for the presidency.
The Republican Party has to be duped or stupid or whatever to go along with it to allow it to happen.
So there are powerful forces, you believe, that identified Marco Rubio as a potential threat to liberalism and the Democrat Party, and they had to take him out.
And they devised a plan using amnesty to do it, and everybody went along with it, including Rubio.
Everybody went along with this scheme that results in his defeat, including him.
That's an amazingly powerful bunch of people that can pull that up.
And I don't know where the time is going, but it's zipping by.