The Rise of the New Christian Right distinguishes itself from neoconservatism and the meme-driven alt-right by rejecting egalitarianism for heritage-based distinctions between men, women, and groups. While the "tech right" prioritizes GDP and global competition, this movement emphasizes "Americans first," arguing that anchor babies born to non-citizens are not true Americans entitled to native rights. Speakers warn against aligning with atheist figures like Curtis Yarvin, urging instead a strategy of quiet, decades-long institution-building in local politics to counter demographic shifts without the optics-damaging radicalism that previously hindered similar causes. [Automatically generated summary]
Transcriber: CohereLabs/cohere-transcribe-03-2026, WAV2VEC2_ASR_BASE_960H, sat-12l-sm, script v26.04.01, and large-v3-turbo
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Why We Ask for Reviews00:15:06
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The rise of the new right.
Some have called it the dissident right, some have called it the ascendant right.
Some have called it the new Christian right.
But what's undeniable is that there seems to be a new formation of some cultural political group on the right.
And it is, I think, correct to refer to this movement as something new, something distinct from neoconservatism as we've known it for these past few decades.
It seems like over the course of my entire lifetime, you've really only had two political options that represent two sides of the same.
Coin.
On the one hand, you can have gays for Jews.
On the other hand, you can have trannies for Jews.
But what you will have, whether you like it or not, is a pro Israel government with some degree of sexual perversion, with a sprinkled in measure of baby murder with abortion.
And one is somehow conservative, and the other one that's just maybe an inch further to the left is what's considered.
Progressive, but both options, the left and the right, for decades now have been just simply different gradations on a sliding scale, the same sliding scale of liberalism.
What we're seeing now is there's actually a growing movement of individuals who are saying, We actually don't want to be liberals at all.
We don't want to be liberals.
And I've said several times at this point, but I'll say it once more if liberalism is the car, then the engine would be egalitarianism, the idea that This forced mechanical equality across the board.
And there are many who are starting to push back and say, no, men and women are not the same.
And they're not equal in terms of their role and even their design and what it is that they're called to do, their vocation.
Likewise, not just is there a distinction, a difference between men and women, but there are distinctions between individuals, right?
That, yes, we would like every child in America to be literate.
But not every child is going to go to Harvard, and not every child should.
Some children are going to be statesmen when they grow up, and others are going to be great plumbers.
Praise God.
No injustice has been done.
So there are distinctions, distinctions in role and distinctions in design by God in His sovereignty between male and female and between individuals.
And lastly, a new conversation that's really just an old conversation that has been suppressed for decades, but finally is starting to.
Make the rounds once more is that people are acknowledging that not only are men and women different and individuals are different, but so are groups of peoples, right?
That Haitians are different from Americans, that we're not just fungible widgets that can all be interchangeable.
And so these kinds of ideas and concepts are emerging on the right.
There are still plenty of your Mike Pence's, there are plenty of neocons still in that sphere, but there seems to be an older, whether it's paleoconservatism.
Or, like I said earlier, the dissident right, the ascendant right, or the new Christian right, there's something in the providence of God that is happening.
So, what we want to do in this episode is explore how this came about?
Why now?
Why are these conversations that, again, are old conversations?
You can look to Pat Buchanan.
You can look to lots of other guys who were sounding the alarm and trying to start these conversations before, and yet they never really picked up traction.
All of a sudden, they are.
What has changed in the lay of the land to set the stage for why these conversations are gaining ground today?
That's the topic of our conversation.
So, This episode is brought to you by our premier sponsors, Armored Republic and Reese Fund, also from our Patreon members and our generous donors.
If you'd like to join our Patreon, you can do so by going to patreon.com forward slash right response ministries.
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Let's dive in.
Good afternoon, gentlemen.
Good afternoon.
GA.
GA, GA.
I always find the history of movements interesting.
When you're in them, it can seem like this is us.
We're never going to slow down.
Awesome things are happening.
You can kind of have this very myoptic sense because you're inside of a movement.
But if you look back upon history, it's really kind of incredible.
Just different ideas, different thoughts, some of which are coming around again that have come, but they've also gone.
They've risen up quickly.
One example that always fascinates me this is from around 1910 or so.
It was the Men and Religion Forward Movement.
And it's fascinating.
It was a movement where a lot of church leaders were concerned that men were not coming to church, that their wives were out in the workforce, that emotional appeals were being used too much in church.
So it was this kind of broad ecumenical Protestant movement.
And at one point, I think they gathered over a million men in downtown New York City as an expression of men, you need to get back in the home, men, you need to lead, men, you need to be in a way kind of the lowercase p pastor, caring for your children and your wife and their soul, encouraging men to do that.
But what happened to it?
Well, me telling the story, probably nobody listening, you've ever heard of it, it fizzled out.
Now, World War I, about two years later or so, this was 1911, 1912.
So you had World War I about two years later.
That certainly didn't help.
But history is full of people that they see something wrong or can point to something.
And a lot of people say, hey, I agree, that is wrong.
And they get together, but that energy is never actually channeled.
And so nothing is accomplished.
But then on the alternative, a ragtag group of separatists, namely the American Revolution, They took their energy.
We're sick of the king.
We're sick of his tyranny.
We're sick of taxation without representation.
And they started the greatest nation the world has ever seen.
A movement will rise and fall on what real action that it can channel its energy into, especially how many men, how much ambition it can take.
It can say, We're going to accomplish this, and then we're going to go for that.
That's the mark of a movement.
And so when we talk about the right today, we actually have to start with talking about the right that didn't succeed.
There's a good book.
Well, it's not good.
It's depressing.
It's called Black Pilts by a CNN correspondent, Ellie Reeves.
And she's a woman and she's not at all conservative or anything like that.
But she kind of went on a journey reaching out and finding a lot of men that were kind of left in the rubble of what would have been kind of the white nationalist movements of the early 2000s.
And by and large, what she saw is she found men that as the internet rose, they came across truths that I think we would agree with today that there's been an erosion of what it means to be an American.
The Hart Seller Act, as far as immigration, Has been disastrous.
And so you had a number of men that were somewhat disenfranchised, and through the internet, they found access to information and they found other people like them.
But the story that she tells and the title of the book is telling is a black belt.
Because what happened to a lot of these men was they would get involved with a group of guys and they said, Awesome, we need you to shave your head.
We need you to get a swastika tattoo somewhere on your body, and you need to be unemployable.
Their marriages fell apart.
They lost even the right to see their children.
And so, for a number of decades, close to two to three decades, A lot of people who, in some ways, saw the same things we're seeing now, all that energy was taken not to then build up institutions and to build them into men of virtue and to build them up with families and get them connected in politics.
It was, I want you to not even be employable at McDonald's.
And what actually happened, though, that came out of it was about 2010 to 2017, this movement gained traction, gained momentum, and that would have been what we call today the alt right.
And so, if you remember Hillary Clinton, she's making that speech, and someone shouts out from the crowd, Pepe.
It was kind of like a very meme forward movement, and they actually started getting some momentum.
Donald Trump is interesting, kind of in comparison to this administration, he kind of turned a blind eye or even supported them a little.
He appreciated their support.
This was a movement.
Richard Spencer would be a big name, Milo Yiannopoulos, Paul Joseph Watson, Lauren Southern, Greg Johnson, Mike Cernovich.
These were kind of the people.
But if you know the history of it, what happened is you had this growing movement, and a lot of people were really appreciating a lot of the things they said, certainly not all of it.
But in 2017, there was a rally called the Unite the Right.
And so there are all these movements, and they say, We're going to get together, and we're going to come to Charlottesville, North Carolina, and we're going to have a big rally.
And that rally produced some of the most terrible optics for a movement.
That have ever been seen.
People were flying swastikas.
There's a classic image of that young man with the tiki torch.
There was also a car that ran into a crowd.
It killed one person and injured 35.
And I'm not even kidding.
I think that engendered over half a decade of opposition.
You had this high profile event where people lost their cool.
They went whatever it would be.
And tons of, be it organizations, be it in the church, they said anything, even touching this, any idea associated with them, shut it down.
And so I'm about to give it to you, Antonio, as far as.
COVID goes because that was the big paradigm shift.
But people have to understand there's been about two decades of failed efforts that actually destroyed a lot of lives to get to the point where we are now.
It can seem all fun and games, and we have great Christian guys, but guys like Richard Spencer, Greg Johnson, they hated Christianity.
Milo Yiannopoulos was a gay Jewish man married to a black man at the time he's trying to kind of lead this movement.
We've had some terrible leaders in the past, terrible advice, terrible optics.
And so what's happening now.
We can't take for granted its Christian nature.
I would say for many of it, especially the movement that we're a part of, it's moral character because you can very easily have a movement that destroys and discredits itself.
And we've seen that time and time before in history.
Yeah.
Yeah.
And I think it's helpful to think about what the alt right was and I think specifically where it failed.
And I think one of the big ways that it failed was it was largely contained to the internet.
So you think about all of these sort of disparate online forums like 4chan and those sorts of things.
So, you have a bunch of guys who are disillusioned.
They're going to these internet forums and saying, Hey, has anyone else thought this?
Is anyone else feeling this?
And of course, people are rallying and saying, Yeah, absolutely.
But I think what was missing was that there was no translation into real life for those kinds of people.
Now, obviously, you have famously the He Will Not Divide Us campaign and those sorts of things where they trolled people in real life and made headlines and things like that.
But for the most part, you have guys who are largely disenfranchised and with no access to institutions.
And so that was sort of the weak point it was largely populist and nothing more than that.
And you didn't have the wide scale disillusionment that was required for them to actually have a voice and a seat at the table.
And COVID, I think, was that catalyst for that wide scale disillusionment within people on the right, within the church, so on and so forth, which was exposing these fault lines around what the government, first off, the professional managerial class, and how they had sort of.
Permeated every sort of cultural institution and the suppression and the censorship, and those sorts of things were immediately exposed because people were confronted with okay, I'm listening to CNN, I'm listening to MSNBC, and they're saying this, but I'm going outside and it's not that.
And there was, I mean, truly, there's nothing like that in American history where it was just so evident that people were lying to you.
And so you even have the average conservative, the average right leaning individual saying, wait, this is.
Okay, I don't really trust these people anymore.
And of course, that's what the alt right had been saying all along hey, they've corrupted these institutions.
You can't really believe anyone, so on and so forth.
And so now you have this disillusionment.
And two things I think happen from that.
I think that one of the big ones is sort of with the internet is the maturing of conservative media.
So you have podcasts and becoming the podcast boom, basically.
Everyone and their mom has a podcast now.
And then you also have sort of the emergence of what I would say is conservative elites, right?
And so people are coming out and saying, sort of starting to get a name for themselves.
And those two things start to provide.
The parallel institutions.
And the parallel institutions have obviously become big.
You have essentially parallel economies.
You can think about something like public square.
It's like, hey, let's have our own marketplace.
Let's favor ourselves and create our own institutions, which is just something that the alt right had really no one characterized by youth and so didn't have access to capital, so on and so forth.
But they just didn't really think that way, right?
It was a lot of theatrics, it was a lot of humor, a lot of trolling, so on and so forth.
And now you've got a conservative.
I would say equally right on a lot of these topics, whether it be what is an American, so on and so forth.
But now they're serious and they've got money and they've got institutions that they're building and they're forced to be reckoned with.
And the reality is, even the left, this is the last thing I'll say on this, on what COVID's done, but even the left, ironically, has also become disillusioned with power.
But that's bad for them, right?
Because they have the institutions, they have all of the Political capture.
And so when your own people are starting to say, hey, I don't really trust the things you're putting in my food, now I'm like a leftist, you know, purple haired woman, I'm crunchy and I don't trust the government either.
That also sort of like simultaneously weakened the left while the right has strengthened on disillusionment.
And that's really where I think you feel this vibe shift is like the left's got nothing, no air left in the tank, no gas in the tank, no air left in their balloon, so to speak.
The Average American's Trust Crisis00:06:56
And the right, meanwhile, is.
Building all of the things that they've had for the last 40 years.
And so it's fundamentally not Reagan, I think, is what's safe to say.
Like Reagan captured the institutions that the left currently has.
And so in that way, Reagan actually mirrors a little bit more of the left leaning political establishment than the new right does, right?
And yeah, so it's all very fascinating.
I think, like Wes said at the outset, like understanding the history, the alt right, I mean, no one will know who they are in 20 years.
Like that's just the reality of it.
Like you think about the time of the American Revolution and all of these.
Sparse movements, you had the Tories, and there were different forms of revolution and ideas about what revolution was that were popping up, and they influenced our founders.
Alexander Hamilton famously responded in polemical essays to people who were saying, actually, the revolution should be fundamentally nonviolent, so on and so forth.
And those people, no one knows who they are unless you really, really dig into the history.
But what does emerge from that context is what's in the history books.
And so it's important to know what's going on.
What will last?
What will be the foundation for the future?
Yeah.
I think a big part of it is when you think of the alt-right or you think of some of these prior attempts to gain traction with some kind of conservative movement, I think people still just at the time were not quite desperate enough.
The average American was still pretty comfortable, right?
So it's like you have this debate over taxes, you have this debate over immigration, you have this debate over the society's view of men and women or whatever it is, abortion.
But at the end of the day, the average American could still feed a family and own a home and have two cars and go on two weeks vacation.
And so you didn't really have a wide swath, like an entire generation or a couple of generations that were universally disenfranchised and therefore frustrated and angry and desperate, like motivated to do something as a unit.
Everyone coming out, everyone taking a stand.
Like life was still, it was still.
You know, sustainable for the average American.
I think one of the big differences now, when you think of like, because that's what I think.
I look back 10 years ago, 20 years ago, and I think the question that we should all be asking is how is this any different?
What's different between the new Christian right today versus Jerry Falwell?
You know, or what's different like, because that one was Christian too.
You know, because that would be a temptation is to say, well, the alt right wasn't really Christian.
Well, you can make that argument about a lot of what's happening now with the new right.
Like some of them are Christian, you know, and praise God for it, but some of them are not.
And even the Christians are pretty divided.
There's a Catholic movement, there's an Eastern Orthodox movement, there's a Protestant movement.
You know, you've got Stephen Wolfe on one hand, who's, you know, who's very reformed.
And then you've got people like Tucker Carlson, who is technically Protestant, but is not reformed, you know, or Marjorie Taylor Greene.
And then you've got ethno nationalists that root things.
More so in just tradition and heritage and genetics, you know, and it's less for them, it's not really a religious issue at all.
They actually, in many cases, see Christianity as a hindrance or, you know, at best, and in some cases at worst, they would see Christianity as the culprit that all the New Testament verses, especially in the Beatitudes and the Sermon on the Mount, the teachings of Jesus, as actually being the place where they would lay the blame for.
This is why we have so many immigrants, because of your Christian virtues.
And of course, we would look at that and say, that's not Christianity.
That's liberalism having hijacked Christianity and isogeated, rather than exegeted, what these texts actually mean.
Because if that really was historic Christianity, then how come we've only seen Christianity applied in these ways towards things like immigration for the last few decades when it was previously not, Christianity was not understood that way or applied that way for 2,000 years in every other.
Place in the world.
So we would lay the blame at liberalism calling itself Christian.
But my point is again, going back to the main idea is that yes, there are many different facets of this new movement, this ascending movement on the right today.
Some of it's Christian, some of it's not.
Some of it is older, some of it younger.
But when I, again, trying to answer the question, what is distinct?
Because I would love to say, as a Christian pastor, the big difference this time is that it's just unapologetically and universally, everyone on the right today.
Is just unapologetically Christian.
And that's the big difference, you know, or it's just, you know, unanimously Protestant, you know, or it's this or it's that or the other.
It's not.
That just wouldn't be true.
So the way I see it, you have really two options if we're going to be honest and have, you know, some intellectual integrity.
One, this is another flash in the pan.
And everything that we're doing, we'll look back on it from 10 years, you know, and in hindsight say, yeah, this was another flash in the pan.
This actually, this special, really special thing that we're really excited about.
Yeah, it was just the alt right 2.0.
It really wasn't any different.
So that's one possibility.
I don't think it's that, but that is one possibility.
The alternative is no, no, this really is different, but it's not so much different because of its convictions, because it's uniquely Christian.
I wish, hear me, I wish that was the case.
And I'm hoping I'm in this space as an unapologetic Christian, trying to fight for the reins, because I want this movement to be Christian, right?
So that's why I'm entering the fray I think this movement is not just like all these other attempts that pittered out.
I think it is different, I think it is going to make a difference.
And I want it to be uniquely Christian.
So I'm fighting for this movement to not just be a movement on the right, but to be a Christian movement on the right.
But what makes it different?
Why is it different?
And if so, why do I think that this will matter and that it won't just fizzle out?
I really think the only thing I can come down to in terms of a major distinctive is I don't know about you guys, you might know history better than I do, but I can't think of a time, at least recently, when you have.
House Poor and No Future00:05:12
Uh, an entire like basically half of the country, everyone under the age of 45 who cannot have a home and cannot have a family and cannot have children.
And can't, like, I think to me, that's the big difference.
It's not just you have a house, I have a house, you have vacation, I have vacation, you um, you you bought your house for um, a cigarette butt and a nickel and and uh, a stick of gum, you know, like, I mean, literally, like, when boomers talk about let's like.
Well, I worked really hard and I bought my house for $45,000, you know, and it was only 40, you know, it was only 4,900 square feet, you know, on seven acres of land, you know, and yeah, sure.
It's like a town with no crime.
Right.
And a perfect town with no crime.
And sure, like, you know, it's in terms of its appreciation, it's worth, you know, a zillion times more than what I bought it.
But why don't you do the same?
Because the same doesn't exist.
It literally doesn't exist.
Right.
Literally doesn't exist.
And you can talk about, well, but in the 70s, did you know?
I young people complaining about the interest rates, right?
We had 18% interest rates.
Yeah, 18% interest rates on your house that cost a stick of gum.
Like, I'll pay 1000% interest rates on a house that cost $200.
Like, boomers forget.
Like, the world was given to them.
The world was given to them.
And that is not a thing.
It's not a thing.
Like, you're talking about when you look at Well, but wages have gone up.
Yeah, but not even close to the cost of things.
It's just an undeniable fact.
There are so many studies that have been done on this.
But when you look at percentage of income and then what you pay for housing, for boomers, it was like 20 to 30% of their income.
The average boomer's income at the time when they were buying their first home and the average mortgage was 20 to 30% of their income.
Today, for millennials and Gen Z, if you're buying a house today for the average income and the average mortgage, it is 60%.
70, 80% of their income, meaning that's not just house poor.
It's one thing to be house poor.
That's like, it's one thing to be house poor and we're eating ramen noodles.
That's house poor and we're not eating at all.
We're dead.
We're literally starving.
And so I think that that's one of the big distinctions is, you know, just like you guys were saying with the alt right movement, it's like, okay, hey, we're getting some traction.
The memes are funny.
You know, this is happening, that's happening, and then boom, swastikas.
Right.
And then, you know, Charlottesville, and that's done.
Well, it seems like kind of ping pong, you know, like the ball just bounces back and forth.
And not so much when one side does something right, but when the other one has a massive miscalculation.
It's more so when one side messes up that the ball ping pongs over to the other side.
But meanwhile, the whole game of ping pong is like the whole table has been lifted up and is being carried gradually left.
Meanwhile, the ball goes back and forth, but the whole thing ultimately is going left.
To get the whole thing to go right, not just to swing back for a second, one step right.
Two steps left, one step right, two steps left.
That's what we've been doing for decades.
But for the whole thing to start moving right, and it seems like that may be happening, I don't think that just requires new ideas or old ideas rediscovered.
I think what that requires is it requires getting to the point where the left is no longer sustainable, where the average person has to choose something different.
They're forced into an alternative because it is not just unconscious, unconscionable.
Or, you know, or I find that morally reprehensible.
No, it's beyond that.
It's, I cannot feed my children, right?
I cannot feed.
No, I literally, even if I liked it, I can't do it.
Not just I morally can't do it or religiously can't do it, I physically can't.
We cannot do that.
And I think we are rapidly approaching that stage being set.
And so now I think people, there's just way more willingness.
To be willing to hear out ideas that before no one would have had interest in.
They, you know, like a few individuals would be loud online, but that would be it, right?
Because the vast majority of people at the end of the day are going to be watching, you know, sports ball.
And, but now it's like, no, like a lot of Gen Z is like, there, it's not just like a few individuals, it's millions of them on TikToks videos watching, you know, transcribed Hitler speeches.
And it's like, whoa, this is terrible.
And you know, like, wow, what has happened to make Gen Z so, so, you know, just immoral?
And, and no, it's not what, why are they doing, they're not doing that because they're just a uniquely wicked generation.
Protect Your Family Online00:04:44
They're, they're doing that because they don't feel like they have a future.
And there was another place once upon a time that didn't feel like it had a future, right?
And so, whether that's the right source to go to for solutions to our problems, highly debatable.
But the point is, to me, that's not the point.
The larger point is, You have an entire half of the country under the age of 45 that is convinced this cannot go on.
I cannot live.
And if you have half of the country that can't live, then you're going to start seeing some changes.
You just are.
They're not going to just go along to get along if they can't live.
Yeah.
Let's hit our first commercial break and we'll be right back.
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Economic Vision Meets Politics00:14:22
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Welcome back.
I do think it's important.
I like how you said that 50% of the nation, if you look at the last election, for example, it was close.
Trump won by a little bit of a margin in the popular vote, which is pretty impressive.
So that means about half of the nation said, Hey, hands up.
Last four years, we don't like what's been going on.
And I think, honestly, one of the biggest mistakes of the left, whether they stole the 2020 election or not, has been how much they overplayed their hand.
If you look at what's happening today, this is a direct result of, for sure, COVID, locking people in their homes, stripping away your right to do business.
It's a product of censorship, social media platforms saying, If you even question the results of this election, question these numbers, question why in the middle of the night, all of a sudden you see at 2 a.m., Just a jump and votes counted all for Democrats somehow.
You're off of the internet.
So it was COVID.
It was censorship.
It was George Floyd.
It was, we're going to hold this guy who died.
We now have a black guy.
In the middle of COVID.
That was the glaring hypocrisy.
It was like two months into it.
Yeah, it was just like this guy overdosed on drugs, but we're throwing a white guy in prison.
No, it was beyond that.
It was, you can't go to church, but I see my pastor on Instagram.
Who shut down my church and he's at a BLM rally, like with people literally spitting on him in the middle of a pandemic, with millions of people at a George Floyd rally.
That wasn't just bold, that was insulting.
Yeah.
And so all of that built up.
I remember Pride, for example, in 2022.
It was so in your face.
Every single corporation, I mean, you had the United States Marine Corps, a military branch.
Coming out and celebrating Pride.
So, you had it culturally, you had it on the George Floyd, you had it on COVID.
I mean, there were still lockdowns and stuff into 2022.
So, all of that.
And then there's this key moment.
I think 2023, we could kind of say, was the tipping point.
I remember an old article from Santiago Palego.
It was called The Vibe Shift.
Something shifted in the waters right there on 2023.
And a big part of that was Elon Musk bought X. You had the rise of AI, for one, so ChatGPT.
You had also Elon Musk buying X, and people got fed up with it.
And that led directly downstream.
So we retook the House.
So Republicans retook the House in 2022.
So then the rest of the Biden administration, they were pretty much stonewalled.
They were locked.
They couldn't do much politically.
And we had two years where people said, we're really, really sick of what's going on.
And we all, it's kind of funny, we're almost all together heading into the election.
That anyone that was just a shade to the right of Joe Biden was like, we don't want this to continue.
And that's what you got 51% of the nation that said, we're done with it.
But even though that was only at this point about nine months ago or so, Since then, I think you're seeing what the next stage of the battle is.
And what people need to realize is right now there are two kinds of forms of the right that are battling.
There's two forms of the right, and they're both fighting to define what the future is.
Donald Trump is too old.
He's not going to be the future.
MAGA was always going to be the platform.
And when we look at the right precursor, he's going to set the stage.
There's two distinct movements.
And one of those is the tech right.
So this would be Peter Thiel.
I just earlier was doing some research looking up who are the biggest names.
Just even in conservative, but I also asked it for far right.
Curtis Yarvin, Yoram Hazoni were some of them.
Chris Russo, Krista Rufo would be the other one.
A number of guys.
And what's distinct about them, they're very techie, they're very populist in one sense, but culturally, not so much conservative, not so much Christian.
And specifically, when it comes to America, their vision of what it means to be an American is way less grounded.
So, you have one side of the right, and I really think they're fighting for GDP to go up.
This is Vivek Ramaswamy.
We need more immigrants to come in to do tech jobs to grow our economy.
And then you have what I think could truly be said is the real right.
And it is a broad tent with a lot of people.
But that's where we would squarely place ourselves.
America is not just an idea, it's a people and a place.
This place and these people, we have a Christian heritage.
And what's the purpose?
What's the goal of this nation?
Well, it's not actually to make money, it's to secure a future and to have a place to live and to worship and to be safe.
And what the battle is going to be over the next 10 years is the battle for the previous 10 years was we need a foothold.
Guys, immigration is out of control, social justice is out of control.
You're trying to make us.
Believe that 300 pound women, morbidly obese, that they're beautiful, that they're wonderful, and Pride is awesome.
That was the last 10 years.
No, that's not true.
But the battle of the next 10 years is what is America and what is America for?
And not just left and right have different ideas of that.
Within the right, broadly speaking, there are two different conceptions of that.
And that is the battle ahead.
Yeah, there are probably 17 different conceptions of that.
But I think you're right, for the sake of simplicity and just clarity, There are two major groups.
We can identify and distinguish further when you go into the real right and say, well, here's a Catholic conception, here's a Protestant conception, here's an EO conception, here's this conception.
But I think you're right.
Those are the two major subcategories.
So if you have your two big categories, left and right, and then over here on the right, the new right, well, to be fair, Left and right, and then on the right, you could say, then it's like neocons and new right,
and then within the new right, then it's like um, gay Jew who's a software engineer, and right, you know, a guy who you know his descendants go back to the Mayflower and he misses the America that his great great great grandparents knew, yeah, and that's the competition, yeah.
And I, going back to, I think, some of the the underbelly, the sort of uh dissatisfaction with people in the new right, like you talked about economic issues, I think that's a big one.
I think, like, you know, people, there's famous TikTok videos, I think, around the time right before the election in 2024.
They're like walking up to Gen Z people, like, what do you think about this cultural, you know, cultural war topic?
And they're like, I can't eat.
I don't care.
And I think that was kind of like the embodiment, I think, of what people are feeling and particularly what people are feeling in the new right.
But it's not the only one.
I think the other one is cultural, it's fundamentally cultural.
So you have economic and you have the cultural.
And the cultural looks something like this.
I live in Nashville, and over, you know, theoretically, I don't live in Nashville, but over the last five years, I started to see a lot more, you know, Islamic, Muslim garb around.
And that's so you have that cultural feeling of like, wow, I do feel like not only in sort of online spheres, but in my personal life, I do feel like the sort of connection with my people and place in America is changing.
And I think so.
This is where you can bifurcate the tech right.
And I think the new Christian right on economic and cultural.
So the tech right's definitely on the economic focus, their GDP, their meritocracy.
Hey, we need to have the best technology.
We need to put people who are the best at things in the positions of power and leadership.
But they don't address these cultural topics at all.
And so you think about the new Christian right, and what the focus has been predominantly is the cultural topics.
But I think where the new Christian right wins is by the incorporation of the economic topics as well and seeing and creating some kind of conception of those two things together that sort of harbors the same kind of vision that some of these guys like Elon Musk and Vivek are trying to create.
And honestly, to say the quiet part out loud, part of the reason it's hard to make headway is because really the difference is America first.
Versus Americans first.
So, America just as like a sports team, and anybody can come and play.
It's just a franchise.
It's like anybody can come and play for the team.
So, America first just means as an economic entity on a global stage that we just want to win first place in who can get to Mars first, who masters AI first, who has the biggest GDP, all that kind of stuff.
But in terms of the team members, that's America as a team.
But but America, but without any conviction or commitment that America needs to include or much less prioritize Americans, right?
And so, like, that's that's the kind of language that you've seen from Vivek Ramaswamy or from Elon Musk or you know, from a number of the tech right guys, Peter Thiel, you know, Alex Karp is, um, yeah, America, but for them, they like they've kind of started to backpedal with some of this language, but.
But it's hard to tell if it's really a change of heart or if it's just because they got like blasted, you know, by a bunch of Americans, millions of Americans.
So it's hard to tell if they've just changed their rhetoric, you know, so that they can go along to, you know, get along or if they've actually had a change of heart.
But previously, I mean, like this is, you know, all this is documented.
You can go and see it publicly.
At Christmas time, no less, you know, in the middle of Christmas, as Americans are celebrating, you know, the birth of our savior and traditions of their.
Of their parents and grandparents and great grandparents, that has been celebrated here in America for centuries.
That's when Vivek and Elon Musk come out and just saying, we love America.
And because we love America, America has to win in a global competition.
And the only way that America can win in a global competition is to replace heritage Americans with people who are not Americans.
And people were.
Outraged by that and understandably so.
And so, on the one hand, you have on the right, both are America first, but you kind of have to ask, it's like the meme with the guy holding the gun, like, what kind of American are you?
You have to even ask, what kind of America first are you?
And you have to do the reading.
Like with some of these guys, it's America first.
It's like, can I see the documents?
Can I read your definition of America first?
You get down to the fine print, and it's And it's Israel first.
Oh, I see.
Okay.
You know, or it's America as the sports team, but anybody can be on the team.
And probably a lot of Americans will get replaced by a bunch of Indians coming over because they're willing to live, you know, like 18 of them in a three bedroom house, you know, and work for two thirds the wage that an American would have to be paid in order to feed a family.
And so it's like, oh, that America first.
You just mean America's GDP beating China.
That's literally what you mean when you say America first.
And of course, you know, Israel first.
And then there's this other America first, it's Americans first.
But here's my whole point.
To say the quiet part out loud, part of the difficulty in making headway in this conversation is you can't get to the conversation of America first, meaning Americans first, without answering the question, what is an American?
And a lot of people, that's part of why we keep kind of hitting a brick wall, and you only get so far because everyone's kind of like biting their fingernails.
And nervous to say out loud, we actually have to have a real conversation about like if we love America and it's not just an idea and it's not just an economic zone, but it's a people, we have to have a real conversation of which people, which people are included in this nation that I love.
And the moment that you have that conversation about who's included, by way of consequence, you're talking about who's not included.
And here's the deal those who are not included, it's not a 100%, you know, this group.
100% not that group.
It's a little bit more complex than that.
But in terms of averages, well, the people who are included are a little bit more white.
And the people who are not included are a little bit more colored.
And so nobody wants to have the conversation because they know that the immediate response is going to be the cry of racist.
But the reality is, it's like nobody's being racist.
But the reality is, Millions of Indians who came over here just in the last few years to get hired by Google are not Americans, but I have an American citizenship.
Well, frankly, darling, I don't give a damn.
It doesn't, no, but that doesn't make you an American.
You may be a legal American citizen.
Number one, you shouldn't have been.
That was wicked.
That was wicked for our political rulers to make citizenship so easy that a ton of people could come and economically replace.
Than the natural born citizen.
You could take a flight and a vacation.
Oh, my baby happened to be born here.
Citizenship vs Natural Born Rights00:16:10
Well, and people do it.
People do it.
Anchor baby.
Yeah, people do it all the time.
It's like we went to Disney World.
And yes, when we booked our tickets, we also did the math and were very intentional nine months before to be very intimate in our marriage.
And it's by design.
It's like we planned a trip at this time so that we could give birth to a baby in Mickey Mouse's lap.
And literally, like, All this is documented.
This has happened again and again and again and again.
And we have to be able, we're never going to be able to talk about America first if it's not Americans first.
And we can't have that conversation without being able to describe with detail what an American is.
And to do that, you're going to have to be willing to say, yes, the Pakistani couple that came over to Florida to visit Disney World and had a baby in Mickey Mouse's lap are not Americans.
And that baby, Is a precious child made in the image of God that needs to live a full life by God's grace, be converted to Christianity in Pakistan.
But it's not an American.
And none of that includes malice or hatred or anything like that.
But until we're ready to say, what is an American, then America first is just sports team win game.
Sports team win game.
Yeah.
And, you know, I'm sure we'll talk about this a little bit more, but like, certainly we have to recognize the Friend enemy distinction when it comes to specific policies.
And we have to be shrewd because there are going to be times where this new tech right, it makes sense for us to align with them.
First off, they have a lot of money.
Yeah, we don't need to be autistic.
Yeah, and they can win.
And they have access to institutions.
But that said, recognizing that at times they're going to be our friend, we have to understand that they are our enemy.
And so you think about what it is that they believe.
You talk, Joel, about this conception of America.
Well, America to them is propositions.
And anyone assenting to those propositions who happens to be recognized by the government as a citizen here or sort of as a duly sort of arriving citizen, so they talk about immigration, they are an American.
They have these propositions.
But here's the thing these are two different conceptions of a nation.
In my house, for example, I have a rule.
If you come into my house, if you're a member of my household, I should put it that way, you eat free.
I'm not going to charge my son to eat.
I'm not going to charge my wife to eat.
Now, imagine a man comes along and he says, Hey, let me put a sign out.
Whoever's in this house eats free, right?
Or whoever, you know, that's a different conception of my household.
It is, right?
So even while part of there is a proposition there, I suppose, of my household eats free by my labor, certainly.
That it's more than that.
And so we have to, I'm saying this all to say, we have to recognize that they are two fundamental different views.
It's not like, and because they will argue, like, oh, you know, Vic with his words will say, oh, I'm finding some points of agreement here with you, Joel.
I do think that, you know, it's America isn't just propositions.
I think people who live here, they have to belong to the land, they have to, you know, get involved in their civic life there and those sorts of things.
But we have to recognize that ultimately America was.
Was for someone, and that who it's for can't be separated from what we're claiming here in the new Christian right, what it is, right?
And part of what that it goes back to what I've talked about so much, but what that requires is the absolute um disintegration of any notion of egalitarianism this idea that everything has to be equal.
Um, like good civil fathers, civil leaders, like the Puritans talked about this, Matthew Henry talks about it, Thomas Watson talks about it.
There are civil fathers and they should be nursing fathers.
Calvin talks about like they should be compassionate and caring to their distinct people, to their people.
And so, for instance, from a biblical perspective, it is not unjust to have favoritism.
There is such a thing biblically as sinful favoritism, but it is not sinful favoritism for Japan to prioritize the Japanese.
And in fact, it's actually, when you think of what is a nation, As a people, other than the family writ large.
That's what a nation is.
It's the family writ large.
Ancestry, descendants, heritage, and culture, and religion, and language, and land, right?
So I would say that a nation is more than just lineage and land, right?
People and place, soil and blood, God forbid.
But a nation is more than that.
I would say lineage and land.
And language and loves and liturgy and laws like there's a lot of L's there, and a nation is more, but it's never less, it can't be less than people and place or blood and soil or lineage and land.
And it's not just that land and these people, lineage means time.
That's the inescapable characteristic that has to be factored in is how long?
How long have you been?
So you're here.
Okay.
Were your parents here?
Were your grandparents here?
Were your great grandparents here?
And so, my point is, you have to get rid of every notion of egalitarianism, and there is nothing unbiblical.
In fact, I would argue quite the opposite.
It is unbiblical and unjust and immoral to treat someone who just came here and give to them the same provisions as you would give to the native citizens of a place.
But the provisions that you're giving were built up by these people's parents and not these others.
It is theft.
It is theft.
It is actually immoral.
It is actually unbidden.
So people say, well, you're a Christian pastor.
This doesn't sound biblical, you know, because the Bible says that everybody is the same and should be treated exactly the same.
And I'm like, where does the Bible say that?
That's not, that's not, you might have learned that in Ted Cruz's Sunday school, you know, like they, I hear they teach all kinds of things that aren't biblical, you know, but that's not actually in the Bible.
And so I'll just be specific.
If, If all of a sudden we elected leaders and those leaders, through the rightful means of actually amending documents and legislation and these kinds of things, but they legally said, from now on, we're going to require far less taxes, or maybe for a season, because the tax burden has been so high for the native population of America.
Everyone who can prove through documentation that both sides of their family have been here for three or more generations.
Their taxes are going to be cut in half.
And everyone who's not, their taxes are going to be doubled.
There's nothing unbiblical about that.
It's saying, look, you're here benefiting from something that was built by someone else.
The people who had been here.
The people who have been here.
It's like, well, but Joel, you're like, you didn't build it.
Yeah, my parents did.
And their parents did.
And their parents did.
Inheritance is familial and it is absolutely Christian.
To not leave an inheritance to your children.
The proverbs literally say, A wise man, a good man, leaves an inheritance for his children's children.
Our founders told us who they were leaving this inheritance to, to us and our posterity.
They do not say to ourselves and freaking India.
That's insane.
So, India, you want to be here?
Great.
Check back in in 50 years.
Okay.
So, because we're full.
And then, secondly, when they do come, you're going to be treated as a guest, you're not going to be exploited.
But you do not have the same rights as the native citizens.
So, whatever that looks like, if it's some kind of protected residency, but not full citizenship, or a class of citizenship, but does not include voting, because you just got here.
No, you don't get a say in our politics.
You just got here, and you're going to be taxed at this certain point.
Even when you think of Israel, the nation of Israel under the Old Covenant in the Bible, they could charge interest from anyone in Israel who was not an Israelite.
So, the sojourner, like everyone's going to quote all the verses about the alien and the stranger and, you know, and the sojourner and how you should be compassionate.
Yes, that is true.
You cannot exploit the sojourner.
But that same Bible, read on, keep reading, says if you loan money to someone who is not your native brother, an Israelite, but is a sojourner, that means he is a foreigner from another land.
One, he has to abide by all the laws, including the religious laws, like Like observing the Sabbath, even if he worships some other God and he can't bring in his idols publicly to worship idols in Israel.
Number two, you can loan him money and charge him interest.
If your brother, your native brother, who is a fellow Israelite, if he is hurting and you loan him money, you cannot charge him interest.
Well, how come there's so you're saying there's a two tier class?
You betcha.
Yeah.
Of course there is.
Because some people have a right to something and everyone does not have a right to something.
None of that is crazy.
Yeah.
Yeah.
I think that's that.
Just real quick, I think that's kind of the death knell sort of.
Irony with the tech right is like we're pro meritocracy, but it's like sits fundamentally on an egalitarian basis.
When it's like, okay, yeah, I'm we just did an episode on capitalism.
I think one of the great facets of capitalism is meritocracy.
I think that the cream of the crop should take the spoils, so to speak.
But I think it ultimately comes down to a question of who gets to compete.
Like, if I am preparing my will and I go out in my neighborhood and I say, hey, all the neighborhood kids come out, Cole, you know, my son line up.
And race down the street, and whoever wins gets all of my inheritance or gets all of my property.
That's wicked.
But that's what the new tech right version of meritocracy is proposing.
I said on X a while back, the same kind of thing I said I'm not opposed to meritocracy with certain conditions, just like I like capitalism, but I don't like crony capitalism.
There have to be certain boundaries, and the government, somebody has to regulate it.
So, just like capitalism, I'm not opposed to meritocracy.
And in many cases, I think it's probably the only solution we have.
What I am vehemently opposed to is meritocracy on a global scale.
America's, so when the reward is everything that America stored up, but the contestants who get to compete in this meritocracy are the entire world, which includes 97% of them not being Americans.
So, America gets together.
And makes the prize.
Like the lottery would be a good example, right?
So I would like for the lottery to go away.
I'm not a fan.
But imagine, as wicked as the lottery already is, imagine if the lottery was some people buy a ticket and everyone who buys a ticket, all their money goes into this big pot.
But then, in terms of drawing for the winner, it doesn't matter if you bought a ticket or not.
All 8.2 billion people, their names are entered.
The entire population of the world.
And then, what is obviously going to happen?
If everyone gets their name thrown into the hat one time, every person on the planet, no matter whether you buy a lottery ticket or 10 lottery tickets or zero, what happens?
People stop buying tickets.
And then there is no money left to go to the winner.
That is meritocracy, again, some conditions, but with those conditions and disclaimers being added, meritocracy is fine.
Meritocracy plus globalism is the death of a nation.
Meritocracy plus globalism is the death of the nation.
Meritocracy with a strong commitment to nationalism could do a lot of good.
Yeah.
Last thing I'll say too on this tech right, our guys, you've got to be able to recognize when this sounds like they're saying some base things, but you look a little bit further in because we can be so easy like, what's that?
Curtis Yarvin says something bad about democracy to the New York Times.
We're back.
Well, Curtis Yarvin is an atheist.
I think of great examples James Lindsay, Curtis Yarvin, and then Bronze Age pervert, Kostin Alamaru.
Atheist, atheist, and Nietzschean.
That's not American.
That's not Christian.
What will happen is they'll say something based, be it about democracy, your monarchy, your history.
So they'll say something great about communism or whatever.
And we're just too goable.
Like, man, there it is, James Lindsay destroying communism.
And then they'll come in.
And again, the right wing version that they then serve up to you is just liberalism that's been microwaved and it's lukewarm.
And it's like, all right, you know, communism's out, democracy's done.
And what do you have for me?
Democracy with like 10% less people voting.
Like, oh, but that just gets us back into the same boat that we're already in.
And we just have to recognize and say, hey, I know this guy's saying some things that sounds like our rhetoric.
He's not on our side.
I mean, like, Curtis Yarvin, again, his grandparents were communist Jews.
Like, practically, hey, I just don't want that guy leaving the movement.
He may say some great things, but practically speaking, hey, who came over here in the Mayflower?
Oh, these are the people that built these institutions.
These are the people seeped in the American political tradition, the American Christian tradition.
Those are the type of guys to be listening to and taking your cues from.
And for the rest, say, eh, you say some good things, but this kind of sounds a little bit like an op.
Yeah, wherever they might say something good, if it helps push the ball down the court, that's fine.
But you just need to understand there are circles, like ripples of, you know, and one of those is like, who's my brother?
And then another one you could say, like, who's my friend?
And then another one is like, who's a co belligerent?
Yep.
But you just have to keep that in mind.
When some of these guys with the tech right, it's like, on this particular battlefront, in this particular moment, they are functioning in the providence of God as a co belligerent.
And so I'm not going to turn and shoot them in the face.
Nope.
But this is not, this person is not my friend.
And they're certainly not my brother.
This person, at the end of the day, is not a heritage American, God fearing Christian.
They're not.
And so that doesn't necessarily make them my enemy.
But I don't need to go and crown them king.
Yeah.
I don't need to, like, we found him.
Like, the absolute spokesperson for.
For conservatism.
It's like, great.
Tell us about him.
Well, he's a Jew.
He's communist.
He's also gay.
And he's working on AI technology that can do facial scanning so that everybody who's right wing, he can lock in jail.
And he's also mentioned that his greatest fear is being thrown out of a window by Christian nationalists.
What?
It sounds like you just described a Bond villain and you're saying that this is the most base conservative.
Like, what?
We can't.
Building Local Conservative Strength00:13:07
Christians on the right were just so.
Wes was being kind, gullible.
But the reality is, like, we are dumb.
We are so dumb.
And I'm talking, I'll be honest, I'm talking about my friends right now.
I hope some of my friends are watching this.
And if you're offended, I'm not trying to offend you, but I hope that you actually consider what's being said.
You need to consider, like, oh, hashtag based, we're so back.
I voted for this, you know, like, got what I voted for.
My brother in Christ, like, do you remember how dumb you felt and I felt when all of a sudden, James Lindsay turned out to be a turd.
Like, this is that same thing.
It's going to happen.
It's like, this guy, he's our mascot.
And then you find out he, you know, like, I'm thinking of Bronze Age pervert.
It's like, he's just a Jewish guy who wants to run naked through the woods.
Like, and we thought that guy was your hero.
This was our hero.
It's like, I know guys, I know Christian guys who are building institutions.
They have his book on the shelf.
They're like, this is the guy.
And I'm like, Oh my goodness.
Like, what?
How is this the guy?
You know, like they're part of the Theo fellowship, you know?
And it's like, guys, like, we're either going to do this or we're not, you know?
So, again, co-belligerency at times on particular issues, fine.
But there needs to be a brotherhood.
And among brothers, there needs to be a deep-seated commitment and understanding of what we're actually trying to accomplish and who's really on the team and who is not.
And right now, like, I look around and even, you know, again, Men who I respect, who I honor, who are brothers.
So I would count them as a part of the brotherhood.
They are Christians.
They are American.
But they're making some very strange partnerships.
Very strange partnerships.
All right, let's go to our last commercial break and we'll come back for just a few concluding thoughts.
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So the final segment.
Just wanted to offer, just very briefly, strengths, kind of encouragements, what's going well.
We've talked about a lot of good aspects of it.
I think there's a lot.
I think there's millions of us, to be honest, of varying shades for sure Catholic, Protestant, who they follow, who they listen to, who they look up to.
But there's millions of young men that are, they're done with this and they want to do something about it.
So we'll offer a word of encouragement and then just a word, maybe caution wouldn't be the right word, but just a warning and hey, keep doing this.
It's caution.
Yep.
So caution.
There you go.
I would say the encouragement is I think the biggest aspect, one of the biggest things that we're doing well is getting involved in politics.
That is huge.
As far as we talked about the alt right back in the 2010s, very much so to a degree, they didn't look at the political process as something to be involved in.
Now, hear me.
I know it's going to take a long, long time before you ever see a bill, especially at the federal level, so in Congress, in the Senate, that really reflects some of the things that we would love to see as far as Christian nationalism, as far as the borders.
It's going to be a while.
And same thing at the state, it's going to take a while.
But if you start that process now and you keep working at it, I think in 25 years you actually do win.
And so people are going to have to spend their entire careers.
There's going to have to be a generation that works hard at the political process.
But then practically that means we have all the political tools available to us.
And I see a lot of guys, and it's great, and we need to keep doing it.
More people need to do it.
We've talked about it a number of times on the show.
Politics matter.
And sometimes that's local.
Hey, I'm not going to be running at the state level, I'm not going to be leaving my day job, but I can be on city council and I can stop this rezoning to put in high rise apartments.
Those things matter.
If you have the capacity, you have the calling, you have the giftedness, state representatives, some even of our guys need to go at the federal level.
But if we keep this up and over and over again, guys run and guys get out there and they get elected.
And then they get elected, they don't get in a scandal, they do a good job, they push the ball forward.
I think on a long enough timeline, demographics are a tough battle to be up against.
I think on a long enough timeline, we actually win.
So that would be my encouragement we're getting involved politically.
And if we keep doing that, the future is bright.
Yeah.
My caution would be just, we've said it before, but to say it again, hide your power levels.
So there are different players on the team, right?
There are different pieces on the chessboard.
A lot of what we're doing is forward facing.
But just the reality is, you just need to know this.
It is very unlikely if the Overton window shifts, like what Wes is saying, substantially because of strategic movement.
And action on our part, then maybe 25 years from now, maybe I could be elected in some kind of public office.
But let's, you know, who are we kidding?
If I ran for office today, I would not be elected.
There are just, there are simply too many clips with too many millions of views of me saying things that I don't regret.
They're true things.
But just the political lay of the land is not yet conducive for a position that far right, even if it's true.
It just, I wouldn't get elected.
And so here's my point.
My point is one of the ways that we win is you can't just have loud people.
You have to have powerful people.
So you think of like, how did the left win?
Well, the left always has its radicals, it always has people who are loud.
But that's not all it had.
If that's all it had, then it wouldn't.
I would actually argue, I'm just thinking of this now, but I think that's part of the reason why the left recently has failed is because the loud people were so loud.
And they started punching their own, you know, the people on the left who weren't as loud as them, to where they ended up having to come out with BLM and with wokeness and with, you know, LGBT, transgender, all.
And so then they had to start echoing publicly from their platforms, saying out loud the most extreme positions of the left, to where like Nancy Pelosi all of a sudden had to start regurgitating some of the rhetoric of Alexandria Ocasio Cortez, you know, AOC.
And when that happened, That didn't make it.
Now the team is twice as strong because now everybody's saying this.
No, it wasn't that.
Now we have twice the players.
Now we have none of the players.
Because at a certain level, to win, you have to have institutions, you have to have politicians, you have to have capital.
And those things are going to be the quieter players on your team.
So, in other words, you have to hide your power levels.
Somebody has to, and not just somebody, just Because I want to be specific, because I want to be practical and helpful.
About 90%, it's not just somebody, it's not just some of the guys.
The vast majority of your team has to be methodical.
The vast majority of your team has to be behind the scenes players.
We need 90% of our guys to not have podcasts saying things like we are.
We need 90% of our guys holding these views, but just burying it deep, deep down inside.
And then Putting all their efforts when they want to say something, you know, on X, they don't.
And instead, what they do is they take that energy and they divert it towards expanding their business and making more money.
Right.
You know, or running for local.
Like it's going to be guys putting their head down.
It's going to be guys putting their head down, which is hard for younger guys to do, especially younger men.
Like if we're successful, it's going to be male led, it's going to be masculine, but it's going to be a lot of masculine guys doing.
What seemingly in the short run seem like boring things.
I think that's going to be the greatest hurdle.
Our greatest challenge is how can we convince angry young men who are angry for good reason, right?
Their anger is justifiable.
How can we convince them in their anger instead of lashing out to play the long game and divert that towards actually winning?
Like we want to win, and you don't win without.
Money.
You don't win without elected officials.
And so, a lot of our guys are just going to have to go to their local GOP chapter, go to their local city council meetings, go to this, go to that, join a lion's club or whatever club they have today, but joining those kinds of things.
And let's just be honest, they're going to be primarily today led by Gen X and boomers, which means they're going to be super gay.
They are.
Boomers are gay.
We all know this.
I'm not trying to be disrespectful, but like 90% of boomers are neocons.
They literally are the generation that got us here.
Abortion happened on their watch.
I mean, the worst things you can think of, you really can lay at the feet of the boomers.
And so, of course, like that, your local GOP chapter, led by this 70 year old man.
Most of them are like 60% women that I've been involved in.
And it's mostly women.
Yeah.
So, 70 year old woman.
Of course, it's going to be terrible.
Of course, it is.
But that's how you get power.
That's how you get power.
You just show up.
You show up.
You show up.
It's just being present.
Like the future will belong to those who show up.
So you show up and you don't get in some big, you know, cause a scene and get in some big, you know, argument with that 70 year old woman who, um, who really likes, you know, Vivek Ramaswamy.
And as she's just sitting there, and it's yes, it's going to require self control.
She's going to be sitting there calling herself a conservative and espousing in front of everyone the exact views that will ensure that your own children will be, um, jobless and starve.
Like, she is a wicked person.
She is a wicked person.
She destroyed your country, and she may not mean it intentionally, but she is advocating for everything that will kill your own children.
She's wicked.
She's wicked in God's sight, not mine.
God is displeased with her.
And she does it all while calling herself a Christian.
And she's probably an elder at her local church.
And what are you going to have to do if you want to survive, if you want to win, if you want your kids to have a future?
You're going to have to show up for 10 years quietly and respectfully and wait for her to die.
Or we lose.
Subscribe to Support the Movement00:02:34
You have to do it.
You have to do it.
Yeah, yeah.
And I would just say, I think to sort of go along with what you were saying as a caution, I think that is actually one of the current strengths of the movement, right?
As we speak now, I think we have men by far who have the most robust view of masculinity, of health, of education, so on and so forth.
So I think what will be incumbent upon men in this new right.
Movement is, frankly, it's just like, you know, we had an age where every man was aspiring to be a pastor.
Yes.
And I don't think we should overcorrect it and every man aspire to be simply a business owner.
Like, I think there's going to be men who should be men of science, who should be learned men, who should focus on education and go into, you know, go get their PhD, so on and so forth.
And so I think this robust view of, You know, the different sort of vocations that God directs men to, I think that's going to necessarily either make or break the movement because that's how ultimately you build institutions, you capture institutions, is you have a lot of people prominently who have their PhDs in science and can speak to what's good and bad for the nation with respect to what you should eat, so on and so forth.
So I think that's just going to have to continue to be a focus.
Just don't get pigeonholed.
Yeah, that's good.
All right.
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