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Nov. 25, 2024 - Radio Renaissance - Jared Taylor
44:31
Richard Marksbury — “Why the Big Deal About Ethno-Nationalism?” (2024)
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Our next speaker is Richard Marksbury.
He's a proud graduate of Lee Davis High School in Mechanicsville, Virginia.
And in case you're wondering, that's not Bruce Lee and Miles Davis.
Unfortunately, in 2020, a year that will live in infamy, it removed the names of Lee and Davis.
Professor Marksbury...
He was a Peace Corps volunteer and spent two years living with native peoples on the island of Yap.
He earned a PhD in cultural anthropology, and he spent 43 years teaching at Tulane University, where he was a professor, dean, and director of Asian studies.
His particular professional interests were marriage practices, cultural change, caste systems, and what he calls revitalization.
Maybe we'll hear something about them.
He's now retired, but he maintains a passionate interest in the lost cause and the American war for Southern independence.
And today he will speak on ethno-nationalism.
Please welcome Richard Marksbury.
All right.
Well, thank you all very much, and I'd like to thank Jared and American Renaissance for inviting me today.
Jared had asked me a year ago to speak at the conference last year, but I'd just moved into a new house.
My 50th wedding anniversary was during that.
My granddaughter's 20th birthday was during that, and her moving into a college dorm was during that, so I had to pass.
But he was gracious enough to extend it again.
I thought long and hard about what I was going to talk about in the past.
And as an anthropologist, but not the kind you see today, as an anthropologist, I was going to talk about the effect that Boaz and Margaret Mead had on our country and the world for our last hundred years.
And I said, well, I'll migrate to nature versus nurture.
But then I saw this.
Now, I'm not going to be showing slides except at the end, just some pictures.
Nancy Pelosi said this.
But the fact is that using ethno, whatever it is, people different from me, nationalism, population, is a very dangerous threat to democracy.
Ethno-nationalist populism, which tries to bring down education and fake news, the media, which is a protector of democracy, that version is contributing in countries other than ours and is a danger to democracy.
How stupid is that?
So, once I saw that quote, I said, thank you, Ms. Pelosi.
Now I know what I'm going to talk about, which is ethno-nationalism.
In listening to the speakers this morning, oh boy, I wish I could just have a debate with everybody.
So probably in this conversation I may bring up a few things, which I had no intention to do earlier, but just kind of a reaction to it.
The things that Jared said are true.
One of the things he asked me when I was visiting once about race realists and the questions this morning in the talk, my opinion, everybody's a race realist.
It just hasn't been discovered yet.
We are.
And the reason I'm saying that is because when I was educated in anthropology, I was educated by the second generation of anthropologists, those that got their research under the founders of American anthropology.
So it was a little bit old school.
I was taught that there's no such thing as human nature.
Zero. I was taught that there's nine races, not three or four or five, but nine races.
And I was taught, you know, that culture is the super organic.
Which was a quote from a gentleman by the name of Alfred Kroeber, founder of American Anthropology.
Kroeber thought that culture is the super-organic.
It's above life.
You know, so that's what means is who we are.
And, of course, that teaching just infiltrated into the American government and the American educational system throughout the 20th century.
You can be anything you want to be.
It's all about culture.
Nature has nothing to do with it.
So in terms of my race realism, which Jared had me think about a little bit more, I don't beat you.
My lineal descendant was here in 1668, so we were a little bit later than you, in Virginia.
But I was born in Ohio, and I grew up on a farm in northwestern Ohio, in a community where there were no blacks, when I was 10 years old and moved to Charlotte, North Carolina.
My mother drilled into my head for months before we moved it.
Down there, they say sir and madam, and you will say sir and madam.
So I call everybody sir and madam today, still.
Everybody. Doesn't matter the age.
I went to Charlotte, but segregation was still in effect, so it didn't change anything, but I did see black people.
Then I went to high school, to Lee Davis.
Jared forgot to tell you that every building was named after a Confederate general.
You know, so Forrest Hall was the library, and Jackson Hall was a cafeteria, so all that was there.
There were three blacks in my class.
One of them was a guy by the name of Ollie Sherman.
When I was a sophomore, the rules came out in school.
There's no facial hair allowed, but Ollie had a mustache, and he always kept his mustache.
And me, back even in those days, I went and complained and was like,"Well, you know, you can't complain about that because, you know, we're just trying to integrate everybody." So I became a political race realist, which I think is another whole concept about that.
Then I moved to New Orleans.
So since 1993, in 2023, I lived as a minority.
Big-time minority.
New Orleans is a city that's 66, 65, 67, depends percent black.
Lived in the heart of the city.
I was overseas for two years, living with the tribal people on an island for 25 months.
Obviously, I was a minority there.
Came back to New Orleans and stayed in New Orleans.
I grew up in a community like that.
I had two sons, and my goal every year was to take them someplace where there were white people.
So we always went to Canada.
So everybody saw Canada.
We saw Canada east, west, and center.
It's not the same country now, but I was having to realize that the world's not like this.
And it wasn't.
And then after 43 years at Tulane, retired.
My wife retired.
A granddaughter who lived with us, graduated from high school, said it's time to go.
So we packed up, and now 14 months ago, we stayed along I-10, didn't go too far past the interstate, but we stood I-10 and headed east, and landed in Baldwin County, Alabama.
All right.
Baldwin County, Alabama is one of the largest counties east of the Mississippi.
It is larger than Rhode Island.
It's a huge county.
I haven't seen all of it yet.
About 118,000 people live there, and it's 92% white.
What a difference.
What a difference in the world.
And I realized when I was planning on this, what to say, and I'm thinking about my wife, people ask my wife, do you like it?
Are you happy with this?
I love it.
Why? I don't know.
It's just so calming.
And calming was the word I related to, because calming is a very natural thing.
And it is calming.
And why is it calming?
Because we want to be around people that act like us, look like us, believe like us, and it calms you down.
So, you know, my son's here, and his granddaughter lived with us when she was dating.
Had to go to the front porch.
You call before you come home, so we can go to the front porch and let you in.
That's not calm.
That's stress.
That's stress.
Where I am now, don't even lock the doors.
I got deer in the backyard.
I feed deer every night, and they come in the backyard.
It's a whole different world, and it's a great world, as opposed to the 50. Without getting involved too much, though, in New Orleans, I'm going to talk about a race realist.
My wife had a revolver put to her forehead, or a temple, on our front porch on Christmas Eve Day at 1 in the afternoon.
Next year, a kid with a baseball bat threatened my son, who just got a bicycle for Christmas and stole it.
Two years later, cars stolen.
All the perpetrators were blacks.
I lived in a very nice house, just three houses off of the streetcar.
So it wasn't that.
It was where you lived.
It was a violent culture.
I would sit and watch TV at night and hear gunshots.
Because in New Orleans, the neighborhoods are so mixed.
You can live in a great area, two blocks away not.
Now I sit in my den.
I don't hear anything.
And it's freaky.
Because I'm used to...
We live 10 blocks from the river, ships honking their horns, trains, streetcars, sirens, nothing.
Sirens is nice.
So I'm a race realist.
I realize a lot of the difference in all of this.
Which brings me back to humans and human nature.
Anthropologists have looked over the years, they pretty much stopped because there isn't any more about what is there out there that we would say are human universals that every society has.
And there's only a handful of things that that fits in.
One is every society has a kinship system.
There's never been a society we've studied, written, or seen about that doesn't have a kinship.
Who are you related to?
Period. Every society has marriage.
Not one have we ever seen or found, excuse me, that doesn't have marriage.
Socially recognized event between a man and a woman that legitimizes children.
That's pretty much it.
Every society.
Every society has a belief system.
Most of them have been spirits, but those spirits live with you.
They live in your neighborhood.
They live in everything around you.
But everybody has a belief system.
One of the parts of a belief system is that it answers the unknown.
And that's the one way to fix that.
All societies are ethnocentric.
All of them.
Think about that from a functional purpose.
Nobody would say, our culture's not as good as yours.
No, ours isn't the best.
Ethnocentric. Humans are like that.
To the point of their names.
The people I lived with, the name for them was, we're the people of Yap.
And who's everybody else?
Everybody else.
So you only had one word.
Cheyenne meant humans.
Cheyenne, the word for Cheyenne, we're human.
If you're not a Cheyenne, you're not human.
That's ethnocentrism.
And what goes along with that is xenophobia.
You should be afraid, just like if you're afraid of water, closets.
Caves, snakes, you should be afraid of people that don't look like you because historically as we became humans, those were the dangers.
So let's say for just the sake of argument that a million and a half years ago the genus Homo came into existence.
A million and a half years ago.
For one million four hundred and ninety-some thousand.
We lived that way 99.99% of the time there's been humans on the planet.
So if you just think of that number 99.99, that's how we became human.
We became human living in small groups of 25 to 75 people traveling throughout and discovering and populating all of the continents.
And then all of a sudden agriculture came and everything changed.
Because back in those societies where people go around, they were egalitarian societies.
They weren't stratified.
There was no wealth.
There wasn't anything.
They lived that way.
Our nature, our human nature, came from that 99.99%.
So many of the things we talk about today and in this room came just within the last 20,000 years, which is a blip on the screen.
We were cooked.
We were baked before that happened.
And what happened was agriculture.
Now, these people roaming the world, they always knew that a seed was going to grow into a plant.
They weren't stupid, but they didn't need to.
But when people came together, agriculture.
And with agriculture came towns, villages, and cities.
And with that came cultural diversity.
Cities and towns that developed their own agriculture.
All of a sudden, people came together that maybe speak different languages, looked a little bit differently.
And that's when so many of the problems, I would suggest, came to be.
Now, nature.
Human nature.
We want to be around people who look like us, speak like us, share our myths, our heroes, our traditions, and our culture.
But that did change 20,000 years ago.
Fast forward then to the formation of the United States.
So the United States, as we've mentioned here this morning, and our Austrian colleagues, you know, this is a white ethno-state, but add WASP to it.
Everybody wasn't a WASP, white Anglo-Saxon Protestant, but most were.
And they formed a nation made up of 13 states.
One nation, 13 states.
And they brought with them their traditions, their myths, their ancestors, and their languages.
The United States began to expand west, take over more territories.
But during all that time, white people, white Americans, I'll continue, white Americans were the majority population.
I would suggest, when we look at words later on, that white Americans are and should be an ethnic group.
Should be.
There's no reason not to be.
They meet all the definitions of being an ethnic group.
And if we talk about future political things, that should be something we strive for.
There are sociologists who look at the antebellum white people.
And call them an ethnic group.
Many scholars who said the whites in the antebellum South formed an ethnic group with their own identity.
Well, if they could do it, why not?
And I thought more about this.
On the drive up here from South Alabama going on the interstate, you go through a reservation, the Porch Creek Reservation.
And when I was driving with my son, I think when we came to this meeting maybe for the first time, I looked up the billboards and there were people running for tribal office.
They had blonde hair, blue eyes.
Who are these people?
So I started learning about it.
Well, they associated themselves with the revolution with the Americans, a lot of inbreeding.
And they had a leader in the late 60s who went up to D.C. and fought with the Interior Department.
And they are now classified by the United States federal government as a European-Native American group.
European, Danish, American.
And they pulled it off.
So it can be done.
I guess that's what I'm trying to get at.
can be done if you've got the right politicians to do it.
So these white people that lived in America, you know, that I think can be as an ethnic group, they've got their heroes.
And we know the heroes of Washington, the Jeffersons, the Paul Revere's.
You know, John Hancocks, Patrick Henry.
I love Patrick Henry.
I think he's fantastic.
Dolly Madison.
All of those people.
We've got the myths.
We share our myths.
Bunker Hill, Boston Tea Party, the Cherry Tree, Paul Bunyan, Yorktown, Battle of New Orleans, killed a bear when he was only three.
Younger people may not know what that is, you know, but that's our hero, Davy Crockett.
Manifest Nesting, Little Bighorn, Gettysburg.
All of those are part of our folktales, our myths, our stories that unite us.
Then we have sacred documents.
The sacred documents.
U.S. Constitution, the Declaration of Independence, the Federalist Papers, the Monroe Doctrine, Louisiana Purchase.
Those things were always protected.
So our government, our government, during those formative years, protected those things.
They protected the white majority and their heroes, their myths, and their documents to be preserved.
It was in their interest to do that.
But then things began to change a little bit.
So the government, as it continued to grow, kept the white majority at bay by protecting the things they stood for.
It kept them back.
Then the war between the states happened.
And after that war, Robert E. Lee was the president of Washington University.
And he got communications from all over the world.
People would write to him asking for information.
What about this?
What about this?
And he was communicating with a historian.
In England, his name was Lord Acton.
And they were talking about the future of America.
It's an important Lee quote, and I'll just read this.
The consolidation of the states into one vast republic, sure to be aggressive abroad and despotic at home, will be the certain precursor of the ruin which has overwhelmed all those free governments that have preceded it.
That's Lee, 1867.
So he saw what the government was going to become, and it would lead to the destruction.
Of the country.
Because the government will become all too powerful.
And now, in this new government that's about to take over, we're sitting there listening daily to people who are being nominated for secretarial jobs.
Secretary of this, secretary of that.
All those executive departments.
Almost all of them were created after Robert E. Lee wrote that.
The federal government, 1867, didn't have that many departments.
You had treasury.
You had war.
You had justice, which was a little bit later.
And so the power was to the people.
The people in the cities, the counties, the townships, the states had so much power.
And they lived with that power, and the government was letting it go.
But in time, after the war between the states, civil war, the war for Southern Rebellion, which I want you to want, the government says, we're stronger now.
Let's see what we can do.
So they started creating departments.
Just to read these off.
Justice, 1870.
Department of Commerce, 1903.
16th Amendment federal tax.
1913, Department of Labor, 1913, Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, 1952, Department of Housing and Urban Development, 1965, Department of Transportation, 1977, Department of Energy, 1977, Department of Education, 1979, Department of Health and Human Resources,
1980, Department of Homeland Security, 2002.
Every single one of those federal departments took away the power of the people, the power of the white people that were the majority.
They lost so much control.
Over their labor, over their commerce, over their education systems.
And where did it all go?
It all went to the federal government.
Bigger and bigger.
So now you've got a situation where the government is growing so powerful that large minority, which was a large one at one time, begins to be a threat to its existence.
And so these departments then begin to suck up so much of the power and the authority that the white majority had had since the founding of the country.
So you've got the federal government becoming more powerful, you've got the white majority becoming less powerful, and through immigration, the white majority is losing its demographic power as well.
Those two things happen simultaneously.
Now, what do you do about it?
Well, the result of all this is while ensuring its own growth and power-seeking objectives through converting to a multi-ethnic and multi-race nation, the U.S. federal government no longer acted to protect the values, the beliefs, the language, the traditions, and the heroes of the white majority.
So a government that doesn't protect its majority wants it to be a minority.
There's no question about that.
It wants it to be a minority because...
It's a power-sharing basis.
It's not a zero-sum game.
You're going to give, they're going to take with it.
So that's what's been going on for an awful long time.
Now, is this something that's unique?
No. Going back to Nancy Pelosi, no.
If you go back to that 99.99% of the time, people who share the same ethnicity, the same heroes, the same myths, the same sacred documents, they want to be together.
There's nothing unnatural about that.
You don't have to defend that unless you say it's caused by culture.
So some of the ways to counter that are through territorial nationalism, which is the most common, because people have their own territory.
And they're an ethnic group that's being pushed out, and so they revolt.
And so the only thing I have for slides were just a few, nothing to talk about, but just to see what's going on in the world.
Because right now, today, there's over 225 separatist movements on the planet Earth.
225. They're on all the continents.
So it's really a big move against globalism, are these movements.
We know what happens, you know, sorry, this is difficult to do.
What happened with Yugoslavia when it broke up?
It was held together, and when it broke up, the people went their own way.
We want to be with the Serbs, want to be with the Serbs.
The Croatians want to be with them.
Herzegovina and Peace want to be with them.
That's a natural thing.
You have your own destiny.
Hawaii, which I'm very familiar with.
I took students to Hawaii for many years.
It's a very active, active group of ethno-nationalists.
They do not want to be part of the United States.
They would like to break away.
At least, at minimum, they want to have a reservation system where they have sovereignty.
So they're on the streets all the time protesting.
They've been doing it for decades.
So Hawaii would like to go.
I think most people know about Quebec.
Quebec is a separatist movement.
You know, they keep getting certain privileges granted to them by the Canadian government.
You know, French is...
Everybody learns French, and the signs are in French, so there's some things that the federal government has acquiesced to them, but they still would like to be independent.
I thought this was rather interesting.
It says percentage of Europeans who would fight for their country.
The red are the ones who would fight more.
The blue, less.
And there's a direct relationship, then, as you can see, between people that are multicultural, Muslim-ethnic, pushing immigration, everything.
It's like, screw this.
I'm not going to fight for my country.
And separatism, those are separatism movements in Europe.
All of them are strong.
They go up against things, but they're all strong.
So I can do this, but I don't know what's next.
Part of Asia, every one of those areas, that's a separatist movement.
India's got a half a dozen.
They want to be separate.
They don't want to be part of the Indian government.
Indian government was formed, you know, with the British, it pulled it all together, and before that, the Muslims.
But these people are independent, and they want that.
So they're protesting all of the time.
They don't want to be part of that nation.
South America.
I think there's five separate nationalist separatist movements in Brazil.
Everyone has them.
Because, again, this plan of a national government, holding together people, In a multi-ethnic and diverse culture where you had people that occupy an area where they're a strong ethnic group, they don't want to be part of that.
Africa. It's hard to keep up with how many separatist groups are in Africa.
Those tribal people, they hated each other.
They hated each other.
They still do hate each other.
It was only kept together by force.
You let them go, this is what they want to do.
India. Crazy place in India.
I mean, I would never want to be the Prime Minister of India holding those people together.
There are more different cultures, more different cultural systems in India than anywhere on the planet Earth.
The last place just got electricity about a year and a half ago.
I mean, it's just a massive thing.
And there are cultural differences that go way back.
They're all Hindus, but that doesn't matter.
You know, there were tribal people there before, and they want their independence.
The Tamils, as we know in India, they're revolutionaries.
Down in Sri Lanka, revolutionaries.
Philippines, revolutionaries.
So we're not talking here today a part of something that's so unique.
It's a worldwide phenomenon.
And I would suggest it's a worldwide phenomenon because it's in our nature to move towards these things.
And it's against our nature to go the other way.
I know I got time, so I'm looking at it.
So the other one that we talked about in Austria is political.
Political ethnic nationalism.
Political ethnonationalism without a territory is a little bit tougher, but it's doable.
There are examples of that.
In the United States, you know, about the territory, I look at it and I think that the 48 states, forget Alaska, forget Hawaii, but the continental 48 states, that is the territory homeland of white Americans.
White Americans are heroes.
Our sacred documents, our battles, everything, are on white America.
And I think towards going forward, you know, the category of identity politics where we separate things up and we'll be in this room talking,"Oh, I'm German-American," and I think,"I've got to stop doing that." Say,"I'm a white American," and not worry about where our ancestors came from before.
I think we've got to start taking pride in who we are from this country.
Two things left.
Edward Pollard, who wrote The Lost Cause, it's a big old thick book, told the defeated Southerners, we lost the war.
Can't debate that.
The war is lost.
The Union defeated us, slavery is over, etc., etc.
But, he says, we can win the war of ideas.
That quote.
And the white Southerners did exactly that.
After that war, their economic, their political, their social systems were crushed.
20% deaths.
They're in occupation by federal government's troops for 10 years.
But they did what they did from the ground.
Grassroots movement to preserve their identity.
And everybody in this room knows white Southern identity has been preserved.
Otherwise, we wouldn't have been fighting it in this country for the last 30 years.
And the Southern Poverty Law Center wouldn't be housed in Montgomery, Alabama.
Because the heart of that is there.
So it can be done, and it did work.
Joseph Conrad wrote, Well, for me,
when I tell my students this, so what's the right word for the last 30 years?
Racist. That's their word.
That's what they've conquered so much in the last 30 years.
40 years.
Racist. You're a racist.
The company's racist.
The family's racist.
The government's racist.
And there's no way to come back from this very much.
So I think our word should be white.
Proud to be white.
And that's, I think, something we can talk about and do.
Along those lines, going forward, I have no solutions.
But imagine if you ever wanted to have a third party form.
Imagine if you called it the Founding Fathers Party.
There'd be no ambiguity there.
No ambiguity.
Everybody would know what that stood for.
You didn't have to explain it.
And if people started talking about it, so what are you talking about?
These people found this country.
This is what they did.
I think there's a lot of things we can do.
I think when we talk about some of our ancestors in Europe, like Beethoven.
Instead of saying, oh, he was a fantastic German, how about he was a fantastic white German?
How about Neil Armstrong?
He was a white astronaut.
I won't say Santa Claus because he didn't really exist.
But the people that we know are, I think we can call them that.
Julius Caesar, a white Roman.
Joan of Arc, a white French woman.
Why does it begin to put white in front of describing those?
Because they do it all of the time.
The media beats us now.
Oh, it's historic.
The first black person to walk on the moon.
The first black person to teach a course in mathematics.
I mean, so we need to counter that.
We need to counter that.
So I do think there's a plan for it.
I think there's some hope for it.
I think it's a political process.
I agreed with some of the speakers.
Professor Wax, there's no question in the educational system, you've got to start K-12.
Got to.
One way to do it often is teach at home, but you've got to infiltrate the K-12 system.
So your children, your grandchildren, you know, need to become teachers because it'll take 40 years to change it because it took 40 years before.
And with that, I'll just say one more thing.
I went over to teach a class.
I was asked to go teach a class at Tulane on the Civil War, and I did a symposium.
When I left, the professor wrote me, and he says, Rick, thanks for coming over.
It was really good to give the students a different perspective.
Like, that's your job!
A different perspective.
So he just exposed, you know, that he was talking about perspective.
So that's it.
Thank you very much, and I guess I'll take questions.
Thank you.
Thank you.
Yes? Hi.
Thank you so much for what you said.
I'm curious.
You mentioned the power of the federal government and various events in American history as being operative and the desire to replace the white majority in America.
And I'm wondering what your opinion on the reason why every nation made up of people of European descent worldwide is exposed to these same conditions is.
Because I think power corrupts, and that the power of people in the government is a corrupt power.
Why else are you 92 years old and running for Senate for the 16th time?
Because it's power, and you want to hold on to the power, and to hold on to that power, you've got to take power from other people.
That's my answer.
Thank you.
Hi. So, you spent a lot more time thinking about this than I have, obviously.
But I just have a little bit of a pushback.
To the term, like, white American.
I would say that American implicates whiteness.
How do you feel about that?
Well, it's not a point worth arguing, because what I'm coming back to say is the power of the word itself.
Just like racist is a powerful word.
What do you mean?
Because, see, when I talk to my students, I tell them everybody's a racist.
If you go back to what I talked earlier about human nature, our human nature is to be racist.
I did forget the story.
On this, two Australian Aborigines, when they met on a pathway and they didn't know the other person, they would go through a litany of questions.
What's your clan?
What's your lineage?
What's your totem?
Because if you had any of those things, then you were a kin.
And if you're kin, you're friendly.
If you're not, you're the enemy.
Well, if you're white and you're walking down a path and someone's black, you don't have to ask them if you're related.
So, I mean, our brains developed with that.
So, again, I think the power of the word white itself adds to it, as opposed to diminishing it.
I understand what you're saying about Americans, but that's an argument we go to another day.
This one is just, what could we say collectively that identifies our ethnic group?
That's why I think they should be an ethnic group, because that comes a lot of power if you become an ethnic group.
Yes? You started this talk with the Pelosi quote about ethno-nationalism.
The reality is the West is not against ethno-nationalism.
They are only against white ethno-nationalism.
There are a number of ethno-nationalist countries in the world, and there is no criticism of them unless they happen to be white.
So what do we do about that particular linguistic trick?
I would debate that.
With all of those slides I showed, those countries in Brazil and India are not happy with those nationalist movements.
They're just not.
I lived in a place where they were in the Pacific, an area called Micronesia.
The Spanish took them as a colony, stayed there quite a while.
The Spanish lost the Spanish-American War.
Then the Germans took over.
They lost World War I, then the Japanese took over, then they lost World War II, and the Americans took over.
So it was a territory of the United States made up of six different cultures, six different island groups.
They hated each other.
And when the time came for them to come together, they all went their separate ways with it.
So I understand what you're saying, but I don't think the world, because all those governments in Africa and South America, they like power just as much as anybody else, and they don't want those major ethnic groups.
If you want to look at Burma, Myanmar, and look at what's going on there.
Most people fight every day and they get killed every day because the government's killing them because they want to be independent.
So ethno-nationalism, I think, is a worldwide event that other countries also fight.
Well, it's talking specifically about the Western mindset.
You will never hear the Western media criticize Japan for being an ethnostate.
You will never hear them criticize China, but Rhodesia, the former Rhodesia.
You'll never hear them.
They certainly won't ever criticize Israel.
And that kind of bothers me that here it's only the white.
Ethno-nationalism that is decried.
But I think the reason for that is that they don't want to admit that those ethno-states work.
So we're not going to criticize Japan.
We're not going to criticize, you know, certain countries.
Spain certainly has groups, you know, the Catalanians, they want separate.
But I think it's not in the media because we don't want the everyday people to understand that's an avenue for you.
I mean, most people in this room, including me, when I saw those slides, were like, gee, I don't know that many.
Not 225.
So our media would go out of their way to keep it quiet.
Yeah. I just wanted to say I agree with you on recapturing education because it's not just that your children learn, but what they learn.
And you mentioned homeschooling, and also, and I do think it's important to retake the system that is available right now.
But have you heard of anybody trying to make A private school system that's designed with the idea of affordability instead of elite, you know, which costs more.
And what's your opinion on any sort of voucher system working its way through into, you know, state?
I think voucher systems are superb, but, you know, down where I come from in New Orleans is a Catholic school system that is pretty good, and they make it affordable, and they're not so woke.
So there are, I'd suggest that that's a good one.
The same thing in South Alabama.
There's some excellent private schools that they make affordable.
And I look at the pictures of the teachers and the students, like, whoa, where am I living?
And I continue to question.
I go into McDonald's, and it's like, everybody in McDonald's is white.
I haven't seen that in my lifetime.
So it's there.
So I'm for Baldwin County seceding.
Because, you know, I think it would be a good start.
Unfortunately, I learned three weeks ago.
That our present government, Biden-Harris, are sending 10,000 Haitians to my new county.
10,000.
And I wrote the governor and the two senators, and they all gave me back, said we know it.
We can't stop it because they gave them this legal status that goes along with the Haitians and Venezuelans.
Can't stop it.
But then the county has to take care of it and educate it.
So, yeah.
And I guess I'll just ask...
Do you know of anybody who's trying to create a movement of recreating those affordable schools?
I don't, no.
Thank you.
It seems to me that one of the defining features of white people is our ability to differentiate and create distinct identities consciously and intentionally.
Even the WASPs who founded this country, the Presbyterian, Scots-Irish, were about as different as you could get from the Puritans.
So is there a way to...
Preserve the universal aspect of white identity while not giving up our particularities?
I think there is, but the ones, the bigger balloon to go after first, it seems to me, because as long as you continue to fracture it, then you're not going to get the end result.
I don't think that you want.
But yeah, obviously, you can do that.
You should do that.
But I think that when we refer to people, oh, I'm German-American, I'm Irish-American, everything, I think we're doing a disservice, you know, to our ancestors in this country.
When it's appropriate, how do you think we should do that?
Well, when a day comes, I'll let you know, but I don't think I'll be around, because I think it's a long battle.
You use the term nationalism.
But you focus mostly on what you call separatist movements, which sounds like tribalism.
How do you define nationalism versus tribalism, and how do you balance those two things?
Well, if you look at the definitions for nationalism, there's a lot of words and terms for nationalism.
A nation is made up of states, usually.
It doesn't have to be, but it can be.
And within there are different ethnic groups.
And so the challenge of nations as they emerged was to work with the majority, preserve the majority while they expanded and brought other people into it, but preserving the majority.
Tribalism, I have no problem with tribalism because I'll go back to what I said before.
You know, that's our DNA-ness, is that we're tribal people.
Actually, we're long before tribal people.
I lived with the tribe for two and a half years.
I saw it at Palais.
Tribalism doesn't bother me because I think you can make the same argument.
Okay, tribalism, is that bad?
Why is it bad?
Maybe it's good.
This is why it's good.
This is why this is the way we're kind of meant to be.
Otherwise, you wouldn't be talking about tribalism, right?
If we all just got together.
Going back to Jared before, diversity, diversity, diversity is totally anti-human evolution.
It didn't happen that way.
It did not happen that way until 15,000 years ago when agriculture came.
That was it.
Agriculture came and we have stratified societies.
In fact, earlier, you know, egalitarian.
Humans evolved as egalitarian people.
Not equal people, but egalitarian people.
And it wasn't until agriculture that we got rid of egalitarian and came in with ranks and wealth and everything else.
So it's not that old.
It's not part of who we are, really.
A fairly astute South African and Rhodesian observer told me that in the countries of Africa, the second largest tribe was the persons put in control of each of these countries.
He had a theory on that.
I'd be curious if you can observe that in your study of these different independence groups and whether that has any bearing.
Well, there's always power in numbers.
So the largest ethnic groups had more power as a result.
And when the Europeans and other people came in with that, who'd they make friends with but the chiefs?
The chiefs are the ones you controlled because if you controlled the chiefs, you controlled the people.
In Africa, the largest ethnic groups had that kind of power, and they still do.
But they still go to town with each other.
A baby.
We see that in many different places of the world where the tribal people become the leaders, their leaders become corrupt because power corrupts.
That's the bottom line.
In terms of culture change, the way the Europeans and anybody that's ever done with other culture, it wasn't religion.
It wasn't education.
The thing that corrupted tribal society was money.
The concept of money and owning land.
That's what did it in.
Land's always the most important thing.
The island I lived on, their expression was, the man's not the chief, the land's the chief.
You control the land, you're the chief.
If you look at the United States, I always ask my students, if you looked at the Native Americans in the United States, which ones do you feel Live the most traditionally the way they did when the first Europeans come.
And I won't ask this whole room, but most of the time they get it right.
Southwest, of course.
The Navajo, the Hopi, the Pueblo Indians all live in the same place they lived when the Spanish came.
Their ancestors, their sacred sites, their heroes, they can walk out the door and see the same things that their fathers, their great-grandfathers, great-great-great-going-back lands the key to it all.
Hi. I just wanted to clarify my question earlier.
There are all sorts of nations in the world that are non-white where there are very powerful governments, even minority governments.
There are different governmental systems all over the world.
I'm wondering if there's something particular to white societies that makes it so that...
Mass immigration is used to displace the demographic power of the majority uniquely in every white nation on earth compared to China where there's not mass immigration displacing the Han majority or Japan or anywhere else.
What is it about power in countries with people of European descent?
I guess I'd go down a different path.
I understand what you're saying.
If you take it from the perspective that you had ethnic people, tribal people if you were, large ethnic groups that controlled areas, and they unto themselves ruled.
They had their own values, their own myths and everything.
In comes an outside force.
It could have been the Bantu coming down to the south part of Africa, or it could have been the Spanish going to Hispaniola.
And when they come in and do this, or where I was in Micronesia, then you have an outside government that forces these people together and holds them together.
That doesn't mean that those people don't want to be independent.
So the African nations are still held together by power.
That's why you saw all of the separatist movement.
Those tribes realized we don't want to be part of this.
So I think it's the same thing, really.
Well, so there's been a mass importation of racial foreigners here versus there being existing ethnic diversity.
Right. And I feel like that is a unique characteristic of Western nations.
It's different.
It is.
No, you're correct.
It is correct, especially in Europe.
But when you had that situation, you've got people that would assimilate historically.
They don't assimilate.
And I guess the white majority was so strong, it sucked it up.
Santa Anta, you know, back when he was ruling in Mexico, welcomed Americans to Texas.
More than welcome to come.
I only have two requests for you.
Learn Spanish and become Catholic.
They didn't do either one.
So they said, hell with this.
I'm letting you come in to do this.
They wouldn't assimilate, so Santa Anta said, okay, here we go.
We're coming back.
So, yeah, migration's made it a bit different here, but it's just made it different in a little sense.
It's still the same forces, I think, at work.
Thank you.
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