The swamp is Washington, D.C. We're in Washington, D.C. We've been here for a day, took four showers.
That's good.
Didn't go outside because I didn't want to be offered a bribe or be asked for one.
And we're ready for the show in a somewhat more depressed form than usual.
I mean, it's such a shame.
You see the beautiful monument.
We drove in last night, you know, early.
We saw the monuments.
I love these monuments.
I mean, I lived in Washington for more time than any other place other than New York City.
I lived here during, I came back the second time.
I thought, well, I'm just getting older and I know more about it now.
And I know more about how a lot of bad stuff happens here.
And even the time I came back originally with President Trump, now, no, it isn't that I'm getting older and just see more.
It's materially different than it was when I, certainly when I first arrived here, even when I was here during the Reagan administration, it's become a totally corrupt operation, money corrupt and intellectually corrupt and politically corrupt and ideologically corrupt and just dishonorable.
It's a dishonorable, nasty place in which people deal with each other in dishonorable, nasty ways and then expect to do the business of government.
And to a very large extent, with the exception of the Donald Trump true believers, people just don't give a shit for democracy or the people.
The last thing on their minds is the people.
It's got to get this vote in because I need this little thing to get reelected.
And that's the least of it, right?
I better get this vote in or the pharmaceutical companies will stop paying me.
You know, I better vote against school choice, even though it's the only hope for black children, even though I'm black, and even though it's going to consign them to a terrible education, because the teachers union won't support me.
I'm giving you just some of the minor stuff.
If you think Minneapolis, Minnesota is an exception, you're fooling yourself.
It is the rule where you see big programs like that going into a Democrat city.
Been that way since I can remember in the rollout of a great society.
One of my first big cases was ripping apart a great society program in New York City called the Model Cities Administration.
I don't think any money ever got into anybody but the crooks.
It looks that way in Minneapolis.
And when you consider that many of those people for which the money was required were poor Somalians, there aren't really very many rich Somalians.
And if you are, there's probably something very crooked about you.
So yes, that money was taken out of the mouths of poor people of their group in order to make them very, very rich.
And they were very, very rich and they lived a very rich lifestyle.
And Jasmine Crockett, not Jasmine Crockett, the other one, Ali Habin Bubun, who was married to her brother allegedly, is saying she's being picked on.
Oh, come on.
Come on, cry, baby.
Go somewhere else.
I'll go cry on your brother's shoulder.
You're being picked on.
You see all that money you were getting?
Who the hell is going to give you that kind of money?
And you really think we think you spent it all on your campaign and you got one crook.
You got 58 convicted, 78 indicted.
I don't know.
That's a lot in a small community of your size.
To say that the community is systemically corrupt would be a difficult conclusion to support in a court of law.
But to say that there's a chance, well, first of all, to say this is beyond just normal corruption or the normal level of corruption is easily provable.
This is a massive fraud scheme.
This is Robin Hood, except he didn't give the money to the poor.
He kept it for himself.
And of course, that's the way that's what Black Lives Matter was.
That's the way these communist operations work.
And that's the playbook they're following, if they know it or not.
And you're going to find now, as this goes on, that this is going to be true in more and more cities.
And I'm going to tell you another thing for sure, and I really hope they do it.
If they ever start investigating the money that got thrown around during PPP, it'll make this look like nothing.
The only difference here is what you're seeing is you're seeing a very critical tip of the iceberg, meaning you're getting, for the first time, I think, people are opening their minds to it for the first time.
You're getting a really good picture of why people are poor in this country under our definition of poverty, which is a somewhat euphemistic one compared to the rest of the world.
People are poor because the money intended to make them at least sustainable is stolen from them for generations by the politicians and merchants and whatever who surround them.
Very often their own people of their own race, of their own national background.
And the more they remain within these anti-American segregated groups, the worse it is because the more the bosses of those little communities become very powerful.
I mean, one of the reasons the mafia is gone, which is a point I made in the podcast with Michael Francis, and Michael agreed with me, was the mafia is not what it used to be by any means.
It's 10% of what it used to be.
And it is even close to being the top organized crime group in the country.
However, and yes, I did great work.
Thank you.
I did great work.
And the RICO statute was terrific.
Without the RICO statute, without the FBI agents who I had, I mean, it's a different FBI, by the way.
I mean, it's an FBI that you would go like this to.
How about a police department, too?
I had guys, I don't know who had more than almost got killed, but they were pretty much equal and they didn't care who helped each other.
However, just like my crime reductions were helped by all the jobs we got for people, changed New York City's welfare from 1.1 million people on welfare to 500,000 people or maybe 400,000 people on welfare.
500,000 people working.
Please, I got to point that out.
Because we had something called workfare, which these vicious, horrible Democrats oppose.
And it's really the way out of poverty.
It's also the way out of being a Democrat.
They don't want to let them out.
This is a form of servitude.
I don't like calling it slavery because slavery was something special.
It's like the Holocaust.
It was something different.
And it's a different kind of slavery.
It's using the word slavery in a much softer sense if slavery can be soft at all.
But they have these people indentured for sure.
And they keep them that way so these pathetic people can get elected because they don't work.
They don't do anything.
They steal money, put on dresses, act important, and repeat talking points they don't understand.
And that's at Washington today, and it's being revealed right now by a massive fraud in Minneapolis.
I do not know that this will be the biggest fraud in American history.
I tend to doubt it.
But, you know, certain cases just hit you differently.
I mean, this case could just easily have come and gone, but something about it just snapped.
And people got to see the maybe it's the Somalian people stealing from the Somalian people.
Now, don't get all upset if you're Somalian because Italians did that.
How the hell do you think the Italian mafia started?
It picked on Italian merchants like my grandfather.
Great grandfather.
And gosh, I wasn't alone in that one.
However, I think it's the amount of money, the billion dollars.
And I think it's the complete lack of concern by Elon Omar, the phoniest attorney general in American history, that little jackass who's slimeball Ellison and Tampon Red China Tim.
And maybe the quality or lack of quality of the politicians that's making it so big.
There are three parts to it, three parts to it, one of which you understand, two you don't know yet, that will make it keep getting greater and greater and greater.
But I'm going to try to utilize it as a way of explaining the dramatic, major change that could be made.
One, major change that could be made, that would give us the prospect of truly accomplishing our dream.
And what's our dream?
I think all Americans who are good ones have their dream of ending poverty in America.
The greatest country on earth, even if our poverty is different than elsewhere, shouldn't have poverty.
And if you follow the theme of our show, which is directed by Ted and Maria, but really by Jesus Christ, there is a way you can get into heaven.
And I'm working on my getting incoherent.
That could be easy.
Jesus says, if you take care of the least of my brethren, you're taking care of me.
Well, that's all relative to where you are.
So you stay with us, and we're going to try to use the holiday season and the end of the year, not only to urge you to be charitable and take care of tunnel the towers and all of the other things that you do, which is so important.
But we're going to try to show you from a global big point of view, how, at least in America, we can solve the poverty problem.
It's within our grasp.
We already spend the money to do it.
Tragically, we've already spent the money to do it.
But it is not even arguable that it's beyond our capacity.
Well, the Supreme Court had a very interesting case today.
And the case is the culmination of several of these cases.
And really what it involves is the firing of people who are appointed to what are known as the, well, they like to call themselves, and hence the problem, the independent agencies, sometimes called the alphabet agencies.
You know, the FTC, the NLRB, that kind of thing.
Some you can even make up and people wouldn't know.
You just say, I belong to the XQY agency.
And people will be embarrassed to ask, oh, what's that?
And you can say, I'm the chairman.
And then you get a really good seat at Kennedy Center or something like that.
Here comes the chairman of the XYZ.
Washington lobbyists will give him bribes not even knowing who he is.
They'll say, I don't know this agency, but if I, but if I get close, I can get somebody to hire me.
So, let me give them 100 bucks and see what happens, right?
And then the guy could claim 100 bucks.
Oh, I'm a $10,000 agency.
Oh, I didn't realize I haven't been paying attention.
So, the Supreme Court heard the case, heard the case today.
And the case involves Rebecca Slaughter, who's a member of the Federal Trade Commission.
This is not about, well, it is about her, but it's about her generally.
Federal Trade Commission has a clause saying that I believe, and these clauses vary a little different.
I should have looked at the exact one for the FTC, but they have a clause saying person is appointed by the president for X term, and many of them have a must and can only be removed for cause, for lack of meritorious service, for there'll be words like that.
But let's call it cause, okay?
That refers to the FTC, to the National Labor Relations Board, to the Consumer Product Safety Commission.
We know it involves the Fed with a special problem.
Now, here's the issue: these things weren't established until the New Deal, until Roosevelt.
And they weren't established because they are blatantly unconstitutional.
We have three branches of government: one of them is the legislative branch, it's the one that makes the laws.
The second is the executive branch, and it's the one that executes the laws.
And the third is the judicial branch, and it's the one that interprets the laws.
Do they poach on each other at times?
Yes.
We tend to think of the president often as the one who does it.
And although right now it looks like Trump is doing a lot of poaching, that's all relative.
It's been said about every American president.
Remember when Obama couldn't get laws passed, and all he did was sign.
He said, I'll use my pet.
And it was outrageous.
He was signing things that he himself had said he couldn't sign and were unconstitutional.
Every president frustrated does that.
The degree to which he does it is to the degree to which he's frustrated.
Or let's use a nicer comparison: the degree to which he believes it's necessary for the country.
In doing that, does the president, any president, overstep the lines?
Yeah.
In fact, there are very few good presidents that have it.
The presidents that will tend not to are the ones who do nothing because they say, oh, they're going to say they can't do things they can do.
And this is not the worst thing that can happen.
This isn't corruption.
This isn't, it's usually for the president to accomplish that which he promised the public he would do for them.
And because of political hurdles, it can't be done.
So when even when Obama, which got me real mad when he was doing that, when he was signing all those orders, he wasn't signing orders that were inconsistent with his political philosophy.
He was signing orders that allowed him to accomplish his political philosophy against the Congress, a Republican Congress that was trying to stop him.
And of course, I was on the side of the Republican Congress, wanted to stop him.
And I was angry at him for doing it, but I understood completely why he was doing it.
And although he was not a particularly effective executive, which was good for us, because he wasn't able to execute the left-wing policies that he wanted to execute, He executed enough of them.
So, Trump is just following that long line of American presidents, starting with at least Jefferson, Marbury versus Madison, is a case in which the Supreme Court reversed the president's exercise of power.
Marshall reversed Jefferson's exercise of power.
So that's not unusual at all.
What is unusual is these agencies were established.
And after the Constitutional Convention and these federalist papers made something crystal clear, and a lot of things aren't crystal clear.
Here's what's crystal clear: they debated the presidential appointment power, the people who wrote our Constitution.
They debated it in the Constitutional Congress, in the federalist papers, and in local newspapers and debating halls.
And it was not a after, you know, it wasn't like they just, like the pardon power, they just grabbed it from the English king.
Boom.
Isn't an awful lot of history to it.
Got to look back at what the English king could do and then realize, you know, the president's not a king.
This had a tremendous amount of debate, and it had a tremendous number of different variations to it.
In some cases, the Congress, particularly the Senate, because they were seen as the senior advisors really to the president, almost like the House of Lords, but elected.
The Senate would clear presidential appointments so the president didn't elect, didn't select phonies or bad guys or terrible guys or whatever.
And I don't know if it began this way or at the middle, but at some point, they're rather seriously considering that they would also have to approve the firing, which was the case in several of the constitutional models that they had.
Then there was the school of thought.
No, no, president is the executive.
That's his function.
He can't tell the House who the Speaker should be, who the majority leader should be, who the whips should be, how they should line up in the House, who should be the most important ones.
He can't interfere in that.
He can't get to approve it.
He can't get to stop it.
He can't get to change it, no matter how bad they are, because it isn't his branch of government.
He's got his branch of government.
They have theirs.
Same thing should be true for the president.
We're making him the chief executive.
Let's give him the basic executive power that is higher fire, right?
If I come in and I want to lower taxes and I want to execute a totally different crime program than the city has ever known, if I want to use a totally different domestic violence program, if I want to cut a budget that's never been cut, cut taxes that have never been cut, I've got to, I'm not going to do it unless I pick people who agree with me.
So what's the use of my promising that to people if then I'm stuck with the people the legislature give me that will stop me from doing all that?
And therefore, the theory was the much better executive theory is let them hire and fire and let them take the political risk of that.
The people get to judge how politically effective that is by re-electing him or not, or by giving him the sense that he's really unpopular.
And we can politically argue the case against him, but we shouldn't be hiring his people and firing his people.
And then, of course, they did as we often do.
They compromised.
They said, we're going to take a few positions that are really sensitive: Secretary of State, Deputy Secretary of State.
And then they probably went a little further than they should.
Like all 94 United States attorneys, as we find out with Lena Haba, right, have to be approved by the Senate.
All 94 United States Marshals have to be approved by the Senate.
Every ambassador has to be approved by the Senate.
It's not just, you know, Secretary this and Deputy Secretary that, and Assistant Secretary that.
So they did overreach a little.
They're going pretty deep into the bowels of the organization and trying to assert power.
And we can see with this Congress, the abusive Schumer Senate, that they're using it as a political tool to try to hold up the administration from achieving its objectives by keeping out some of the more effective ones as long as possible, which is terrible.
I mean, it shows the general theory was in the old days: president gets elected, give him his people.
And then if he screws up, we'll get involved, oversight hearings, et cetera.
And then we'll get tougher on the new ones.
Now, it's, you know, bust his no-watts from the very beginning and make it impossible for him to succeed because we want to get back in power.
And then they're going to make it impossible for us to succeed.
So what's the end result?
The country doesn't succeed.
Ever think of that, you guys?
And Marjorie Taylor Greene, huh?
You ever think of that?
All about them.
It's all about them.
So the correct constitutional decision is Congress doesn't have the power to put restrictions on a president's firing.
They've got nothing to say about it.
They have no business in it.
And they are blatantly violating the Constitution as much as the president would be invading their branch if they removed a speaker and said, We want a different speaker.
And he said, no, you can't do that.
Or the Supreme Court decided they want to sit only four days and he says, no, you've got to sit six, including Saturday and Sunday.
And if it's religiously impossible, well, then you're just going to have one or two people short on certain days.
Each one of them is an independent branch of government.
And the Supreme Court knows that.
And the Supreme Court's going to rule that way.
The liberals aren't because we don't have a liberal government right now.
If we had a liberal government, who the hell knows what they would do?
They'd probably vote with the conservatives.
And the conservatives would vote with them because although you think I'm prejudiced in saying this, this is a very objective lawyer's opinion.
Most of the conservative justices are much more capable of a principal decision than the liberal justices, with the exception of Kagan.
The two of the liberal justices wouldn't know.
I don't even know that it occurs to them what constitutional theory really is.
They lost it somewhere a long time ago in the fog of political bullshit.
They're going to rule that the president can fire who the hell he wants.
Now they're going to make one big exception.
And it's going to be intellectually, completely dishonest.
They're going to say the Fed is different.
And they're going to come up with the biggest bunches of bullshit to make the Fed different that you can imagine.
And I will, as a lawyer, laugh at them.
The Fed is different largely because the markets sound like they're going to go crazy if the president gets control of the Fed.
And they're not.
The markets will calm down.
And the Fed should be non-political.
It's not non-political.
What Powell did during the Biden era was much more political than anything Trump is asking him to do.
What he did with interest rates was completely what to make Biden look like the country wasn't suffering from the worst inflation that it had in 50 years and constantly giving us very, very rosy picture of a terrible economy.
Now, Trump is asking for some measure of that treatment, but not at all the same thing, because he doesn't need it.
The economy is at best has some very, very strong aspects to it, and it has some questions about it, but it has some very, very strong aspects to it.
So, and even when we're talking about inflation, we're talking about inflation that is, at worst, has been, you know, supposed to be 2%.
It's at 3.
Now it's below 3.
And all of the predictions about it have turned out to be completely wrong.
Now, in the Biden era, the predictions were wrong this way.
There won't be inflation as it goes from four to five.
Oh, inflation, that's it.
There's really no inflation.
That's just the numbers of six.
The inflation really, there's really no inflation.
Inflation no control.
Seven.
Now we have it.
Now that's it.
That's the peak.
Eight.
Gasoline prices, four or five dollars.
We really got control over this inflation now.
Nine.
Eventually it started to come down.
And now it's down below Biden's average by a universe.
And is it a perfect three?
A tuberc?
Yeah.
No.
Is it below three now?
Yeah.
I think 2.7, 2.7, 2.6.
And it was predicted to go way up, just like it was predicted on a Biden to go way down.
You get an idea who controls the predictions.
Not economists.
And if they are economists, they're Keynesian, lefty jackasses, which is the symbol of the party.
So I think the Supreme Court will say that the Humphreys executive case is reversed.
That's the case that came up with this fiction, done by Republicans trying to control Franklin Roosevelt, by the way.
Then modified by Republicans, not really applied effectively.
They find all kinds of excuses lately not to apply it.
And the last time they did it, I think it was the great Justice Thomas who said, and maybe Alito with him, it's about time we stop spooling around and we really face this thing because we really don't apply it.
So I would say the unitary executive theory is going to win the day and he's going to get everything he wants but the Fed.
And maybe he doesn't want the Fed for political reasons.
Maybe he doesn't for the political backlash.
I don't know if the political backlash over the Fed, because we've never faced it before, is exaggerated or it's real.
Could be uh, it could be easier.
So when we come back uh we'll we'll we'll, we'll take a look at what's going on uh, with the, with the used to be the greatest college in America that nobody wants to send their kids to anymore because it's a uh, it's a den of anti-semitism and a perennial uh um, career criminal discriminator.
We'll talk about that college and several others, and we'll also talk about what's going on with the Afghans coming in, coming out.
What's going to happen?
Any more Afghans coming in?
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I said, tell me when I'm back.
I'm back.
I want you to know that I came to Washington.
I worked really hard on my packing, thought of everything, because I had to go to New York first.
New York, Washington.
And I'm still alive.
That's good, right?
New York, Washington.
I packed everything.
Really did a great job.
Well, our equipment, Ted, of course, takes care of, but I bring some of my own personal stuff, personal equipment, electronic equipment.
I'm talking about.
I get here.
Actually, I'm getting into the airport in Florida, and my pants are starting to fall down, which means I'm losing weight.
I didn't bring any belts.
So, yeah, yesterday, yesterday I was stuck walking around the airports and the restaurant window, my pants falling out.
And today I had a breakfast.
I was holding my pants, walking into the breakfast like that, like this.
And before the show, when I was getting ready, but on the way to lunch, we walked through a Christmas village.
Do you see any pictures of that, Ted?
I do.
Let me walk through the Christmas village, it is right outside of our hotel.
And it reminds me of something in Europe as opposed to in America.
It's very, very nice Christmas village.
And it isn't, you know, some of these Christmas villages look like the street fairs in New York had become.
Sometime I'll tell you about what happened with the street fairs.
They used to be wonderful and they became old.
I said, I wonder if I could find a belt.
And I had my little granddaughter with me and her mom.
And she noticed a belt place.
So I went over to the Bell Place and they had these really great bells.
Now, this is where I haven't lost enough weight.
All of them were too small.
They were made for European guys.
You know, it's like, I can't wear the size seven European shoes.
Sorry.
But the guy said he has four stores in Washington.
He'd go get a couple of bells and bring them down there.
And I got two beautifully, these nice belts.
I have the black one on, but look at this one.
That's nice.
So I'm going to give him a plug.
It's Cuavero.
The leather goods.
I don't know if you like leather goods.
I happen to really love leather goods.
Cuavero, Q-U-A-V-A-R-O.com.
Cuavero.com.
He's here in Washington, four stores in Washington.
The owner and founder is Cesar Cuavero.
He's a wonderful young man, or not so young compared to me.
Isn't that a nice belt?
I like thick ones.
He doesn't have any two-tones.
I figured since I was on a trip, maybe a two-tone would work because I need a black one and a here we go.
I'm going to a commission committee meeting tomorrow, so I have to look like a you know, like a gentleman.
I have to have a belt.
It would be very embarrassing if my, you know, it just wouldn't be that.
You know what they'd say?
He's getting old.
He's getting old.
His belt as far as that is getting old.
Well, what's going to happen to the Afghan refugees?
Because we can lump these both together.
We got two groups that are under grave, uh suspicion, one might say, uh legitimate questioning for the safety of our community, which would be the Somalians and the Afghans, but particularly the Afghans who came in as part of the big bums rush that took place when everybody got on the plane.
And this is not at all Monday morning quarterback.
And this is criticism from the game itself by the anchors.
Biden was warned, you can't let them in this way.
You cannot let them in this way.
There's an excellent article in one of the papers, and several actually, different parts of America, with our soldiers saying, you know, we love some of these guys, really love them, but others were treacherous.
If you think they were all loyal, 100%, and they had a number, I think it was 311 of our soldiers who were killed by these guys.
So therefore, they just can't be let in based on the fact that I worked for the military.
I did this for the military.
I did that for the military.
They may even have a great record with their unit and doing it somewhere else.
They had to be vetted.
And of course, they weren't vetted at all.
It was whoever got on the, whoever strong-armed enough to get on the plane or had the money to bribe his way on, which doesn't bode well for getting the best people either.
We know we left some of the best people behind because Biden got a lot of them killed.
This all comes about because you elected Biden.
I didn't.
You know that, right?
I almost got myself executed for electing Biden.
If they saw this belt, you know, if the Biden people were around here in Washington and they saw this belt, who knows what could happen to me?
Think Epstein did that?
I don't know.
It's kind of hard.
He was allowed to do it.
It was encouraging.
I don't want to get off track here.
Go, Epstein.
Go.
Epstein, you don't want to leave.
It's not worth it, Epstein.
It's nothing to do with trying to convince.
Are there certain songs you can put in that create a suicidal mood?
They just left, what was it, a belt or a blanket?
Threw the sheet in there, turn the camera around.
It's like sending Hagen to Johnny, Five Angels, Pentangeli, right?
It's just like that.
Godfather 2 shows up at the prison.
Johnny had been a rat.
His brother had to come over to straight him out.
And Michael's going to settle all the scores with the family.
And he goes and he visits, he visits Five Angels in the prison cell, in the secure prison place.
And he says to him, he gets him a cigar.
Oh, good cigar, good cigar.
Good cigar.
Always like you.
Always like you, Johnny.
Always like you.
Five Angels always liked you.
My brother, get back.
Your brother's safe.
Your brother's fine.
Your whole family will be good.
Everything will be fine with your family, Johnny.
But remember the old days you used to read all that Roman history?
Because the families were, you know, like the legions.
They were set up like the legions.
Yeah, yeah, I remember.
And you used to, you were a real expert on that, right?
Yeah, yeah.
What happened when a general, I don't know, what happened when a general crossed an emperor or did something dishonorable or how did he make sure that his family was taken care of?
They didn't make it like a dishonorable thing for his family forever.
Yeah.
He had a great meal, wonderful vino.
Relaxed.
I've forgotten if they said maybe a woman or something.
And then they put a nice hot bag passed for him, a lot of salt, nice hot bag, and maybe two bottles of vino already.
He's a little, he goes in, and he just lays there.
And the lawyer comes in.
And then what happened?
His family taken care of forever.
No worries.
Right?
That's the code.
I get it.
I get it.
That's it.
That's what happened to Epstein.
I don't know.
We'll have to find out.
So the question about Afghan and Somali are, should they all be thrown out?
First of all, they're stopping them from coming in, which is because the Somali community, 800,000, one little place, they don't assimilate.
They run a little Mogadishu.
They fight over whether they can, anybody fighting over whether they can have their religious law in lieu of the law of the United States doesn't understand America and doesn't really belong here.
They don't belong here.
I mean, they can believe it.
Once they hear it, they should immediately realize how much smarter it is and better and critical to all of us that that law be one uniform law.
Now, I don't know if Jews or Christians made that request, it might be different because their laws are not much different than our laws.
They are our laws.
That's where they came from.
But, you know, Sharia was a little different.
Stoning.
Oh, sure, back in the Old Testament.
We don't have it anymore.
Stoning, right?
How to take care of the three or four wives, that kind of stuff, right?
What happens if a woman gets raped?
Who do you blame?
The rapist or the woman?
Stuff like that.
I mean, this Sharia law is not exactly civilized.
Nor is certain portions of the Quran civilized.
It's a manual for conquering and death.
And Muhammad, the great prophet, Muhammad was the chief leader of all that, the second half of his life.
The peaceful Muhammad, you know, when they refer to him as peaceful and all that, it turns my stomach.
It means they're lying.
You want to be a Muslim?
God bless you.
You can be a Muslim, but then I can try to figure out what kind of Muslim you are.
Are you a real thoroughgoing, complete Quran reading book Muslim?
Or are you one who has decided that there's a portion of that book that is completely terrible and that has to be completely ignored?
If you want to be part of the modern age, no, you cannot kill Christians and Jews just because they don't want to be Muslims.
And Muhammad does tell you to do that if you have to.
So we're dealing here with that problem underlying both of these communities.
That's the real problem underlying both of these communities.
And we make believe that it isn't.
And you got 800,000 people in Minneapolis.
I don't know.
I don't know.
A lot of them, I guess, are citizens.
I'm not sure.
You just can't throw them out if they're citizens unless they committed a crime of some kind or other.
Even then, it has to be a crime that bears on the legitimacy of their citizenship.
If Elon Omar, in fact, cheated on her application, then her citizenship is null and void and you can throw her the hell out.
But you just can't throw her out because she's even if she committed crimes with the Somali, she goes to jail like everybody else.
But the ones that aren't citizens, we can get rid of them.
So maybe that's the way to pair the community down a bit.
See if we can encourage it to start moving around, huh?
Becoming part of America.
I mean, if she would shut her stupid, ignorant mouth, it might help.
All she does is complain about America and get her people to hate it.
When did she ever talk about how lucky she was to be allowed to come to America?
When did she ever talk about how lucky she was she got away with cheating in order to get in here?
Oh, we don't know that yet.
Afghan, another situation where I don't know how you can go back now and check all these people out and make sure you have the right people.
This one, the Somali problem is largely created by the politicians in Minnesota who wanted them there to vote for them.
The attorney general, Elon Omar, who claims, you know, oh, it's terrible what they're doing.
And yeah, it is terrible.
You took a billion dollars.
I mean, you didn't take it all, but the community took it.
And they took it away from the poor people in the community.
And all you're worried about is that people might be treated unfairly.
What about all the money stolen out of the mouths of your people?
I haven't heard you once, any of you say, how concerned you are about that.
Just like all the black politicians would complain when there were riots.
The only time you ever see them, there were riots.
And they'd say, it's terrible.
This community never gets, this community remains the same.
Nothing ever happens.
And then they've represented the community for 30 years.
And the community got more money than a big rehabilitation of Monaco would cost.
And it looked like shit because they stole all the money.
And then they would die and you'd find out they're worth 20 million, 30 million, 40 million.
And you can't figure that out.
That's what's going on now with all this money.
And this is what was going on with the money before it.
And this is what's going on with the PPP money.
And anytime there's a big slosh of money coming out, and they can do the bidding rules, the Democrats become boss tweeted because that's their model.
So I do think that in the case of the Afghan people who came in, there'll be a much easier chance to reconstruct who they were.
We'll be able, if we dig into it, to find out who some of these people are who run the risk of doing turning, let's be straight about it, of turning on us.
I was disappointed that the court removed Alina Haba.
Not sure that it's a correct ruling.
I don't know if they're going to appeal it.
It really does get once again to the, but it does create a difficulty, doesn't it?
The Congress has made the Office of United States Attorney an office that has to be reviewed by the Senate.
It has to have the advice and consent of the Senate.
And remember, I told you, they do not have any authority to have anything to say about firing.
So when he fires someone as a U.S. attorney, he doesn't need cause, just fires them.
Now it's time to put somebody else there.
He's got to put somebody there who he puts up for advise and consent.
And so they have these different formulas in different districts where the president gets a certain amount of time, three months, six months, depending on the district, to put somebody in there on an acting basis.
Now, I can see why the president can't be allowed to do that forever.
Otherwise, he could evade the advise and consent, right?
He could just come in and say, Mr. Jones is the U.S. Attorney, and he's the acting U.S. attorney.
Now he's the real U.S. attorney.
I'm appoint him and I'm not going to submit him.
So they have to have some kind of measure to discipline that.
But I don't think the measure can be to giving to the courts the decision on who the U.S. attorney is.
I think that's an improper violation of the separation of powers.
You'd have to come up with something, something where the executive branch had the decision-making power and the Congress had other methods like holding back money or penalizing or to encourage the president that after a period of time,
that person can't be the U.S. attorney if he's not getting them, if he's not getting them, if he's not getting them confirmed.
But he's got to be the decision maker.
It can't be the courts.
I mean, it's almost a conflict of interest for the courts to pick the lawyer who's going to be before them.
So I don't know how if this is going to get to the court.
You got two of these cases, right?
You got the Halligan case and you have the Haba case.
And Alina has decided to not, I gather not to fight her because she's taking, she's taking a.
She's taking the, I guess, the high road.
She's taking a job in the Justice Department.
She's protecting the integrity of the office.
That used to be the office I work with every day, the Office of the United States Attorney.
Because as the Associate Attorney General, I was in charge of all the United States attorneys.
And the administrative office that does that is the Office of United States Attorneys.
And the head of that office is in daily contact with all 94 U.S. attorneys.
And it's a very, very, it's a very critical office for getting for getting the policies of the administration out and also for the support of the U.S. attorneys.
It's very, very, it was very prestigious to be on the Attorney General's Advisory, U.S. Attorney's Advisory Committee, which I used to meet with once a month.
And several of them went on to become governors.
Governor Weld is the one that I can think of.
From the role that she's taking on?
McMaster.
McMaster.
McMaster was one that you shared with the committee, the governor of Kansas.
What about the Pennsylvania guy?
No.
Your guy went to go work for Dick Parsons?
Yeah, was he on the committee?
Yeah, but he didn't be, I don't think he never became a governor.
Oh, oh.
That's about the ones that became governors.
I was mistaken.
Three of them I can think of became governors.
Several ran and lost, but and then one became a mayor.
Or you weren't on the committee, though.
They advised you.
I was the chairman.
I was in charge.
No, I wasn't.
I was in charge.
They met.
They had a chairman, yeah.
Yeah.
Actually, Henry was the chairman for a while.
Keating was the chairman.
I don't know if Bill Weld ever was the chairman.
Yeah.
He was one of the more outstanding members.
Yeah.
Remember when he ran for the vice presidential nominee along with ran for president, too, didn't he?
At one point, he ran against Trump.
But wasn't the third party ticket, him and that Gary guy?
Yeah, yeah.
He was a third-party.
Gary Johnson.
We didn't know where Aleppo was.
He didn't know what Aleppo was.
Yeah.
He was asked about the city in Syria.
He said, what's Aleppo?
Bill is a strange guy.
Great guy, though.
I didn't know you knew him so well.
Knew him real well.
So we're going to be back tomorrow night for you.
Tonight, we're going to go over to X now to complete all of the stories that you're not hearing anywhere else to tell you about our new podcast coming out, which I really want you to listen to this one.
We worked all weekend on it.
And we'll take a look at the grades for these schools.
And one of the collateral, one of the collateral detriments to the Russians for being involved in this war, which is quite interesting.