Today, Dan and Jordan take a little break from talking about Alex Jones to dip their toes into the murky waters of Stefan Molyneux, specifically a mini-documentary he released in December 2018 about going to Poland. Documentary might be the wrong word.
I just wanted to say hello and give you all a little bit of an intro for this episode because there's some things that may seem a little bit confusing, largely based on the fact that Jordan and I recorded this episode a couple weeks back.
So there's some things that may sound a little bit dated.
Like, for instance, at the beginning of the episode, I say that I just signed a lease, when at the point that we are now, as this episode comes out, I've already moved into this new apartment.
And also, Jordan makes reference to the idea that we just recorded an emotionally draining episode, and now I have foisted this episode that you're about to listen to upon him.
And that is because we recorded this right after we recorded the episode that came out where we talked about Alex Jones'coverage of the Christchurch shooting in New Zealand.
And so he is still reeling from that a little bit as we jump into this episode.
For a long time now, I've been getting messages from listeners who reached out and expressed that they would like for us to cover Stefan Molyneux.
They'd like us to take a look at him and give our thoughts.
And I've watched a number of his videos, and most of the time I don't...
Find them to be something I really have much interest in covering.
I think a lot of people who do shows that are slightly different focused than us have done some great pointing out of things that are wrong with his world.
There's a lot of coverage you can find of that sort of stuff.
But I did think that there was one thing that did speak to me and I thought that it would be something that was worth our time.
And that is the episode you're going to hear here.
There was a part of me that felt that this would be the beginning of a longer series about him, and that may be forthcoming in the future at some point.
It's an open question at this point, but for now we have this episode here that I hope you enjoy.
And we will see you back on Friday with who knows what.
And the excitement of setting up the new place and our recording space in it and having an actual bedroom because I'll be in one bedroom as opposed to a studio that I've lived in.
That's sort of kind of living for the last, I don't know, over a decade.
If you're out there listening, folks, and you're thinking, hey, I like what these guys do, I'd like to support their endeavors, you can do that by going to our website, knowledgefight.com, clicking that button that says support the show.
So right off the bat, there's a ton going on when you take a bit of a closer beneath-the-surface look at Stefan Molyneux, far beyond what we could hope to cover in a single episode of this show.
In reality, it would be hard to cover him outside of the framework of an in-depth, weeks-long series, and I'm hesitant to do that because I fear that some of the episodes would be meaningful but dreadfully boring.
For a long time, I've resisted covering Stefan Molyneux because of stories I've heard that he's super litigious and really into suing people who use his content.
I've sat with that feeling, and after considering what our show is and what we stand for, I'm not willing to let the fear of that possibility stop me from covering someone I see as a dangerous pillar in the white supremacist media.
I've reviewed relevant fair use laws, and everything that we use of Stefan's on this episode and any other will be for the explicit purpose of criticizing and providing commentary, so I know that we're in the clear.
What compelled me to make this change in my position about sort of being hesitant to cover him to being like, we gotta do this, is that in December 2018, he released a mini-documentary that should scare the shit out of any right-thinking person.
We'll get to that documentary, but first we need to get to know Stefan a little bit, because you don't know anything about him.
Stefan Molyneux is a self-described philosopher who disseminates his pedantic and nonsensical messages through a YouTube channel and his internet radio show, Free Domain Radio.
First of all, Molyneux isn't really an expert in philosophy.
He has a bachelor's degree in history from McGill University and a master's in history from the University of Toronto, but no degrees in philosophy.
I guess he could have been a philosophy minor, but so was I. You don't see me doing a six-part series on philosophy 101 shit like the trial Dan, Dan, everybody...
Not to impugn the early philosophers, but they had a lot of fruit that was on the vine, ready to be picked.
So, I'll say...
And one of the important things about philosophy education is the history of these ideas and stuff like that.
And that history didn't exist back when the early philosophers were there.
So a big part of what you needed to learn about the tradition of philosophy and that stuff didn't exist.
So there's a real trend in his work that's a very trivial thing compared to some of his more dangerous ideas.
But it's something that lives in the background of all of them as well.
And that is that Stefan Molyneux is a lazy and bad philosopher.
He uses words that sound smart to dumb people, but if you spend any time parsing out how he attempts to use inference to make arguments or diagram his sentences, you see clearly that he doesn't know how the basic tenets of logic work, and without logic, philosophy is just a bunch of dumb talking.
Throughout his high school and collegiate career, Stefan Molyneux was a member of debate clubs and teams, which should come as a surprise to no one.
I've said it once and I will say it again.
The only people who stay on debate teams are pathological overachievers destined to be valedictorian and deranged psychopaths who feel that they can train themselves to use language as a weapon.
I would not be surprised to learn that Stefan Molyneux was not his school's valedictorian.
So Stefan and his brother founded a tech company called Caribou Systems in 1995, going on to sell the business off in 2000.
A listener of his show has written on one of his private podcasts, because he puts up stuff behind paywalls and stuff like that that are difficult to access.
But on one of those episodes, Molyneux said that he received $800,000 from his share of the business.
It took 18 months off work to write a book.
This may have been his book, Revolutions, which was self-published on December 9, 2002.
And I would have grabbed a copy of that to read so I could tell you more about it, but currently on Amazon, you can only buy a used copy for $1,099.
So Stefan has self-published a number of books over the years, the titles like The Gods of Atheists, The Art of the Argument, Western Civilization's Last Stand, and On Truth.
I would assume that Stefan would say that he self-publishes because HarperCollins and Penguin Books are run by dirty collectivists who are afraid of his ideas.
But I would suggest it's equally possible that he's afraid of editors' notes and the inevitable rejection letters that would come from him trying to actually get anyone to publish his shit.
So, whatever the case with all that is, in 2005, Molyneux began Free Domain Radio as a podcast that since has grown into a full-fledged internet community.
He has books, videos, podcasts, podcasts behind paywalls, and a robust message board where his followers aid in the initiation process of new recruits.
Many of the accounts that I've been able to find of people who have left Free Domain Radio feature the same point.
Somewhere along the line, something changed.
When it began, it wasn't very cultish.
It was just kind of a libertarian, anarcho-capitalist show and discussion group.
But it changed.
And members of the community who experienced it have pointed largely to Stefan Molyneux's refusal to accept criticism, his narcissism, which only seemed to grow as the show got more popular, and his clear projection about emotional issues and relationships as the main driver of that change.
In late 2018, Stefan Molyneux released a documentary called The Hundred Year March, A Philosopher in Poland, where he ostensibly goes on a fact-finding mission to Poland to experience their country's 100th anniversary parade.
What he actually does is something quite different, and that is what we will experience here today.
Okay, now, that premise for a documentary seems kind of fun and joyful.
It seems like you would go there and you would see a nation celebrate its 100th year and they would all get together and people would share stories and it would be a positive way of viewing a country.
You know, sure.
We've done a lot of bad shit.
We're a nation.
Nations do bad shit.
That happens.
But at the end of the day, we're all the same people.
So here's how we start the documentary, where Stefan is walking around in the woods, a snowy wood, walking around in the snow, giving out sort of the premise of what he's expecting to learn about.
Like, I think you can tell right off the bat, even just by listening to just that introductory passage, that when he comes to the end there, he's like, everybody says that they're xenophobic, hard-right, ultra-nationalist.
I suspect that isn't true.
The documentary itself, you already know good and goddamn well.
Here's something else we did, which I'm telling you, my friends, would be impossible to do any other place that I've ever spoken.
And that is, we put out a request for anybody who wanted to come by and chat.
On social media, open to the world, couldn't have done this in Canada, couldn't have done this in America or Australia, New Zealand, other places that I've talked.
And that is an amazing thing because the view from outside Poland, there are these, you know, these terrible international lies about Poland, you know, xenophobic and terrified and frightened and angry and fascist and so on, right?
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None of this is true, or if it's true, the nicest, friendliest fascist I think.
So the bar that Stefan Molyneux goes to, the only way he describes it is a place where this guy, they had an idea of a bar where people could have, you know, revolutionary ideas could be discussed.
People who are, you know, just left or they're just right of center.
You know, they're just objectivists.
People like that could come together and have these ideas.
And the great thing about it is it's in the basement of the former communist headquarters in Poland.
No, a press release from December 27, 2017, describes it as, quote, the first right-wing formation center in Warsaw.
The idea from the people who founded it is clearly as a place to organize right-wing politics, not as a place for the fun and free exchange of ideas.
Someone might argue that this constitutes a safe space for those aspiring fascists, what they need, so they can talk about their shit without fear of someone calling them accurate names.
But whatever.
I'm more concerned about the fact that the founders of this lounge are very upfront about being a right-wing formation center, but Stefan Molyneux still insists on hiding behind descriptions like, this is a place where rationalists, objectivists, people just a little right of center can come to discuss ideas.
Oh, also, if you look at it, you find that the Freedom Bar wasn't opened by some freedom-and-discussion-loving Polish patriot.
It was funded entirely by the Warsaw Enterprise Institute, a think tank which lists demography, As one of its primary areas of interest.
From the Warsaw Enterprise Institute's webpage, quote, The Warsaw Enterprise Institute opened the Freedom Lounge.
It was created with conservative and free market youth in mind, a place where youth organizations will be able to organize their events free of charge, use the in-house television studio to develop their professional careers, as well as for socializing and entertainment purposes.
The Freedom Lounge is part of a strategy being employed by the WEI to facilitate propaganda and social recruitment towards hard right ideas.
This isn't some cool coffeehouse scene full of revolutionary thinkers.
It's a well-funded, hard-right think tank-created space where fascism can fester.
Which, when you think about it, is exactly the kind of place where Stefan Molyneux would like to give a speech at.
Right, but someone who looks like them is genetically from that area and hates as many people as they do as well.
That is a meaningless sentiment.
Unless you are a person of color or something along those lines coming into a place where you would be treated xenophobically as opposed to a white dude with a fascist face.
So he gives this speech at this WEI-funded, organized, and run far-right, right-wing politics formation center in Warsaw, and he's passing it off as this, like, cool fucking awesome place where just, like, really cool kids who like free market get together and talk shop.
I don't think anybody's riding up in a motorcycle in a leather jacket, 17 years old, like, hey, man, do you understand how trickle-down economics actually works?
We were in a glass-enclosed area facing the street, talking about radical, powerful, philosophical ideas for hours, with no fear of crazy people who want to shoot us, or bricks coming through the window, or bomb threats emptying the building, or all the other things that have happened other places that I've gone to speak.
That's an amazing experience.
Also, we talked about ideas all night without anyone...
Crying racist or sexist or cisgendered scum or heteronormal or all of the other refuse and garbage that clouds intellectual discussions in the West and reduces us to identity politics-obsessed ashes of our former selves.
Because, look, immediately following this fucking New Zealand terror attack, we have some assholes being like, no fear of crazy people who might send bomb threats or other shit.
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And I'm like, that's because they look like you and think the same shit you do!
I met a man in the Freedom Bar who had an in to the man who was organizing the entire 100-year Freedom March.
Now, they were facing some incredible opposition.
It was actually shortly after I landed that we found out that the mayor of Warsaw had canceled the entire march, had banned the entire march, and they were engaged in a significant legal battle and a culture battle and a media battle to try and get the march back on.
But for now, we have to jump to who I think he's talking about.
Because he's one of the only other people who's interviewed in this documentary than the main focus of it, who's the politician who's trying to get the march going.
If you Google him, you'll find that he's a very accomplished photographer, which is great, but doesn't really explain his involvement in this documentary.
To understand that, you have to go past the first page of search results.
If you do, you find a really crazy coincidence that Lucas Warcheca is one of the primary writers for the Warsaw Enterprise Institute, the people who built the Freedom Bar that Stefan Molyneux gave a speech at earlier.
On January 1, 2019, Wojciechka published a column decrying how teaching children in school about hate speech and its consequences amounted to liberal indoctrination of school kids.
He discusses a textbook passage about a pyramid that's in the textbook that describes different levels of hate.
Quote, The lowest floor of the pyramid is verbal lack of acceptance, which is absurd in itself.
Are we obliged to approve of everything we do not like, even verbally?
It looks like it, because this layer we see exclusion language.
Parentheses.
Out-of-focus category.
Arbitrarily interpreted by the left.
Spreading myths, stereotypes, and rumors.
Parenthetically, we can't even gossip?
And even making malicious jokes.
According to Allport's scheme, as shown in that picture, all of these behaviors lead to violence at the end, while the top of the pyramid is extermination.
So, to put in a nutshell, maliciously joking with a friend, I'm aiming for his extermination.
Well, I mean, he's making this same sort of culture battle argument that we hear from Alex Jones all the time.
This idea of making younger people aware of the consequences of their actions, that sort of thing, is tantamount to indoctrinating them to be all about the degeneracies of society.
The idea that this bar that he's lionizing as the place where we can have this free conversation is entirely funded by them and run by them as a right wing formation center.
One of the very few people he interviews who's a photographer outside of him being a pundit for the Warsaw Enterprise Institute is just a photographer.
I don't know why he's in the documentary unless there's some sort of a connection.
It seems like if you're going to this bar, which you hail as this wonderful place, you might want to give people a little bit of history about who started that bar.
Who's funding that bar?
The people that we can thank for that bar's existence.
You know, you've been to so many cool bars in the college town.
You know, we were in Austin.
We went to some cool bars there, and any time we asked people about it, they'd be like, yeah, this was started by this guy, and it's got a long history.
There's no point would anybody just be like, yeah, it's a cool place for people to hang out.
If your perception of it is that this is a heroic, important, free speech wonder, the ninth wonder of the world here in Warsaw, then it would behoove, or not behoove you really, but like, it wouldn't be an ugly thing to just say like...
And thank God the Warsaw Enterprise Institute paid for this to exist.
So I don't know if that Lucas Warcheca is the guy who connected Stefan with this guy he's going to talk to who's trying to get the march running in earnest.
First we march southwest, and then southeast, and then northeast, and then northwest, and then we go back down southeast, and then southwest, and then go back over northwest, and then southwest, and then we march back up.
Right.
And then back down southeast, and then go back down one more time straight south, and one more time straight east.
He's pretty much the primary interview subject for this documentary.
He's credited as the organizer of Poland's 100-year anniversary march.
Although, interestingly, whoever edited the film misspelled organizer as O-R-G-N-I-S-E-R, which is a pretty easy and pretty simple fuck-up for someone to make, especially if they talk about IQ all the time, like Stefan Molyneux does, misspelling fucking organizer.
The more important thing here is that Kristoff is not just the organizer of the march, he's also a far-right politician who's only gotten more right-wing as his career has gone on.
He's currently a member of the National Movement Party, the party that only came into existence in 2013 and has been a force of hyper-nationalism and xenophobia ever since, with a little dash of LGBT folk don't deserve rights thrown in for good measure.
Though the party is technically only six years old at this point, The Independent has reported that they trace their roots to, quote, anti-Semitic groups active before World War II.
They aren't a wildly successful party from an electoral standpoint, but they are very relevant in terms of how they've played a role in shifting Poland's politics to the extreme right in recent years, along with a couple of other parties that are affiliated with them, who surprisingly, or not surprisingly, are also involved in organizing this march.
So you remember that that other guy, Lukasz Wojciechka, was saying, he was describing that terrible period as being between 1993 and 2015.
And part of that is probably because Poland's current president has been in office since 2015.
And in that time, he's done a good deal of work towards what you might call solidifying anti-democratic power.
Andrzej Duda has essentially crippled their court system by refusing to swear injustices to the Constitutional Tribunal.
Despite those troubling signs, Polish journalists routinely dismiss Duda as just a puppet of the real power in the Polish government, Jaroslaw Karczynski.
He's the leader of the Law and Justice Party, which Duda was a part of until he got elected and then he became an independent.
But all signs point to him really still being under the sway of Karczynski.
Kaczynski.
Goddamn, so many Y's and C's all over the place.
I understand.
Kaczynski is a hard-right nationalist who aspires to assert complete government control over the judiciary, put controls in place over the media, and usher in what he calls a, quote, moral revolution.
He's super bad news, and he's head of the party that elected Duda as well as their current prime minister in Poland by passing them off as moderate candidates, when in reality...
All indications are that they're actually getting their marching orders directly from him.
If it's not clear why this is a problem, Peter Stesinski, a journalist who published underground periodicals against the Communist Party in the 80s, put it this way.
There are no longer checks and balances of power.
The parliamentary system is dysfunctional.
The constitutional court and judiciary are paralyzed.
New laws passed by the parliament can't be challenged or changed.
The government is supposed to publish sentences of the constitutional court to the Journal of Laws for them to become legally effective.
This is required by the constitution.
But the government, by not printing them, paralyzes the constitutional court, which has been reduced to announcing its sentences on the internet without any legal effect.
It's a very dangerous time.
It's a very dangerous time because in that kind of an environment, evil people are the first to realize that there are no longer consequences for their actions.
In this vacuum in Poland, fascists and xenophobic groups have been growing in power at a very rapid pace since 2015, knowing that the state isn't going to be there to push back against the mob.
This all came to a head at the Independence Day March in 2017, the year before this documentary is shot, which brings us to the reason why there isn't going to be a march this year.
According to the mayor of Warsaw.
There's a real reason, but here's what Christoph Bosak says.
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It's pure nonsense.
There is no reason in Polish law.
And we went to the court and court canceled the cancellation of the march.
So we organized the march since nine years.
We organized it always legally.
It's not a far-right march.
It's a national conservative march, patriotic march.
Are those different?
Organized by grassroots right-wing organizations from conservatives.
What if libertarians send the right people to nationalists, traditional Catholics, monarchists and so on?
Very different people in one march connected by national pride and patriotism and belief that Polish independence is something very important for us.
So you may remember the videos that came out in 2017 of the Independence March in Poland, and if you do, you remember seeing a horrifyingly large group of people with some real fucked-up signs chanting horrible things.
There were chants of pure Poland, white Poland, and refugees get out that broke out all over the march route.
One man interviewed by a news station said that he was marching to, quote, remove Jewry from power.
Tommy Robinson made the trip from the UK specifically to be there for that Independence Day march.
Andy Edels, a language teacher in Poland, described the march as, quote, 50,000 to 100,000 mostly football hooligans hijacking patriotism.
People in black masks marched behind large banners that read, Islam equals terror, and carried signs with slogans like, White Europe of Brotherly Nations.
Many carried signs displaying the Falanga, the symbol of the National Radical Camp, an ultra-nationalist Polish political party which traces its roots to the Falanga National Radical Camp, a group active in the 1930s who defined themselves by their fascism, anti-Semitism, and eliminationism.
They were a large driving force of anti-Semitic violence in Poland in the lead up to World War II.
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Their party was outlawed by the state back then, but now, in 2017, their banner flew freely at this independent state march.
So, obviously, people weren't happy about that march and the optics and the visuals that came out of it and people being like, uh-oh, that's really fucking scary, that sort of thing.
And when the 2018 march rolled around, the mayor of Warsaw said no to the organizers, like Christoph Bosak, saying, quote, the city has suffered enough from aggressive nationalism.
President Duda decided to make his own Independence Day march to replace the one that was banned, that was being organized by these hyper-nationalist groups.
The presence of chaotic laws and rampant unconstitutionality taking place since 2015 have created the environment in Poland where these sorts of things are bound to happen.
We've seen the same thing happen in our country, where fascists and Nazis feel free to walk around in public unashamed.
This is a large-scale problem in the world, which is why it should come as no surprise that at the 2017 march, fascists also marched with signs that said, We Want God, which was a reference to a Polish song.
They weren't quoting the song.
They were quoting Trump referencing the song in a speech that he gave in Poland a few months prior.
That post ends with an argument that this is really about how the EU is desperate to, quote, use the threat of fascists as an excuse to push for further centralization and bureaucratization.
It's probably worth noting that that defense, that article in Politico, was written by Tomasz Worlobski, who's the president of the Warsaw Enterprise Institute.
I was about to say, I didn't want to pull, because I knew this was coming, because I did the same thing to you whenever I did my climate change episode.
So, I don't know when he made the plan to go to this march, but he knew before he made the plan to go to the march that the government was going to clamp down on hate speech.
So there's an interesting irony that Stefan Molyneux claims that he has some sort of Polish heritage, but he's not really specific about it, and it's not a major part of his identity at all.
He thinks that his name is spelled in the Polish way, which is whatever.
I don't give a shit.
But it's shocking to me how excited he is to take part in this Polish Independence Day thing when he's not Polish.
You're able to celebrate Poland and everything that has survived and everything it will accomplish in the future.
Unironically, without having to defer to other people's feelings, other cultures' feelings, other races' feelings, you can just celebrate who you are and where you are.
I really wanted a taste of that.
Like I could return to that brief window of my childhood where celebration and pride was possible, and I can't wait to see it in the flesh come to life again.
Before this, he was talking about how when he was a younger man in the UK...
There was pride that you could have in being English, and now that sort of disappeared because of, I guess, diversity and multiculturalism.
So he's like, now I'm here in Poland, and maybe I can taste those sunset vistas of my youth that I remember so romantically in my head of being proud of being British by sort of association.
So, at this point in the documentary, Stefan plays a bunch of swelling music and shows B-roll of the Independence Day march.
Again, it's important to note that this is the 2018 march, which is operating with a strict order from the government that it's a sanitized version because of last year.
This isn't a free speech haven, as he wants to portray it as.
It's a march that exists with the full expectation that if you show up with a no more Jews sign, you're going to get arrested.
Like I said earlier, this is a very literal representation of repressiveness in a march that he's attending.
But it definitely helps him create the visuals that he needs.
Namely that the ultra-nationalists he's hanging out are really just super into Poland.
In this next clip, we get to Stefan sort of wrestling with the idea that he's so anti-collectivist to a very serious extent.
He's been an individualist that's defined so much of his career.
You can find probably a decade's worth of videos on his YouTube channel that he has...
I would say he should have taken down some of them, and thankfully I've got copies of them, so even if he does take them down, I don't really give a shit.
I also wanted to put my individualism to the test because those of you who watched my show for the last 12 years know that I'm a very staunch individualist.
Know that I am skeptical, if not hostile, to collectivism as a whole.
And here you can see we have people marching in the same direction, carrying the same flag with the same pride.
And I have to tell you, I feel like something has just kind of broken in two within me.
That Aristotle said 2,500 years ago, whoever can live alone is either an animal or a god.
Well, I, of course, am neither an animal nor a god.
And I remember the pride when I was a child of the Second World War, the Battle of Britain.
And the last few days here in Poland have just kind of shattered something within me, in that the sense of collective unity, the sense of collective pride, the sense of having a tribe, the sense of having a culture you can be proud of.
has arisen within me and I've never been to Poland before.
My first name is Polish.
I know there's family history, but I've never been to Poland before and I can't tell you how strange a feeling it is that I have a sense of unity with people in a country I've never been to before.
I think this clip is a perfect encapsulation of how bigots hide behind lofty ideas to mask their real positions.
In this clip, Stefan claims that his longstanding position of being an individualist is being shattered by being around these people who are all marching in the same direction and are there for the same reason.
That's bullshit.
Have you ever been to the Pride Parade?
How about the Puerto Rican Day Parade?
Any of these parades that I've been to in Chicago that are equally moving if you just engage with what...
All it took for Stefan Molyneux to reconsider one of his deepest held beliefs that he has, namely, that a man is an individual and collectives are to be viewed with suspicion, all it took to shatter that was to be walking around in a large collective of only white people.
I was a rugged individualist living in Atlanta, and then, believing that I could never find a collective, I went to my first Klan rally, and I finally found out that collectives aren't bad.
But then also at the same time, which you have to recognize, I think, is that this is the same thing as Alex.
Once he realizes the white nationalist applications of Rex 84, flipping on his very long-standing beliefs, because those beliefs are conditional.
Those things that these people have built their entire careers, personalities, identities, philosophies on, flip as soon as they recognize, oh, this works better for me.
As soon as that being absorbed in the hole of an ethnostate or whatever, as soon as you experience that, you're like, oh shit, individualism sucks.
I want to be with my whites.
That sucks, man.
It's so sad.
It's such a bummer to see, and it's one of the reasons why I argue at the beginning of this episode, and will continue to on every episode that we do about Stefan, is that he is a lazy, bad philosopher.
Because how did you not consider these possibilities in the last 12 years you've been doing your show as like, well, maybe I would be into collectives if they were the kind of collectives I would super be into, namely ones that exclude people I'm creeped out by.
I think in that last clip there, you got the sense that Stefan was about to cry.
You kind of...
I don't know if you could pick that up, but if you were watching the video, you could definitely see some wavering in his, like, I've never seen a collective like this.
I hate to say born again, but almost like something has broken within me that I have put up to defend myself against criticisms of unity, against criticisms of pride.
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It is an appalling thing to take away people's history.
Look, I've been to the gay pride parade and I felt zero pride and I felt like I was being attacked, but I go to this white nationalist parade and I realize that collectivism is great, so now I want a nation for whites, I want a nation for gays, I want a nation for black people.
But the other thing, too, is all of the B-roll, until it gets to evening when there's those people with the flares, it's all just people with Polish flags.
And part of that is what President Duda said, which is...
You can have the white nationalist horrifying parade that the mainstream media covered perfectly, and you can also have the relatively calm parade in 2018.
Whatever thing he could be trying to bring into the conversation, we know.
And that is that World War II fucking sucked.
It was a horrible time for people, including the Polish.
Everybody did not have a good time in World War II.
So him waxing rhapsodic about Poland's role in World War II, it's like, yes, sure.
Doesn't help your point here.
It really doesn't.
He loves to, whenever people critique him on Twitter and stuff like that, his stock response is always, not an argument to send back to them.
So I would suggest you blowing hard in a fucking graveyard about why this, like...
This white nationalism that you were coming to accept, that's not an argument.
Whatever you're doing is not an argument.
So at this point, Stefan Molyneux gets on a train.
And he has a little bit of a breakdown on this train.
Not a crying breakdown.
He did that at the parade.
But he has a little bit of a breakdown about his ideas, his philosophy that he's maintained for all these years, particularly about the idea of collectivism being bad.
I have seen so many negative aspects of collectivism.
That it became a devil with no redeeming characteristics or features for me.
It was a cloud with no silver lining.
It was a night without a dawn, a rain without an end.
And almost like trying to sand or jam a square peg into a round hole, I have to face the fairly beautiful collectivism of the Poles and try and figure it into my mindset of collectivism as bad.
Even my definition of collectivism has been found wanting.
But I am an empiricist, and I also respect emotion.
And if my emotions react positively to the beauty and strength of Polish collectivism, I can't just dismiss that.
I can't just say, well, that's just a silly throwback to medieval tribalism, and it must be expunged from my character.
So that's something interesting to me, because he's saying that there's people who are organizing and filming, and there are other people who are involved in this documentary.
And I'll tell you that at the end of this, he has a credit.
Like, the credits.
There's nobody mentioned in the credits who could have been the camera people.
Because it's like, well, the fingerprints will be here that'll be too obvious for people to trace back that we brought you here to do this propaganda documentary.
So, you heard there, you know, he's talking about, like, I've been deprived of this benevolent, wonderful, beneficial collectivism that is all white people hanging out.
This is so frustrating because it's like, oh, so that asshole in your college philosophy class could just have started a cult if he tried hard enough and had a British accent?
So, that was on the train, but in this next clip, he's back in the graveyard.
He's talking in the graveyard, and I do think...
This clip's a little bit longer, but if you really listen to it, I do think that this is an accidental condemnation of what he does and what the people he surrounds himself do and their effect on the world.
I do not believe that these hatreds are innate to us, and then the moment that the social order breaks down, they erupt like dormant volcanoes and have us at each other's throats all the time.
I believe that we can live in much greater peace.
There will be differences, there will be disagreements, there will be arguments, but I believe that we can live in much greater peace.
But to live in greater peace, we must be very, very careful about the language that we use to describe our group, other groups, or whether there are even groups at all to begin with.
I believe that we have a much greater common humanity and we must be taught to hate each other.
So vague as to be meaningless, because he is pointing the finger at himself and people like Alex and all of that, but he's doing it with the inversion, with the like...
No, no, no, no.
We're the ones who are right.
We're talking about you globalists who insist on multiculturalism.
So what you're really saying underneath all of this wonderful and beautiful language is as long as the white people are in charge and nobody is allowed to say anything else about us.
I only go by the facts, and the fact is no one yelled at me here in Poland, and that means that the free exchange of ideas is possible as long as everyone is white.
I mean, that's a level of terrible thinking that only exists when you have a conclusion you want to get to, and you're working your way towards it.
Because anybody who was an empiricist would consider alternatives.
I was in Poland for two days, and I happened to go to this sanitized version of the Independence Day parade and a bar that's run by a group that isn't...
like a hard-right think tank.
What if I'm only seeing what they want me to see?
What if I'm not getting the full picture of what it's like to be Polish?
What if I am only seeing the...
The Warsaw Enterprise Institute's version of what they want the message to be.
That's what an empiricist would ask themselves.
They wouldn't just accept this blindly and be like, white nationalism is sweet.
That only exists if you're trying to justify that.
the new is doing is the equivalent yes he is going into a place where there is a very serious situation politically and socially and culturally going on and he is beholden to very clearly um this one specific think tank like yeah i don't like to be like ah this is all And the fact that he doesn't bring it up at all...
Like, this is an interesting organization or anything like that.
You've got to ask yourself, though, in question, what was it that...
I mean, I think we all...
At the end of this right now, here, I think we all understand that Stefan Molyneux went to Poland hoping to reach this conclusion, and he reached the conclusion.
White nationalism is fucking awesome.
These people that are seen as extreme aren't as extreme, as evidenced by the fact that there weren't all kinds of crazy people at this independence march.
Everyone is totally cool and super wonderful.
But that still leaves one important question, and that is, why did he cry?
And guilt has been so infused into the hearts and minds of Europeans and of whites that to see a shame-free and guilt-free culture, a resilient, strong culture that is resisting collectivism, is something that moved me more than I can probably ever express, but I hope is encapsulated in the footage that you're seeing in this documentary.
So even if he is right that there weren't any fights in Poland while he was there, which he's not right about, he hasn't proved the causal connection between the things he's seeing and the fact that everyone there is white.
That is sloppy, junior varsity level.
To quote Stefan Molyneux, that is not an argument.
I suppose the only way that you could, and I don't know why I'm somehow on the side of giving him the benefit of the doubt here, is if instead of him saying white, what he meant was homogenous.
Like, that's the only way that you could say he has more of an argument to stand on because Because his argument then is, because all of the people are like each other in the same ways, and they have a shared, let's call it whiteness, then there is far more peace than if there was a, let's call it, miscegenation.
In the same way that all these people hide, and Stefan does all the time too, they hide their bigotry behind these lofty intellectualizing masks, that sort of thing.
He does do that.
That idea that it's homogeneity as opposed to whiteness.
The shallowness and hollowness of Western European culture compared to the seriousness and depth of Polish culture is really a startling contrast and something that I will take with me to my grave.
So that you can go out into the woods to gather more firewood, to keep that fire alive, and pass it down to your children as your fathers passed it down to you.
Pull it.
Is keeping that fire alive.
The rest of Western Europe and the rest of the West is not.
...of liberty, history of your civilization, when it begins to diminish, when it begins to die out, there is a great temptation to huddle up close to that fire and to stay close and to warm yourself from the dying embers and fading coals of that fire.
Rather than go out into the woods to gather more wood, to feed that fire and bring it to life again.
It is so easy to take that fire for granted and to imagine that the fire is not something you need to protect and feed, but it's like the sun.
It burns of its own accord, gives you warmth, whether you work for it or not.
And it's a destructive fantasy to imagine that the fire will last as long as you and your ancestors It's very unclear the specifics that he's talking about, but it is clear that because he's so emotionally and intrinsically changed by experiencing,
like he said it himself, I'm suspicious of white nationalism and identitarianism, but I'm an empiricist, and what I've seen in Poland has made me realize that's pretty cool stuff.
So if his conclusion comes to...
The fire of freedom is really delicate.
Whatever the woods are, whatever the firewood, whatever the fire itself is, all of it is about preserving, in the best way to phrase it, your culture.
The fact that the WEI is so deeply involved in sort of running interference and sort of justifying the anti-democratic acts of the government and our, you know...
Behind at least one of the interviews he's doing and the bar he goes to.
I just can't walk away from this documentary without looking at it and thinking, this is something that was planned to an extent.
There's no way that these elements would exist in it so consistently.
And the people who would be publishing articles in Politico justifying the 2017 march that became such an embarrassment for these nationalist groups overplaying their hand to a certain extent.
All of that would trace back to a single think tank.
I don't think that it's possible.
This documentary is only an hour long.
It's not like he talks to a wide array of people.
It's not like he goes to many...
There's four scenes in the documentary.
There's the interviews.
I have five.
There's the interviews, there's him standing in the woods in the snow talking, there's the parade itself, there's him struggling with his own emotions on a train, and then there is him in the graveyard.
It is something that must be willed and protected and maintained and kept every single generation.
Poland remembers what the rest of the West has forgotten, which is that your freedoms, which take generations to build, the fires of liberty that keep your civilization warm, can vanish and go out like that.
So, Stefan ends the documentary after the entire corpus of the work is done by coming back on camera and pleading with his audience to give him more money so he can do more of his work.
He's realized that he doesn't want to stay in his studio, and that there's a big world out there for him to be a racist idiot in, but he needs them to pay for it.
He needs his cult to provide him the money to be able to do it.
Incidentally, in August of 2018, Stefan Molyneux made another trip outside of his studio.
Him and Lauren Southern made a trip to New Zealand, where they did a speaking tour.
Late last week, two mosques in New Zealand were the target of terrorist attacks.
The hostility toward non-white people being seen as an invading army is all entirely rooted in the ideas that people like Stefan Molyneux have made a career off of spreading.
This mentality isn't new, but it's something that's been made so much worse in recent years by propagandists who have validated white terrorism.
Their lineage comes down from Alex Jones making excuses for Timothy McVeigh all the way down to the present day where we've seen Alex Jones making excuses for this terrorist act in New Zealand.
So while Alex Jones is what we focus on and what we study and we talk about all the time, it's always important to recognize that there's a greater ecosystem here that Alex is a part of.
Stefan Molyneux comes on Alex's show.
I'm not sure if he comes on that much anymore, but he has been a fairly regular guest for a while.
He's someone who exists in the same anti-other to capture the bigger picture of it.
Anti-non-white people worldview that Alex is a piece of.
And it's impossible not to see this document as almost a debutante party for himself, where he comes out into the world and declares himself, you know what, I am a white nationalist.
We've known, Stefan, we know.
We've known this for a while, and we've been criticizing you for it.
People have been criticizing him and saying, hey, these ideas you're expressing are explicitly white supremacist, white nationalist.
You're a piece of shit.
That's why he gets yelled at when he goes and gives speaking engagements.
So when he goes to Poland and he's in this enclave that's a very safe space for him, and he's like, oh my god, it's all white people around.
Isn't this fucking awesome?
Isn't this the best thing ever?
He comes out and he recognizes.
I am a white nationalist.
And that means two things.
One, no shit you are.
And second, fuck you for being mad at people for yelling it at you.
How dare you?
How dare you be mad that people yell, hey, you're a white nationalist, when all it took for you to get in a documentary that you presumably have final cut on and say, I always was suspicious of white nationalism, but I'm an empiricist in Poland who's shown me pretty good stuff.
How dare you?
How dare you pretend that the people criticizing you didn't have a point?
They knew who you were before you were ready to admit it.
I mean, a lot of them didn't kill anybody, but I'll say Andy Edels, who is that language teacher who is complaining about how all the parade in 2017 was a bunch of football hooligans hijacking patriotism.