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Oct. 30, 2008 - Rush Limbaugh Program
35:21
October 30, 2008, Thursday, Hour #3
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And we're back.
We are having more fun than a human being should be allowed to have Rushlin Boy, highly trained, broadcast specialist hosting the most listened to radio talk show in America, where we every day meet and surpass all audience expectations.
Fast as three hours in media to boot.
When the show's over, you want where did that go?
Here's the telephone number for phone calls coming up later in the hour.
800 282, 2882.
Jack Welch was on CNBC last night.
Larry Cudlow and Michelle Caruso Cabrera, and he was on fire about economics, the truth of economics, the Barack Plan.
We'll have that coming up.
But first.
Fawad Ajami, let me tell you who he is.
You've seen him on television.
You may not know exactly who he is.
He is professor of Middle Eastern Studies at the School of Advanced International Studies at Johns Hopkins University and an adjunct research fellow at Stanford's Hoover Institution.
His piece in the Wall Street Journal today, Obama and the Politics of Crowds, the masses greeting the candidate on the trail are a sign of great unease.
I could read the whole thing to you.
It is just it's profound.
He says there's something odd, dare I say novel in American politics about the crowds that have been greeting Obama on the campaign trail hitherto.
Crowds have not been a prominent feature of American politics.
We associate crowds with the temper of third world societies.
We think of places like Argentina and Egypt and Iran of multitudes brought together by their zeal for a Juan Peron or a Gamel Abdul Nasser or a Khomeini.
In these kinds of societies, the crowd comes forth to affirm its faith in a redeemer, a man who would set the world right.
As the Nobel laureate Elias Kennetti observes in his great book Crowds in Power, first published in 1960.
The crowd is based on an illusion of equality.
Its quest is for that moment, when distinctions are thrown off and all become equal.
It is for the sake of this blessed moment when no one's greater or better than another that people become a crowd.
These crowds and the tens of thousands who've been turning out for Obama in St. Louis and Denver and Portland are actually a measure of America's distress.
On the face of it, there's nothing overwhelmingly stirring about Obama.
There is a cerebral quality to him and an air of detachment.
He does have some eloquence, but within bounds.
After nearly two years on the trail, the audience can pretty much anticipate and recite his lines.
The political genius of the man is that he is a blank slate.
The devotees can project onto him whatever they wish.
The coalition that has propelled his quest.
African Americans and affluent white liberals has no economic coherence whatsoever.
But for the moment, there is the illusion of a common undertaking.
Kennetti's feeling of equality within the crowd.
Day after day, the crowd will of course discover its own fissures.
The affluent will have to pay for the programs promised the poor.
The redistribution agenda that runs through Obama's vision is anathema to the Silicon Valley entrepreneurs and the hedge fund managers now smitten with him.
Their ethos is one of competition and the justice of the rewards that come with risk and effort.
All this is shelved as the devotees sustain the candidacy of a man whose public career has been a steady advocacy of reigning in the market and organizing those who believe in entitlement and redistribution.
A creature of universities and churches and nonprofit institutions, the Illinois Senator, with the blessing and the acquiescence of his upscale supporters, has glided past these hard distinctions.
On the face of it, it must be surmised that his affluent devotees are ready to foot the bill for the new order, or they're convinced that after the victory, the old ways will endure that Obama will govern from the center.
Ambiguity has been a powerful weapon of this gifted candidate.
He has been different things to different people.
He was under no obligation to tell this coalition of a thousand discontents and a thousand visions, the details of his political programs, redistribution for the poor, post-racial absolution with modernity for the upper end of the scale.
It was no accident.
That white working class was the last segment of the population to sign up for the Obama journey.
Their hesitancy was not about race.
They were men and women of practicality.
They distrusted oratory.
They could see through the falseness of the solidarity offered by the campaign.
They did not have much, but they believed in the legitimacy of what little they had acquired.
They valued work and its rewards they knew and heard of staggering wealth made by the masters of the universe, but they held on to their faith in the outcomes that economic life decreed.
The economic hurricane that struck America some weeks ago shook these people the white working class to the core.
They now seek protection, the shelter of the state, and the promise of social repair.
The bonuses of the wizards who ran the great corporate entities had not bothered them.
It was the spectacle of the work of the wizards melting before our eyes that unsettled them.
Daniel Patrick Mornihan, the late Democrat senator from New York once set the difference between American capitalism and the older European version by observing that America was the party of liberty whereas Europe was the party of equality.
Just in the nick of time for the Obama candidacy, the American faith and liberty began to crack the preachers of America's decline and the global pecking order had added to the panic.
Our best days are behind us, the declinists prophesied the sun was setting on our imperium and rising in other lands.
A younger man, cool, collected, carrying within his own biography the strands of the world beyond America's shores was put forth as a herald of the change upon us.
The crowd would risk the experiment there was a grudge and a desire for retribution in the crowd to begin with akin to the passions that have shaped and driven highly polarized societies this election has at its core a desire to settle the unfinished account of the presidential election eight years ago.
George W. Bush's presidency remained for his countless critics and detractors a tale of usurpation.
He had gotten what was not his due.
More galling still he had been bold and unabashed.
He had taken his time at the helm as an opportunity to assert an ambitious doctrine of American power abroad.
He had waged a war of choice in Iraq This election is the rematch that John Kerry had not delivered on in the fashion of the crowd that seeks and sees the justice of retribution Mr Obama's supporters have been willing to overlook his means and who he is so a candidate pledged a good government and ending the role of money in our political life opts out of public financing of presidential campaigns.
What of it?
The end justifies the means except in times of national peril, Americans have been sober, really minimalist in what they expected out of national elections out of politics itself.
The outcomes that mattered were decided in the push and pull of daily life by the inventors, the entrepreneurs, the captains of industry and finance, to be sure there was a measure of willfulness in this national vision for politics and wars guided the destiny of the Republic, but the American sobriety and skepticism about politics and leaders set this republic apart from political cultures that saw redemption lurking around every corner.
My boyhood and the Arab political culture I've been chronicling for well over three decades are anchored in the Arab world.
And the tragedy of Arab political culture has been the unending expectation of the crowd the street, we call it and in the redeemer who will put an end to the decline, who will restore faded splendor and greatness.
When I came into my own in the late 50s and sixties those hopes were invested in the Egyptian Gamul Abdul Nasser.
He faltered he broke the hearts of generations of Arabs but the faith in the awaited one lives on and it would forever circle the Arab world looking for the next redeemer.
America is a different land for me exceptional in all the ways that matter.
In recent days these vast Obama crowds though have recalled for me the politics of charisma that wrecked Arab And Muslim societies.
A leader doesn't have to say much or be much.
The crowd is left to its most powerful possession, its imagination.
From Elias Kennetti again, but the crowd, as such, disintegrates.
It has a resentment or presentiment of this, and they fear it.
Only the growth of the crowd prevents those who belong to it from creeping back under their private burdens.
The morning after the election.
The disappointment will begin to settle upon the Obama crowd.
Defeat, by now unthinkable to these devotees, will bring heartbreak.
Victory will steadily deliver the sobering verdict that our troubles won't be solved by a leader's magic.
Fawada Jami trying to explain the fascination of Obama's crowds.
They want a redeemer.
They, in times of economic stress, simply look at him as the great equalizer.
And they are going to find out the great point in here about Silicon Valley and how competitive and cutthroat competitive they are out there.
How they're all just smitten with Obama.
And at some point, he's gonna burn them.
Obama's gonna burn all these people that support him.
And they are in utter denial about it.
They think that, oh no, he's not that bad.
All of our conservative intellectual oid pseudo-intellectuals believe the same.
Oh, he's not gonna be a leftist.
He'll govern from the center.
So the imagination, the faith, he's a blank slate.
You don't listen to what he says, you don't listen to what he says he's gonna do, you ignore all of that because the crowd has made of Obama what they want him to be.
We'll be back.
We'll continue your phone calls coming right up.
Stay with us.
Well, I left out some zero.
Exxon's Exxon's taxes this quarter 32 billion.
People are saying even their profit was 14 billion, the tax was 32 billion on top of that.
The profits what's well, I'm confused.
I got the profit at 14.3 billion in the third quarter, and I got people telling me the taxes were not 32 million or 32 billion.
At any rate, we'll get it ironed out.
The bottom line of taxes on whatever puts they are making.
Now I want to ask, does the liberals sound confident to you, ladies and gentlemen?
Eric Song, fear of flying, told an Italian newspaper the following.
The record shows that voting machines in America aren't rigged.
My friends Ken Follett and Susan Cheaver are very worried.
Naomi Wolfe calls me every day.
Yesterday, Jane Fonda sent me an email to tell me she cried all night she cannot cure her ailing back for all the stress that has reduced her to a bundle of nerves.
Jane, stay off your back.
It might help.
She said my back is also suffering.
From spasms, so much so that I had to see an acupuncturist and get prescriptions for Valium.
And then she said this, Erica Jong to the Italian newspaper.
If Obama loses, it will spark the second American civil war.
Blood will run in the streets, believe me.
And it's not a coincidence that President Bush recalled soldiers from Iraq for Dick Cheney to lead against American citizens in the streets.
Bush has transformed America into a police state from torture to the imprisonment of reporters to the Patriot Act.
They are deranged and delusioned, and it's getting worse.
They think they're going to lose.
They think they're going to lose.
The voting machines are rigged.
It's over.
These are the stalwarts of the American left.
Eric and John, Jane Fonda both was tired and sore backs, worn out backs.
Um let's see who else in there.
Well, Naomi Wolf, she lost her mind a long time ago.
Uh regardless of the state her back is in.
They really do.
They think that this is over.
We're going to put blood in the streets.
Soldiers at Cheney's command putting down the next American civil war.
Does it sound like a bunch of people who are confident to you?
And now there's a thing going, a gateway pundit has this thing going.
I'm being overwhelmed.
I cannot, I cannot look at my computer without getting five copies of everything the first time I get it.
Apparently, shortly after Katrina on the Daily Cause website, Barack Obama wrote a piece claiming we got to get rid of all the moderates.
Kick them out of the Democrat Party, get rid of the moderates.
Three years ago.
It's an avalanche.
It is a literal avalanche.
And he I, ladies and gentlemen, were one of the finest minds and mental disciplines known to exist in all of and perhaps in the country.
When I starting overwhelmed with this stuff, I I can imagine other people whom this is not their job trying to sort all this stuff out.
No one emails from people just all over the place.
You can do that.
You've got to look into that.
You've got to tell people this.
We got to get on this burger.
We've got the only time to release that tape.
We've got no, we've got to vote.
We have to it.
Chip in Rochester, we're back to you, sir.
The EIB net back to phones.
Nice to have you.
Hey, nice to be with you, Rush.
Thank you, Jeff.
I uh didto uh retrace sergeant and uh military fleeing father.
Um I just want to say that uh I was watching that last night, and it seemed like uh that thing thing.
And that uh woman got up there about the milk.
I looked, uh, she had acrylic fails on.
So I asked people around, how much do those cost?
And anywhere from fifteen dollars up to the answers I got from women.
Wait, wait, wait, wait, wait, wait.
I don't know the cost of acrylic nails either.
Is this fifteen to forty bucks per nail or per No, for the whole thing?
I don't know.
That's what I asked.
All right, but your point is how many gallons or half gallons of milk just use your real normal nails, you know, put a little buff on there, you know, put put some put some screwy red nail polish on it and go about the day.
Yeah, go ahead.
All right.
I don't know.
I just don't get it anymore.
Um I would I'll tell you my take on this.
I'm I'm watching Miss Sanchez.
Yeah.
She was the large family, right?
Right.
Yeah.
They're all sitting around, I mean, there was plenty of food on that table.
There must have been plenty of from a long time on that table.
Well, um, uh I was thinking along those lines, uh, Chip, old buddy old pal.
Instead of worrying about whether you got a ration milk or by a gallon or half gallon, why don't you just ration the Pepsi?
Yeah, right, exactly.
Ration the Coke.
And then I got to thinking, does Miss Sanchez not know of all the social programs in place to help her family through this?
Obama wants us to believe that there are no plans that only for the first time in American history cares about these kinds of people, and only he has a plan to help them out.
It's like we've never done the Great Society.
It's like we've never done the war on poverty.
We've done all this stuff.
It never works, it hasn't worked.
Obama gave us four families last night that were in dire straits to one degree or another.
And yet the government set up systems and programs and food stamps and all kinds of things to alleviate suffering in these uh in these circumstances.
Rick in Houston, you're next on the EIB network, sir.
Hello.
Greetings, Rush.
Howdy, honey, hutty.
Uh, I'm one of those greedy small business owners that makes over 250,000 a year.
Of course, it took me uh twenty-five years to build my business, and I went broke twice.
I didn't get any uh assistance from the government or even a bank loan as a matter of fact.
Rick, Rick.
It's gonna take Obama one year to destroy it.
Well, my I'm really fed up with Obama, and I and I have a question for Obama with his promises of higher taxes piling on already immoral taxes.
Why is he wanting to steal the American dream?
I also am a minority.
I'm a Native American, I'm half Native American, uh, Indian Cherokee, and we have built our business on the sweat of our brow and the strength of our back, and guess what?
My number one customer is Exxon Mobil.
I'm proud to say.
Well, uh congratulations to you on that, but you're you have spelled out your own answer.
You've def you've answered your own question.
You've become the enemy.
You have liberty and you have independence, you had drive ambition.
And you were able to build this business, and therefore uh other people haven't been able to do what you do, and it's it's not fair.
But let me tell you it what what Obama wants, what socialism really is all about.
You can say redistributing income, redistributing wealth.
Well, it's really about controlling all that.
It's controlling money, it's controlling people, it's controlling liberty.
Obama is an authoritarian.
There have been many of them that have wrecked previous societies.
And we're back.
Uh Erica Jong again tells an Italian newspaper there will be the second American Civil War if Obama loses.
We have had other civil rights leaders who say that Obama really isn't going to be the first black president.
And the race business will not shut down.
This will not mean that there's an end to racism in America because Obama has no slave blood.
His wife does.
Michelle My Bell has slave blood, but Obama does not.
And so therefore this guy said there were no end to race.
This has been echoed now by uh Charles Ogletree, who is a law professor at Harvard.
And he's also a top advisor on race issues for Obama.
And he said that since Obama's biracial, his election will not prove that racism has receded.
White America won't vote for blacks, Ogletree says.
Obama's election's possible only because he's partly white.
This is a law professor at Harvard, Charles Ogletree.
Let's go to Obama himself last night on the Daily Show.
The host said the polls have you up, but then they keep talking about this Bradley effect, this idea that white voters will lie to the pollsters and then not actually vote for you.
What do you say about that?
Yeah, they've been saying that for a while, but we're still here.
So I don't know.
I I don't think white voters have gotten this memo about the Bradley effect.
Your mother is uh from Kansas, she's a white woman, your father, African.
Are you concerned that you may go into the voting booth and I won't know what to do?
Your your white half will all of a sudden decide.
I I can't do this.
Yeah, yeah, it's a problem.
I've been going through therapy to make sure that I vote properly on the fourth.
So uh is there making jokes here about being half white now, and uh, but I don't really think it's a joke.
I think I think when you find out that Ogletree, an advisor says hey, not a black guy, he's half white.
That's why Americans are going to vote for it.
I think this is all strategic.
Rather than Obama trying to participate here in a joke about himself.
Now, uh, ladies and gentlemen, for those of you who watched Obama's uh little uh commercial last night, and you really think the times are tough in America, this economy really, it's just horrible.
I it's it's on it's inhuman what have people have put up with in this country.
And you believe having to cut back on the purchase of snacks for the kids and make half of what you used to buy last a whole week.
I mean, that's real hardship.
Obama told us this last night.
And of course, Miss Sanchez having trouble uh with the milk and so forth.
Uh last night.
What numbers did I give you?
Mike.
Find them.
Where were they?
I've I've put them somewhere out of my sight.
Ah, here they are.
Last night on uh Your World with Neil Covuto, he interviewed the founder of Gino's Frozen Foods, Gino Pellucci, who was alive during the depression 79 years ago.
And Covuto said, Well, what do we risk doing when we keep comparing things to the depression?
Do you think?
I feel very sorry for the people today whose 401 caves have gone down, maybe 30, 38%.
Uh the housing with people with foreclosures and so forth.
But we also got to remember that we're living pretty high on the hog.
Every child or person has got a computer, got a car, the World Series, 50% of the tickets were 1,500 or $2,500 for the last two games.
Gino Pellucci continued.
Let's take a look at that depression, because I was there.
We had people jumping out of buildings.
We had bread lines for a slice of bread and scoop of water.
We had cardboard jungles where people, families would live together.
We had candy towns that were called Hoovervelves.
We had hobo jungles.
My father used to make 2520 a week.
$4.20 a day, six days a week.
He was put on one week every six.
That meant four dollars and twenty cents a week.
And we had to pay a dollar and a quarter for rent.
Because we live in a flat that was about three rooms and a half.
And so we survived.
But by gosh, we didn't have computers coming out of our ears.
We didn't have a blackberry strawberry, what the hell it is.
Blackberry strawberry, whatever.
Gino Pellucci, the founder of Gino's Frozen foods describing what it was like for the Great Depression.
Now, I know, look, my my parents did the same thing.
When I was young, this is a tough sell to people alive today who have never known anything like that.
I can remember my mother and father, grandparents at depression was the most formative thing in their lives, and they insisted on uh my brother and I doing certain things, saving everything we could, going to college.
They constantly told us how bad things were because they were afraid it could happen again.
And I I you know, I was a smart aleck little kid.
He said, Yeah, yeah, yeah, yeah.
Dad, I mean, I understand it was pretty bad, but I look at you now, you came out of it okay.
And besides, I mean, I can't, I I can I can just try to learn about it.
I can't relate to it.
I didn't live through it.
You smart aleck, I don't want you to live through it again, don't you understand?
That's why I'm trying to raise you and understand various things so forth.
So this guy goes on on Cavuto.
I guarantee you, if if Ms. Sanchez or the or the babe that uh has having to cut back by half on the snacks for the kids because of the hard economic times.
If they had to watch this thing, oh, he just doesn't understand our lives.
He just doesn't understand how hard it is.
Because look, look at the point is look at the expectations we have.
This is what I was talking about and have been talking about for months.
The expectations we have, precisely because we are Americans.
And there's one country in the world in the history of humanity that has produced those expectations, and it's us.
And that's why the election is so crucial.
That is why it is important people understand that the alternatives here in this election.
We've got a guy running on the Democrat Party who does not believe in our exceptionalism.
He thinks it's over.
He wants you to see this country the way those four families were portrayed last night.
He wants he wants that to be this country in a constant state of need with him as the great redeemer who is going to solve all this.
Jack Welch, former CEO of General Electric, gave a uh uh his best shot on the economy and our way of life last night.
He was uh with Larry Cudlow on the CNBC.
First question how worried are you about this tax and redistribution story?
Should Obama win?
Sunday's New York Times had a front page right-hand column talking about the looming unemployment.
When you went to the jump page inside, you came to a two-page story on Rhode Island, which for some reason the McCain camp has not jumped on.
Rhode Island's unemployment is at 8.8%.
There were story after story, very sad stories of two income families being out of work, a hairdresser out of work, a restaurant here closing.
The New York Times naturally did not make the connection between taxes in Rhode Island and unemployment.
8.8% is 40% higher than the national average of 6.1.
And they have higher taxes, Chad?
And Rhode Island's taxes, it's the 48th most unacceptable state to do business.
So the next question from Cudlow.
Well, let's just focus on, just for folks who may not be familiar, the so-called employee free choice act.
That's the one that would uh do away with the secret ballot in union organizing attempts.
You you ran a huge corporation GE.
What's your view on that impact on workers, the economy, or the unions?
Look, you want a union when you got a huss's ass renting a plant.
But you don't have that today.
You generally don't end up with that.
You end up with in 1973, 54% of the elections went to the unions.
Last year, 54% of the elections went to the unions.
But you had a secret ballot.
You didn't have a bunch of goons going out and having people check off and coming in, showing up at your front door with here now, you have a union.
Think what it'll do to small business, Larry.
Think what it'll do if we unionize it.
We have three industries in America: airlines, autos, and teachers.
Three of the most troubled industries we have are dominated by all driven by unions.
All driven by unions.
Jack Welch.
And there's a we had three, but that's it, just two.
But he was on fire, Lesnar.
Oh, we do.
Yeah, see, I'm out of order here.
Go ahead and place it.
Well, let me find it because I give people the uh the question.
We had 47 sound bites, and they never come in any order.
I use them, so everything gets out of order, but uh well, I can't find number 17.
It's everything I'm looking for, I can never forget.
Just play the Welch soundbite, it'll self-explain itself.
Without question, Larry, I support a lower capital gains tax.
I support lower taxes on capital.
Capital is what drives productivity.
Productivity is what drives competitiveness.
Competitiveness is what drives jobs.
I'm a jobs voter.
That's why I don't want a free choice act.
I want people to vote for a union if they want one.
If we got a jerk for a manager, let them have a union.
But I don't want them sneaking around in the night doing it.
I can't imagine how a businessman can come out for Barack Obama with his policy.
That's exactly Fawato Jami's point in his Wall Street Journal.
They're not thinking that he's gonna be harmful to them, Jack.
They think he's gonna everything's gonna be just as it is now, except with a new guy that uh that the world loves uh and so forth.
It's it really it's you'd say it's politics of emotion and so forth.
It's uh it it's uh psychologically, it's it's just it's just the politics of vapidity.
People taking leave of their senses for a moment or two, getting all caught up in a dream uh and devoid absent reality.
Brief timeout, I've got to go.
We'll be back and continue in just a second.
Stay with us.
Welcome back.
It's it's Rush Limboy.
I got people now emailing me on what Jack Welch should have said, uh what Gino Kpalucci should have said.
Oh.
Reuters has a story, ladies and gentlemen, on the undecided voter.
Who and why?
And we wonder why and who on this program all the time.
Who are these people?
How can you be undecided?
We wonder who they are.
And by by the way, the undecided are always the heroes.
The undecided are considered the most brilliant among us.
They are not prisoners of ideology.
They are open-minded, they're above the fray, they wait until the last moment.
They weigh all of the issues and all of the candidates, and they make a wise and learned choice late in the game.
And therefore we have to now Reuters, we have to really target these people.
Both campaigns say that.
So Andrea Hopkins of Reuters, and remember it's Reuters, so you don't know what you can believe.
I'll just tell you what they report.
It's not a lack of data that has made Ohio photographer Chad Moon, one of those rare and coveted people in the U.S. political landscape, an undecided voter.
It's not that I don't have enough information, it's that I don't particularly like either of them, said Chad Moon.
Trouble is Moon's a fiscal conservative who doesn't like Obama's tax plan, but he's a pro-choice secular voter who doesn't like McCain's social positions or Sarah Palin.
So he doesn't like.
He doesn't like taxes and he doesn't.
I don't know what I'm gonna do.
They said, Well, when will you decide?
Pugh has done a survey of undecided voters, and here's what the Pew people say.
Undecided voters are less educated, less affluent, somewhat more likely to be female than the average voter.
Uh noting that the undecided voters are also more likely to attend church regularly.
Here is uh what happened to the He hung up.
We had a great call.
Where was it, North Carolina?
We had a great call from North Carolina out there.
Guy wanted to go on and say he'd watched Obama's misery show last night.
And uh he see his conclusion was after watching it, yeah, we got a pretty good picture of the trouble these people are in, but they didn't once tell us all the things these people had.
They didn't show us how many cars that have in the garage, they didn't show us the garage.
They didn't tell us how many cell phones they got.
They didn't tell us whether they got cable TV or satellite TV.
They didn't tell us how many TVs.
They didn't tell us how many blackberries or cell phones or anything.
They didn't tell us how many computers that were in the house.
Didn't tell us how many iPods that the kids have in the house.
Uh didn't tell us a whole lot of these things.
They didn't tell us a whole lot of what these people had.
All we got was a uh a sad sax uh story about all the suffering in these four homes, particularly how tough it was to stretch the snack budget uh with current economic uh constraints out there.
The uh family having to make snacks last a full week now rather than the three or four days the cupboard full of snacks used to last.
It's tough.
It's tough out there, and I but but I don't think anybody bakes homemades.
No, no, no.
But there's the food stamp program.
You're gonna get a food stamp program, and you snack up on snacks or stock up on snacks.
I mean, there's no really no restriction of what you can get with a food stamp, is there?
Well, I know you think there is no restriction on it, but I mean, you supposedly not be able to buy adult beverages.
What, Brian?
Thanks, Brian, very much.
Brian can let us know in six months.
What do you know that we don't know?
Stephen in Wellington.
I'm sorry, Millington, Connecticut.
Nice to have you on the Rush Lindball program.
Hey.
Rush, I want to thank you for 18 years of speaking my mind for me on a public platform.
Thank you, sir.
I appreciate that.
I just want to get right to my point because that's what your call student said.
I'm I'm a little really mad, aggravated, pissed off, if you will, that McCain is the standard bearer of the Republican Party.
He is the one that has put us in the situation by being the leader of the gang of 14.
He has neutered the Republican Party when they were at their strength, when they could have destroyed the Democratic Party by putting through the judicial nominations.
He has went against Bush at every chance he could.
He has taken the Republican Party down, and now he's trying to lead it.
He is realizing at the last minute that he has made a mistake.
He is coming to us looking for support.
And I fear that it might be too late.
And I'm just curious, how do you make me feel better, Rush?
Who are you going to vote for?
McCain, only because of judicial nominations.
You want to know how to make yourself feel better?
Yeah, you know what?
I I hope that he gets elected, and then through succession, Palin takes over.
Okay.
That's what you if you want to make yourself feel better when you go in there and vote.
Tell yourself you're voting Palin.
Well, you know what?
I've got a bumper sticker back in my trucks.
Palin and next speaker of the house always.
But this guy, he has done everything he can destroy the Republican Party.
Uh I wouldn't quite go that far.
Well, he has.
He's done everything he can to destroy the government.
But it doesn't matter if you've done it.
He's taken us out of the mix.
It doesn't make me mad.
It doesn't matter now.
Well, I know.
You can't go back to the back.
It doesn't matter that.
No, it's like I've been telling you out there, Stephen, one step at a time.
We drag Yosemite Sam across the finish line, and then after that, we deal with the next set of difficulties, challenges, or what have you.
One step at a time.
Stay focused.
All that, all that right now is irrelevant rigmarole.
I hope you feel better having vented it.
Sometimes that can be therapeutic.
But it's it's um we're all dealt the hand that we're dealt.
And we all have to play that hand as it's as it's as it's played.
And right now, I mean, we cannot, we cannot afford Barack Obama.
And I'll tell you another reason you need to vote McCain is because voting Republican is gonna help down the ballot.
And we cannot.
Gosh, folks, you think Obama be bad.
You let Obama in there with 60 Democrat Senate seats, and that's that's when we've got some really serious work to do that'd be very, very, very hard.
I gotta take a break.
Be back.
I gotta go home and I gotta do the thing I hate most in life.
Pay bills.
It's not the money, it's not the pay, it's the time.
I just hate it.
You see, there's suffering in my house, too.
Obama doesn't know it, but there is.
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