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July 30, 2016 - RadixJournal - Richard Spencer
52:37
Catching Up With David Duke

Dr. David Duke joins Richard to discuss his history in politics and activism and his current run for U.S. Senate. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit radixjournal.substack.com/subscribe

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David Duke, welcome to the show.
How are you?
I'm fine.
I'm just a little bit ragged.
I've been campaigning the last few days, and we've been under a lot of very powerful attacks, technical attacks.
My campaign website went down, an international attack that was so strong, it even took down the big commercial server that we were using.
I've been using for 12 years.
There are definitely some powerful people who are very afraid.
I'm going to win this election and go to the Senate and really change the whole narrative and the whole discussion about politics in America.
Yeah, well, there's some collateral damage.
They were not allowing me to book my flight this weekend, that's why.
Okay, well, you can blame me.
I guess you can blame me and my candidacy for that.
Well, we blame you for everything, so might as well blame you for this, too.
Really, you are afraid of the possibilities of this election here in Louisiana.
Yeah, absolutely.
I want to definitely talk about your election.
You're running for Louisiana Senate.
But before that, I want to get your thoughts on the RNC and DNC and just this moment where we are.
And I'll just throw this out there to get you started.
There seem to be revolts in both parties.
One of them is top-down, and the other seems to be bottom-up.
What we're seeing this week is a lot of genuine leftists, who I think are very genuine.
They might even agree with us on a few issues.
Genuine leftists who see Hillary for what she is, and that is a banker and globalist shill.
And I think there's another revolt going on in the GOP, and this one is top-down.
You could say it's kind of a coup where Donald Trump is forcing the GOP against the wishes of the establishment, and I'll be honest, actually against the wishes of some grassroots Ted Cruz Tea Party types, to be a nationalist party.
I think we're in this point where so many things are happening.
What's your take on all this?
Well, my take is that we are in the midst, truly, in a political revolution.
And it's been brought on by the activism people like yourself, myself, for years.
And it's also been brought on by a man who had celebrity status, Donald Trump, who joined this race and began talking about the issues that we've championed, the fact that immigration will literally destroy our country, that we have to, even using language such as, we've got to take our country back.
I mean, that's something that I've been saying for the last four decades of my life.
So it's really an amazing phenomenon that's happening, and it's also rekindled a lot of interest in me here in the state of Louisiana because everybody's aware that most of the major issues of the Trump campaign, such as America First, that was one of my campaign issues.
Everybody that knows anything about me knows that.
In my history, in my record against the Iraq War, And these insane wars in the Middle East that have actually led to the rise of ISIS and hurt our country dramatically, caused the damage of hundreds of thousands of young Americans in this war, trillions of dollars expended.
It's really rekindling that, and people now are really looking for candidates that really express the core issues maybe even more openly, more explicitly.
aggressively than Donald Trump does.
So there's a real sea change going on, and I'm feeling that right now in this race.
The support is absolutely more intense, more widespread than I expected, even in this race.
I thought we were going to get support, but...
I've never really kind of felt as much support starting out a race like this as I'm feeling now.
And you remember, I came in with a three-point switch, a three-point voter switch.
I would have sent me to the United States Senate in 1990, and the truth is the only way they kept me out of that Senate race was by having the Republican official nominee, Ben Baggert, of the caucus of the party, drop out of the last Senate and cause hundreds of thousands of absentee ballots to be destroyed.
And those votes were kept for me, which they would have voted for me, obviously against a liberal Democrat, a guy with a record like Teddy Kennedy.
And so it was really political tricks and insider tricks that even caused me not to go to the Senate.
And so people in Louisiana, they know me well since that time.
You know, I served in the House of Representatives from 89 to 93. I got, I became actually 96 to 2000.
I served as the chairman of the Republican Party in the largest Republican parish.
And we have parishes instead of counties.
I was elected at large at the ballot box in the presidential election in 1996, where they voted for me at large to the Republican committee, and then 14 other elected Republican officials, executive committee members who were elected to the ballot box as well, then turned around and unanimously chose me to be their chairman.
That's totally outside the narrative of the way the press and the media and the political insiders construct what they call David Duke.
It's very, very different when you have 14 other elected Republicans voting me unanimously who know me the best, who know me very well.
They wanted me to be their chairman, and I was the chairman.
I served until 2000 there.
Yeah, I think your whole career and the trajectory of it is fascinating.
I'm 38 years old, so I actually remember your runs when I was in middle school.
I was too young to vote.
But I remember them not only having intense support in Louisiana, but really getting under people's skin and changing the way they think all around the country and possibly even around the world.
It was something that you had to talk about, whereas I don't think anyone would have talked about.
You were shocking the system.
What you're going through right now, I mean, why did you decide to get in the race right now?
I mean, is it because of Trump?
Is it because of just, you know, the end of the Obama administration and all this angst about the future?
And why did you think this is the right time to do it?
And talk a little bit about what it would take to become the senator.
You're taking over a seat that's been vacated by David Vitter, so it really is up for grabs.
There are a ton of people running.
So talk a little bit about those two things.
Why now?
Why this moment?
And what it would take to become a senator?
Well, I think it's a lot of factors there you're talking about.
It's not just one factor.
I think we've got to remember that Donald Trump did not come out of a vacuum.
The fact is that the ground that's been laid by people like myself over these decades...
It's very, very important to what's happening right now.
You know, for literally since the time I was 18 years old, 19 years old at LSU, I've been speaking publicly about the threat of massive immigration to this country, the fact that European Americans, the founding people of this nation,
the men and women whose forefathers created this country, our Constitution, our rights, our liberties, our values, And who sustain those things, who vote to preserve those liberties, that we are being purposefully ethnically cleansed in our own country by immigration policies that were designed to literally replace our population in this country so they could usher in this leftist
projection.
And maybe simply because of a lot of hatred against our heritage and our values that we see prominent.
All over the Western world by the globalist media and the international banking and political establishment of the planet.
So what happened was that I think that people have...
When Donald Trump came in the scene, he had a celebrity status, and he started talking about some of the issues that we've been talking about for years.
There's massive illegal immigration.
The trade policies that are betraying both American working people and American businesses that want to stay home, that don't want to compete unfairly with products and businesses that are overseas.
When he started talking about these insane wars overseas and discussing the insanity of the Iraq War and George Bush's policies.
When he started talking about, he's even said that we should audit the Fed, talking about the Federal Reserve Bank.
He's also made some direct assaults against Goldman Sachs.
Yeah, so I think that when Trump came along, and he also spoke in a way, even though he didn't speak always in the way that's that endearing to people, he spoke in many ways kind of like a bully and kind of self-aggrandizing.
The fact that he wasn't politically correct and he didn't apologize also has given people a lot of encouragement.
And the fact that the media has attacked him full bore.
They've accused him of every character violation.
That's what the left does.
That's what the media does.
They can't argue with their ideas.
They not only stretch and use hyperbole to make our ideas seem differently.
And then they are, but different than they are.
But they literally always attack your character, no matter what your character is.
There's always something they can find, something they can say, something they can bring out of proportion.
And they've done that to Donald Trump, but the people have to have enough of it.
And so it's also been helpful to people like myself because people see what's going on in terms of me and what has gone on in terms of me the same way they see what's happened to Donald Trump.
So that's all positive.
But we're not riding on his coattails.
In some ways, he's ridden on our coattails in a real sense.
I did a patrol of the Mexican-American border to call attention to it back in 1976, which got tremendous publicity.
We're warning the country of the illegal alien problem, how it's going to increase crime, hurt our economy, hurt our culture, basically threaten...
The heritage, the values, the culture, the liberties of our people.
So basically Donald Trump has capitalized on, which I'm thankful for, a lot of the issues that we've talked about for a long, long time.
Absolutely.
So what is it going to take to win?
Talk just about the basics of getting elected.
There are a number of people who have thrown their hat into the ring.
How is this going to play out?
Well, I think even the left now is starting to admit the fact that I've got a hell of a good chance to win this thing.
And you can't win without getting into the runoff.
That's the first task.
But in a very crowded field of 24 candidates, obviously that increases the opportunity.
And that's one reason why an open seat is much better for an insurgent candidate than an incumbency.
there's a lot of power in incumbency.
Incumbents are able to do favors for people during their terms.
They're able to, they've already got a lot of very well-funded people.
And so in a race like this, you have a lot of candidates, and you have a real opportunity for a candidate to stand out different than the rest.
The same thing happened in District 81 when I won election to the House of Representatives in Louisiana.
You had a lot of candidates there.
They all outspent me.
They all had the support of the political establishment, or some of them did.
And I came in the first primary at 33%, and the other guys, the next closest to me was 20%.
We finally won that in the runoff, and of course that was like a shot heard around the world.
And so we have a good chance to get into the runoff, and the difference is this.
Now, people often ask me, well, why state race rather than the congressional race?
And there's a lot of reasons for that.
One is a state race enables you to reach more people without as much concentration by the enemy.
In a small district, they can just pour the money in.
They can just go in there and just unbelievable.
Plus, if you're running against an incumbent, if they're serving the people for 10 years, helping people with their Social Security benefits or their tax problems or with some government issue, They're developing a support group that goes beyond their political positions.
So on the statewide level as well, then your open ideas, your ideas like the Donald Trump ideas, that he had the same kind of impact, you can talk more about ideas.
Secondly, what's happening today is very, very different than 1990.
I've got a much better chance.
The demographics are a little bit worse than they were then, but they're not much worse.
They're talking about a couple points difference in terms of the black bloc vote and the non-white vote.
The difference though in this race is the fact that the European Americans have been more polarized to vote for Republican candidates.
So they're voting more in higher percentages than ever before, whereas many Republicans and many Democrats...
Many people in the state voted Democrat.
They don't do that now.
They're going to vote for the leading Republican, whoever he is, against the leading Democrat.
And in the last couple of races for the Senate, we had overwhelming, I mean just massive Republican victories.
So the opportunity for me to get a higher percentage of both Republican and Democratic votes this time around than last time is much greater.
And that's what makes the difference.
Five more percent of the white vote in Louisiana would have taken me into the Senate.
Maybe even less than that.
And we can do that today.
Secondly, to raise money, you've got to have money to run.
And I raised a couple million dollars.
But the way I raised money was a lot of mailings and things like that, which cost a lot of money.
So when you raise two million, and it costs you kind of a million and a half to raise two million, it's less impact.
The opposition didn't have that problem.
Because they could go directly to the fat cats and they get on their phone banks and here's $5,000 or $5,000 there.
Or in the state of Louisiana for governor, they could get $30,000, $40,000, $50,000 from some company.
They have the networks to do that through these corporations.
So when they raise $2 million or $3 million, in fact, they raised $10,000, $20,000, $30 million with the PACs against me.
They could all go into commercials and all go into groundwork and infrastructure and paying people to work the phones and paying people to do all the work and the focus groups and all the rest of it.
Today, we have a different opportunity.
In my Twitter account, and by the way, you can find my Twitter.
It's DrDavidDuke, at DrDavidDuke.
It's very easy to find.
I urge all your listeners to go to Twitter and join the discussion there.
If you're not on Twitter yet, folks, and if you're older folks, get on Twitter, get on Facebook.
This is the future.
The young people are coming at me and for me in great numbers.
You need to join the discussion.
In Twitter, in just the last seven days, I've had over four million responses, four million impressions.
We were, in fact, five days ago, you were number three trending in the entire world on Twitter.
Twitter has 1.7 million people involved in it.
We were number three in the world.
Yeah.
1.7 billion and we were number three trending in the world.
They shut down that hashtag pretty quickly, I would suspect.
Yeah, they did.
But, you know, it's the way it is.
We have an opportunity.
In Facebook, we're getting between 400,000 or 500,000 a week and a million and a half or more.
They shut down my website, but we still have our social media going.
And so we're not missing a step.
So we have more opportunity to reach people with our message through our websites and through the rest and hear our message than we had way back in those days.
And that's the opportunity.
And when people get to hear my message, they vote for my message and they vote for me.
That's just what we've seen and that's the opportunity we have.
Yeah, you have a huge advantage in that you have name recognition and it really is a kind of celebrity.
Your celebrity, granted, is because the mainstream media has turned you into a kind of Well, you know, with all those attacks, and that's the interesting thing here in Louisiana, with all those attacks, in two major elections, over 60% of the European-American voters voted for me to be their United States senator and to be their governor.
That's pretty amazing.
So it is true that people love me or hate me, but among our constituency, among the European-American voter, a lot more people love me.
Yeah, and they know who you are, and that's powerful, because you're over that first hump.
Real quick, when is the first election, or when is the runoff election in Louisiana?
Well, I think it's a good thing.
The first election for the United States Senate is going to be on election day for president.
And the media, they're trying to attack Trump a little bit, but that hasn't worked, by the way, at all.
In fact, when they came out with the big attacks on Trump saying he didn't denounce me, What they've done is they've driven a very close psychological association between myself and Trump.
And in some ways...
It's correct some way it's not.
I mean, I'm definitely far more outspoken on a lot of these issues than Donald Trump is.
But it's a psychological association.
I mean, my campaign manager and his wife are now working on a very statistical analysis of the election and the voters.
And that they're estimating now the likelihood of Trump voters to pull my lever, too, is really powerful, probably 70-80% at least.
That's great.
Well, I think there is a kind of, like, there's a be careful what you wish for element to all this, because a lot of people in the media have been associating the alt-right with Trump.
And, of course, there's good reason for that.
I would say most people in the alt-right are excited about the Trump campaign.
I think we all have a lot of skepticism.
But we're definitely excited by it.
He's energized this movement, no question.
But again, when they start saying things like the alt-rights taking over the conservative movement and the Republican Party, the alt-rights ascendant and so on, it becomes kind of a self-fulfilling prophecy because that's how things work.
It's almost better for them to ignore us or to harp on about how we don't have any money or something like that.
It's actually, I think they kind of can't help themselves and they really are promoting us and they're making it a self-fulfilling prophecy.
We do have a lot more power than we did a year and a half ago.
And it doesn't mean that we have this, you know, multi-million dollar endowments or billion dollars like the Heritage Foundation or all these conservative losers in the beltway.
We scare them more.
And we're seen as ascendant, whereas conservatives are seen accurately as descendant and as old and tired and boring and all that kind of stuff.
So I think what the media has been doing, again, they're attacking us, but I think it's actually been very positive.
Well, you know, they should be scared.
They're traitors to our people, our heritage, our freedoms, our constitution, our rights, our traditions, our very existence.
And not only America, but the entire Western Christian world, they should be scared because they're going to be turned out of power.
There is a massive tidal wave of Europeans all over the world who are waking up and who are rising up.
And they know.
They know that, yes, they're putting us up against the wall by their immigration policies, but our people are not out.
Done and out by any means.
Our people are actually, we still have millions upon millions of people who are just not going to sit by.
They're not going to go quietly into the night.
And when we apply our intelligence and our ability and our courage and that of our ancestors, when we reach down to our genes and our traditions and culture and our heroes of the past, when we embrace that, We will rise up and we will take our countries back, we will preserve our children and our heritage, and we will ensure a future that will take us not only to victory and survival in our own nations, but ultimately to the stars.
That's what I believe in and what my life's always been about.
Yeah, mine too.
Yeah, I would say a lot of people who have some conservative instincts will say things like, oh, it's over in 2050 or 2042 when whites become a minority in the United States.
And I've always just chafed at that kind of talk, just cringed, like as if it's over if we can't elect more Republicans or something.
I mean, it's just like, that's just the beginning.
I agree that something will be ending at that point, but something will be beginning.
And we have enough people.
We don't need to...
I mean, let's keep in mind, the city of London was able to dominate a great deal of the world in the British Empire.
And I'm not saying I want to bring back the British Empire.
I don't.
And I'm not saying there weren't problems with that, but it's just a fact that we're able to dominate the world.
We're able to explore the galaxies in ways that others can't.
And maybe we need to become a minority in the United States of America in order for us to wake up.
I don't know, Richard.
That may be saying too much to say we need to, but...
Looks like that's where we're headed.
I remain an optimist.
I do, too.
It's not that we need to be a minority, but I'm telling you this, that minorities, dedicated minorities, have always been the most...
I mean, look at the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia.
It was maybe 10,000 people in a country of tens of millions of people.
I mean, less than one-tenth of one percent, perhaps, were Bolsheviks.
And there's no question that in other countries, there were very small percentages that captured the will of the people and went to power, and we can do that.
And also, physically.
I mean, Let's be frank about it.
I've never advocated violence, and I think any sort of violence right now, in terms of this society, is totally counterproductive.
And I've always believed, and I totally oppose any sort of terrorism or violence of any kind, because not only do I think it's morally wrong, but I also think that it's totally counterproductive.
Because of the power of the media, they're able...
To make us to be the moral enemies, even though they're committing all kinds of terrorism against us every day with their policies.
It's like the Black Lives Matter.
Criminals who are shot by police and maybe of that a tiny number and a couple handfuls that might be something where you can argue about whether they should have been shot or not.
And then you have thousands upon thousands of innocent white men, women, and children who've committed no offense, who've done nothing wrong, who've been murdered, robbed.
Car hijacked, raped themselves and their children massacred, murdered women, raped and sexually attacked.
I mean, and it's a cross-racial crime, and yet you have no mention of these things.
So the time may come, and this has happened throughout history, when people who are facing tyranny...
Facing ethnic destruction and genocide.
Doesn't the media teach us every day that when the, quote, the Jews were facing ethnic destruction in Europe or whatever, that they had a moral right to rise up and fight?
I mean, the question is very simply that if the day ever comes when that fight comes about, We have the intelligence and the organization and the ability and the courage and the brilliance and really the history that we can rekindle whatever we need to rekindle to win the battle, if only we have the dedication toward that victory.
Yes, absolutely.
Let's pull back a little bit.
I do want to talk about history, because you've had this fascinating career.
And first, I want to talk about something that is the only thing that the wolf blitzers of the world want to talk about.
Whenever they introduce you, they say, former Ku Klux Klan leader, Grand Wizard David Duke.
I obviously didn't do that.
I don't think that's what defines you.
But I am curious about that.
You actually founded the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan.
I wasn't the founder.
It was actually founded by a very successful intellect and businessman by the name of James Lindsay in New Orleans.
successful uptown New Orleans individual.
He used to own a brokerage firm and a major real estate developer, brilliant guy.
It was a non-violent group and he recruited me.
He said, "Well, we need And we're going to...
By this controversial view, we're going to get a lot of coverage and we're going to get the issues out that we need to.
And it kind of like was the original trolling that these young people are doing today.
That's interesting.
In a sense.
Even though they were going back to the original values of the Klan.
And the original values of the Klan were a revolutionary group to preserve the rights of the people of the South who were losing them with the horrific reconstruction.
And most of America used to recognize that, by the way.
In fact, we've got to remember now that North and South, even the first great popular movie, which was loved all over America, North and South, was Birth of a Nation.
They're making a new black version of it, celebrating the black massacre of white people with Nat Turner.
Right, of course.
To show you how things have changed.
So I got involved, and if I had to do my brother's, I'd probably taken a different path.
But at the same time, it did give a platform to these positions.
And later, I realized that I wasn't going to be able to change the image of it because of the people involved.
I was a nonviolent person, and I always condemned violence.
So I eventually, you know, left the organization and formed a more of a political activist organization, the NAWP, and then later ran for office.
In fact, as a very young man, 24, my first political race was for state senate.
I ran in a district of Batman.
Rouge.
I was a student at LSU, graduated from LSU in history.
Later got my PhD, thank goodness.
It helps me a lot with my credentials and it's a real PhD.
But, you know, of course, the media, anything you do in your life, they're going to put down and try to, you know, that's how the media is.
But, you know, it's...
And I went forward and I could have said, well, I have this background.
I shouldn't run for office, but I didn't let it stop me.
And eventually I got elected to office and had huge campaigns and powerful campaigns where I almost went to the Senate and the governorship.
I unseated a sitting Republican governor.
So it kind of shows you that we should never let these things stop us.
And I think I'm poised right now.
To go to the United States Senate.
And because of the media craziness about my Klan past, it's going to make my victory probably the biggest political victory covered in the entire earth.
I mean, in fact, we're getting a runoff from November 8 to December 3rd, I think it is.
It will be the biggest news story, the biggest political race covered in the world, which is a tremendous bully pulpit for the ideas I represent.
And the ideas you represent and the ideas that hopefully the listeners of this program represent.
Yeah, absolutely.
That's fascinating that you said that joining the Klan was a little like trolling.
It reminded me of something I think William Pierce said about George Lincoln Rockwell, where he said that no one paid attention to me until I put on this Nazi garb.
Rockwell said that.
And again, I don't...
Whenever I've met someone or something like that and they love all of that paraphernalia of the 1930s, I'm really turned off by them.
I feel like you're just playing their game.
You're becoming kind of a Hollywood caricature of our ideas and our movement.
So I've always distanced myself from those people.
I actually do see your point.
There is a way where, if you do put on the Klan robe, that you immediately get attention.
Because the Klan changed.
I mean, obviously, there was the original Klan during the Reconstruction period that was really deeply rooted with the South.
Then you had the next Klan, which wasn't even really Southern.
I mean, it was a kind of all-American organization.
And many governors and senators in the North and South elected to office.
Well, Harry Truman, before he became president, he joined the Klan as a sitting judge in Missouri at the age of 41 years of age.
Wow.
Harry Truman.
That's a fact.
There's no denying that fact.
But again, you notice how the media treats former Klansmen.
But you know the way to deal with it now, and I've learned the way to deal with it, and maybe Donald Trump is one of the teachers on this.
I just laugh at them and I'll just say, you know, who in the heck cares?
What did you, you know, when...
Harry, excuse me, when I'm saying Robert Byrd, when Robert Byrd was a former Klansman who was supported by Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton for the United States Senate, they lead the United States Senate.
They never headlined former Klansman Robert Byrd.
If they're saying that my former Klan affiliation is, and really basically for about four years, during my 20s, is legitimate, then certainly his former...
clan affiliation was legitimate.
Not determine whether it became a liberal democrat or not.
That's what they're saying.
Because obviously my I've been out of the Klan for four decades now.
I served in the House of Representatives.
I have a perfect Republican voting record.
I should be identified by the press as former representative.
David Duke.
And that would be the proper way to talk about him.
Just like they would never introduce Robert Byrd as former Klansman Robert Byrd.
They would never put a headline on him.
Or Klansman Robert Byrd.
Exactly.
I mean, so the truth is that actually they've overused it so much, I can use that against them now.
And I can say, boy, is that all you got?
Yeah, exactly.
And also I can point out like we had Bernie Sanders.
Now the media calls him sometimes a socialist.
Hardly ever headlines him a socialist.
Here's a guy who at 41 years of age, not like me when I was from 23 to 28, right?
24 to 28 actually, in the Klan, less than four years.
And he was at 41 an elector for the Socialist Workers Party, which was a self-described communist group.
That worshipped Leon Trotsky, the first head of the Red Army in the Russian-Soviet Union, which killed millions of people.
That was his hero.
And also he went to a communist Stalinist kibbutz in Israel, which flew the red flag.
And he took that red flag, by the way, took a cop in one of them, back and flew it in his office.
You know, when he was mayor of Burlington.
And yet the media never says former communist Robert Byrd.
I mean, we can just go on and on about these.
Yeah, two observations real quick.
With Senator Byrd, I'll say very briefly, I think the way that that was pitched was as a redemption story.
And probably the dirty little secret of Senator Byrd was that a lot of West Virginia voters liked him precisely because he was.
A good old boy or one of them.
Yeah, sure.
But they could at least pitch it as this redemption narrative of, oh, he didn't know what he was doing.
He had a change of heart.
But you can't do that, or at the very least, they won't do that for you just because you actually do care about your race and civilization.
And so, therefore, you can't be redeemed.
They say, okay, I was thinking, well, exactly what did I do?
They'll say my views were apprehensible.
Because I said that European Americans should not be discriminated against me.
Yes, that is reprehensible in their minds.
Because I say that we shouldn't be intentionally reduced to our population, ethnically cleansed in our own country.
I always condemn violence, so I could be a store of redemption, but it's not my past.
Just like it's not Robert Byrd's past, which is important, it's not the past of David Duke that they care about.
It's what I'm doing now.
So that's why Robert Byrd's past became a footnote.
Yeah.
And my past became a headline.
Yeah.
And it remains a headline.
And if they wanted to write a story of redemption, they could.
They could say, okay, he was in the Klan.
He realized a lot of people who were taking that title, who were acting improperly or hatefully.
He denounced that, right?
He was a force for nonviolence in the organization.
He went on beyond that.
He went on to the House of Representatives.
He was a great voice for equal rights for all, including European Americans.
He was a great voice against war.
They could easily write a story of redemption, but we have an unfair, biased, controlled media in America.
And really, everybody gets the idea of that when they read KKK now, because everybody says, this is ridiculous.
Why not Bernie Sanders, former communist?
Or why not Robert Byrd, former Klansman?
How can Hillary Clinton endorse Robert Byrd to head the United States Senate?
And all the Republicans, by the way, voted for him.
So the Republicans always say, look at the Democrats.
They support Robert Byrd.
Well, every Republican member of the U.S. Senate, It was unanimous.
That's what they do.
They could have objected, but every Republican senator in the U.S. Senate voted to confirm Robert Byrd as a senator pro tem who was third in line since succession to the president.
Right.
So how in the world can they say they can't support me because I was suddenly – I was in the Klan.
They support a Democrat former Klansman.
Right.
Well, you've been redeemed in my mind.
I would say one real quick footnote to Robert Byrd.
I want to mention something about Bernie, but a quick footnote to Robert Byrd.
Despite the fact that he was on the wrong side of a lot of issues, I actually would say this.
At the end of his life, he was actually very good on the – Well, he did.
He did, even up to 65, he voted against the, you know, the heart seller.
Immigration reform bill, which changed the demographics of America fundamentally.
And he voted against that bill.
But then later, he kind of sold this out because he supported the amnesty and these other policies.
Did he oppose the Civil Rights Act?
Do you know that?
He did oppose the Civil Rights Act.
That's fascinating.
In 1960, there was that terrible mid-decade political revolution.
Basically, he opposed that.
He absolutely was a leading opposition to that act.
So anyway, Robert Byrd is not that bad.
But he kind of shows you the hypocrisy of the media, right?
So, yeah, after it wasn't really important, after he could get away with it, he kind of switched policy, and now he's a hero.
Yeah.
Because now he got the support of the media, right?
Right.
So now he could sell out his own people.
The people of West Virginia, the people of this country, because the media was going to give him accolades, and now he's a good man because he has all this powerful structure behind him.
And the truth is that I, on the other hand, has been a man that's always stood for principle over any sort of political advantage.
And that's what the people of Louisiana know.
Maybe that's why I'm so popular among so many people here.
Right.
Now, real quick about Bernie.
It is interesting that he was a member.
I didn't know this.
It was interesting that he was a member of a Trotskyist organization, which, of course, opposed the Soviet Union, which probably stank of Russian nationalism to him in his mind.
Well, Richard, we need to get this very firmly in our brains and in our history and understanding of Bernie Sanders.
Bernie Sanders was not only in the Socialist Workers' Party, he was an elector for the Socialist Workers' Party candidate for president of the United States, Andrew Pulley, who was on the ballot, and he was an elector for this open communist, called himself a communist, in an open communist party.
For the presidency of the United States.
So he was on the ballot for the socialist worker.
He was a communist.
Capital C-O-M-M-U-N-I-S-T.
And there's no argument about that fact.
And yet nobody knows that in this country.
Why?
Because we have a very controlled media.
And by the way, as far as labels go, if we had a really fair media, they would list Hillary Clinton as the hero of Benghazi.
She caused the death of an American ambassador who was tortured and murdered in this town in Tripoli.
And her policies led to this happening to begin with.
She also is the hero of ISIS.
I mean, she and her State Department and our government supported ISIS against the Syrians, who actually...
We're a secular government who actually had Christians and Sunni and Shiite in their cabinets, right?
Well, still do.
The freest governments in all the Middle East.
And I met the head of the Christians in Syria before.
Yeah.
Oh, I mean, if you look at Hillary's qualifications, I mean, it is a total disaster.
I mean, just look at Libya.
I mean, Gaddafi was, you know...
I'm not saying he's an ideal leader, but he kept the place together.
I mean, he was willing to work with America and Western leaders.
You certainly are stopping any sort of terrorism out of Libya, and that's all different now, isn't it?
Yeah, absolutely.
And they created a failed state, and then they were trying to do it in Syria.
They've luckily been unsuccessful in that.
I don't think they're going to be able to create even more chaos in Iran as well.
But, yeah, I mean, there are some really terrible people.
It is funny.
You've never inspired terrorism or funneled money that ultimately ended up in the hands of ISIS.
You've never overthrown legitimate leaders and created failed states.
And yet, you're the bad guy.
The only oath I ever took, even back when I joined the Klan and what we give to people, was to not commit a violent or illegal act.
to defend the Christian faith and our Christian heritage in this country, to defend the Constitution of the United States, right?
And to defend the rights and the heritage of the European American people.
That's the only thing I ever swore to.
That's what I swore to.
And in fact, I I, in fact, made it a rule in our group that you would, because I was very aware of how the violence is not only a moral thing but a counterproductive thing, I made that as part of our oath.
Everybody who joined my group.
And there was never a single individual in my organization that ever committed a violent act.
So when they try to put this brush against me, it's ridiculous.
But again, I think all that's… It doesn't make any difference anymore.
It's the same kind of thing.
They've lashed every sort of personal attack on Donald Trump and what is it doing to Donald Trump anymore?
It's nothing.
And he's leading Hillary Clinton right now.
Yeah, absolutely.
As we bring this conversation to a close, it's really been great.
I'd just like to talk about the difference between your first campaigns and then your resurgence here in 2016.
I actually watched a lot of video of your appearances in the early 90s.
There's a very famous Donahue appearance where you basically win the argument.
You won over people in the audience.
You really handled yourself quite well.
At that time, you sounded very much like...
A Reagan conservative, in terms of your talking points.
Granted, you'd say something, maybe a different emphasis, you talk a little bit more about immigration, talk a little bit more about getting rid of affirmative action, which is obviously anti-discrimination against white people.
But you basically, in terms of your terminology and your tone, you sounded a lot like a Reagan Republican.
Right.
Do you think that we're in a different world now?
I mean, I really think we are.
Sorry for my cuckoo clock.
Oh, that's a cuckoo clock.
I keep my cuckoo clock there to remind me of these.
Cuckolds who we have to defeat in this election.
People forget that's the origin of the cuckoo clock, is the cuckold bird.
That's right.
I mean, it's the origin of cuckold, and it's the cuckoo bird who...
Well, that's what the Republican Party is right now when they say that they're going to sell out the Senate and the Supreme Court to keep David Duke out.
Now, that's cuckoo.
Yeah.
They're cucking themselves in their cuckoo.
Yeah, absolutely.
Let's talk about what is...
What is new?
Do you think that you want to become the alt-right candidate in the sense of some of the language you use?
I mean, maybe that's a little too...
Do you think that Trump has brought in a new language?
Because Trump sounds much more like a, you could say, a Democrat or even a socialist in the sense of, we're going to protect American workers, we're going to do this.
That seems to be this new emphasis that he's brought on, and conservatives hate that.
So do you think that you're going to change your language a bit in 2016?
Well, here's what – there's a very big difference between your ideological books and pronouncements and when you run a campaign.
And you run a campaign, you're maximizing votes.
So you've got to be the cutting edge.
But at the same time, if you get too far ahead of people – that's probably why I lost because I got too far ahead of them actually – I was a little bit before my time.
You also got to mobilize the votes, and that's something you've got to do.
But I do believe, absolutely, that everything I was talking about, and here's the thing, no matter what people say, well, you sound like a Reaganite person, but the truth, is nobody was really saying what I was saying.
They weren't talking about preserving our neighborhoods that forced integration of education was destroying the education in this country.
Nobody was that immigration was going to destroy America as we know it and the traditions and the rights of the American people, that it was going to change the demographics.
And I said those things.
So I said, you know, a lot of things that sound like Reagan, you know, conservatism.
And I'm still kind of that way.
I mean, I believe that we should have less government and less taxes and all the rest of it.
I think that today I can even be more outspoken.
I really believe that it's a talking point to talk about the fact that we must make America great again and to understand.
That America can never be made great again unless we preserve the principles and the people who made America great in the first place.
I like that phrase.
I came up with that the other day.
I think it's a very powerful phrase.
The principles of the people that made America great in the first place.
Don't say principles.
That sounds like a conservative.
Just say people.
No, no, no, no.
Because, no, listen, you've got to learn, you know, we have to learn the ways.
Look, whenever you say something with people, and this is important, and I do believe that the principles, when we talk about the principles like freedom of speech, we talk about principles like our gun rights, right?
When you talk about principles in addition to people, in addition to our race, that gives us space.
It's true, it's what we believe in, but it gives us space.
It makes people realize that these things are united.
This is how you kind of expand the envelope out there.
If you take people too far too quick, there's some...
Times and places it's good for that.
Sometimes you lose them.
When you say something that bridges them, and we have to bridge these conservatives who really have their, a lot of them have their heart in the right place, right?
They want to preserve the Constitution.
They really want to preserve their neighborhoods.
They want their kids to have decent schools.
They don't want to have to pay $15,000 a year to put their kids in private school while their taxes are making them poor to promote public education.
You know, you have to build a bridge to them.
At the same time, you've got to be outspoken enough.
That they are very, very clear that you're distinctly different than these SOBs who've sold us out entirely in the political process.
Right.
I think this is the challenge, and I don't claim to be a political strategist.
I am who I am.
But I would encourage you to be a little vanguard-ish.
Well, I am.
Right, you are.
I think the vanguard should obviously be...
One of my platforms is repeal the 1965 Immigration Act.
One of my platforms is that we need to use antitrust laws to break up these media conglomerates where we have eight or nine corporations that control 90% of media in America.
That's got to end.
We have to have real freedom of speech.
The only way that's going to happen is by dismembering this.
These unelected dictators over our discourse.
We've got to absolutely change.
We've got to disband the Fed and take away the power of these unelected bankers to set on monetary and economic policy.
So, yeah, I'm definitely on the vanguard.
We've got to totally stop this massive legal and illegal immigration.
We need them to support us.
We have to have a trade policy that defends the rights of the American people, the American working men, and the American businesses that want to go overseas.
So, yes, we've definitely got a vanguard policy here.
That's awesome.
All of that is good to hear.
Well, folks, if you like what I'm saying, if you see the possibility in this, if you see why the left and the media and the establishment is so, so afraid of my candidacy because they know I can win and they know the impact it'll make.
I need your support.
I need a lot of people's support out there who can give us really sizable economic support in this campaign, tangible contributions.
You know who you are.
We need your help.
We need your assistance.
Even if you can give a small amount or a large amount, there's a lot of people standing on the sidelines.
We need your support in this race.
We can win this race, but it's going to take a lot of dedication, and we're getting some money in, so we're going to be able to raise some money.
Every penny you give and every real commitment you give, including some of those people, and give the maximum, that's what's going to put us on top.
We've got social media pretty much massively on our side.
We're getting tremendous Internet traffic, but we do have to reach a lot of those people who are a little older, who are just beholden to the controlled media.
So we have to get some advertising out there.
We can do it.
We're already promoting a budget to do that.
We're having robocalls.
But to do this thing, to win this thing, I need your support and I need it now.
You can go to DavidDuke.com.
You can go to my website for the campaign, DukeForSenate.com.
And if it comes down sometimes by the opposition, keep trying and get back to it.
And I'm going to give you an email address as well that you can send me your thoughts and your support.
And that email address is drdukeinfo at gmail.com.
That's drdukeinfo, one word, at gmail.com.
And if you send me your name and your address and your telephone number, especially if you want to give me some significant help, send me your phone number as well and your address.
And I will get back to you personally, in fact.
Tell us what you'd be willing to commit to and the support you'd be willing to give.
And let me know what you thought about the interview today.
I want to hear from you.
I want to hear your advice and your thoughts.
And if you want to volunteer for this campaign or help us in other ways as well, if you have talents or abilities, I want to hear from you as well.
Richard, thank you so much for this opportunity for being with you, and thank you all out there for listening to what I had to say here and supporting this campaign.
This can make a really great difference in the history of this country and the survival of our people and into this great fight we have to make sure we have a future for our children in the Western world.
Thank you, David.
Let's do it again.
Okay, great.
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