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Jan. 9, 2024 - Dinesh D'Souza
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THE BIDEN STRATEGY Dinesh D’Souza Podcast Ep743
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Coming up, Joe Biden has revealed his election strategy, his campaign strategy, which is to focus on trying to portray Trump as an enemy of democracy.
I'll talk about that.
I'll also talk about the new scandal involving Fannie Willis and the evidence to support the new claims against her.
And best-selling author Joel Rosenberg joins me from Israel.
We're going to talk about the war.
And it's blowback. If you're watching on Rumble or listening on Apple, Google, or Spotify, please subscribe to my channel.
This is the Dinesh D'Souza Show.
The times are crazy, and a time of confusion, division, and lies.
We need a brave voice of reason, understanding, and truth.
This is the Dinesh D'Souza Podcast.
Joe Biden seems to be formulating his campaign strategy for this year, for the election.
And we saw hints of it in the two speeches that he just gave, one in Valley Forge, Pennsylvania, where he likened himself to George Washington, another at a black church in Charleston, South Carolina, where quite clearly he was angling for the support of blacks, not just in South Carolina, but around the country.
And And Joe Biden appears to be getting ready to campaign against Donald Trump, not on his own record, which would be the normal thing to do.
You've been president for four years now.
What have you done? What have you not done?
Well, apparently Joe Biden has decided and his campaign aides have decided, we don't really want to talk about that one.
We realize we have to talk about it somewhat, but we want to downplay it.
poses the greatest threat to democracy in the country's history.
And we want to make this a referendum, they say, on democracy versus authoritarianism.
Now, by the way, none of this is really new, but it's interesting that Joe Biden thinks that now at this stage, this is an effective strategy for him to be pursuing.
Now, interestingly, there are people across the spectrum who don't think that Biden has a good strategy, whether it's running on his record or whether it is making this a referendum on democracy.
I mean, first of all, think about it.
You have democracy in action.
You have two candidates who are going on a ballot and the American people are choosing.
So how is that in any way a threat to democracy?
Well, it's a threat to democracy because Donald Trump said that in the second term he's going to be exacting retribution against Biden.
Well, if Trump is saying nothing more than I'm going to be doing to the Democrats what they've been doing to me, then all Trump is saying is that I'm no greater threat to democracy than they are.
If what I'm doing or what I'm threatening to do is bad, then what the Democrats are doing is already bad, and they're doing it.
They're not just threatening to do it, they're doing it.
But as I say, there's a group of people who think that Joe Biden will not even be the candidate.
And I'm surprised everywhere we go, even Debbie and I, we run into people and they're like, well, you know that Joe Biden's not going to be the candidate, don't you?
And I'm like, no, I don't actually know that.
Well, yeah, because, you know, the powers that be, the people that are running the country have realized, well, first of all, it seems to me that the powers that be, and by this I mean the junta that is running this country.
Like Obama? Well, this is the disturbing fact.
I mean, Debbie says Obama, and it could be Obama.
It could be some of the Obama gang, the Obama-ites.
But we don't really know what their names are, all of them.
And so we have an unelected gang running the United States at this point.
Joe Biden is complicit with them.
He's going along with them.
He's taking instructions from them.
But he is not the one calling the shots.
That seems really clear. And Joe Biden himself kind of fesses this up every now and then.
So... A point I want to make, and I made this point before in the podcast, I don't think that junta wants someone other than Biden, because that's how they get to continue running the country anonymously.
If somebody else came in, let's say Gavin Newsom or anyone else, they would take charge.
They'd want to call the shots.
They would tell the junta, hey, listen, you can advise me, but guess what?
I'm going to be deciding things from now on.
So these guys don't want that.
They're going to want to try to stick with Biden.
Now, I agree. If Biden is unelectable, if his ratings dip so low that people have had it with him, and it's obvious even Democrats are pulling away, then I can see the junta saying, well, listen, it's not going to be us at all.
We'd rather put up with some other Democrat, even if that guy is going to sort of take the reins of power, than have Trump back in office.
Because then actually, to be honest, not only might we be outed, we might actually find ourselves indicted.
We might find ourselves facing scrutiny, facing investigations, facing questions about our corrupt abuse of power.
So Biden evidently, to the degree that he remains as a candidate, which as of now, I think he will be, I don't see any reason or even any concentrated effort on the Democratic side to yank him.
And he thinks that he can get elected or re-elected simply by saying that Trump is a threat to democracy.
Now, again, this would work better if Trump had never been on the scene.
And if you were just going by Trump's statements, you go, oh, Trump is a threat to democracy because he said this and he said that and he said this.
But guess what? Trump was the president.
He was in office for four years.
Did he overthrow democracy?
No.
Did we have a 2020 election at the end of the four years?
Yes.
Did Trump, even though he thought the election was stolen, did he exit the White House and make room for Biden?
Yes.
How many Democrats were indicted in the Trump years?
As far as I can tell, none.
Compare this with the number of Republicans, including Trump, indicted by the Biden DOJ. So when you compare the actions of Trump versus the actions of Biden, I would argue that if anything, the critique of Trump is that he was too soft, that he didn't realize the depth of the corruption of the police state, that he didn't realize the fact that his own police agencies of government were going against him.
And if he now realizes that and is talking about being tougher in a second term I think that that's the right way to go.
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There is a bombshell.
Well, bombshell if true report involving Fannie Willis that is now making the rounds in the media and social media.
This is based upon a legal filing by one of the defendants in the Georgia case.
And he's asking for the case to be dismissed if these claims are in fact true.
And quite honestly, if they are true, this would have big implications for Fannie Willis.
It would potentially involve criminal activity by Fannie Willis.
It could be that Fannie Willis finds herself in legal trouble.
And it certainly would have implications for weakening if not blowing up the case against Trump and the other Georgia defendants.
So let's look at the content of the claims and also the supporting evidence for them.
I say this because when Debbie and I were first talking about this yesterday, we were like, wow, these claims are amazing.
Obviously, to put it in a nutshell, Fannie Willis is romantically involved, the report says, with a private attorney named Nathan Wade.
This is a guy who's not experienced in RICO statutes.
He's not even in part of the government.
But she hires him to prosecute the case against Trump.
Gives him, well it turns out, $654,000 in legal fees since January of 2022.
Over a million dollars apparently in overall billings.
And then...
Fannie Willis and this guy go off on trips, vacations together, and he spends the money that she assigned to him for the case for this purpose.
So, this would be a conflict of interest.
These are disclosures that Fannie Willis has not made to the court or in public.
This is standard Georgia-style corruption.
Now, Let's look at the evidence.
I have right in front of me the relevant portion of the legal filing.
So I'm just going to go through some of the key elements of it to see what is presented to the court as this is the proof that this report is in fact true.
Number one. Fannie Willis, the district attorney, did not obtain court approval to appoint this, quote, special prosecutor.
So in other words, it's a departure from procedure.
She has the right to do it, but normally you'd think she'd have prosecutors from her own office.
But no, she appoints this independent prosecutor, a private attorney, doesn't tell the court about it.
Number two. It says that information obtained outside of court filings indicates that the district attorney, Fannie Willis, and special prosecutor, Nathan Wade, have traveled personally together to such places as Napa Valley, Florida, and the Caribbean.
This is, by the way, taking...
Taking a cruise, apparently, on Royal Caribbean together.
And then the report says traveling together to places like Washington, D.C. or New York City might make sense for work purposes in light of other pending litigation, but what work purpose could be served by travel to traditional vacation destinations?
Goes on to say, the district attorney and special prosecutor have been seen in private together in and about the Atlanta area and believed to have cohabited in some form or fashion at locations owned by neither of them.
Hotels. Interesting. Hotels, presumably.
Sources close to both the special prosecutor and the district attorney have confirmed that they had an ongoing personal relationship during the pendency of the special prosecutor's divorce proceedings.
The guy is in the process of getting divorced.
He gets involved with Fannie Willis.
Not after. It could be like, oh, she appoints a special prosecutor and then the two of them develop a relationship.
No. They had a prior relationship.
So she's essentially giving her boyfriend this contract and funneling large amounts of taxpayer money to this guy, and then he's spending it on resorts and vacations and cruises apparently undertaken by the two of them.
It goes on to say, the special prosecutor has never tried a felony RICO case.
It also goes on to say, since being appointed special prosecutor, the guy has been paid an estimated $1 million in legal fees and on and on it goes.
So this is the sort of substance of what is being alleged.
Now, I agree that these are allegations, but I don't think these are allegations that have been made lightly, because here's a defendant basically saying, I have...
Proof that there is an improper, ethically corrupt, if not legally corrupt arrangement going on here.
And on this basis, I'm asking for my case to be thrown out.
So the court is going to have to take this seriously.
The media can all say, well, there's no there.
I mean, presumably at this point, they haven't produced.
I was thinking to myself, how did these guys, how did this defendant get this information?
I think the answer is pretty simple.
They probably hired a private investigator and said, listen, you just kind of look into Fannie Willis, kind of look into this special prosecutor, find out what you can find in there.
The private detective goes, guess what I found?
Here's the evidence. Here's all the stuff.
So all that would presumably now be turned over to the court.
So I think it's actually great that the media is like, this is what they said, by the way, about Hunter Biden.
There's no story there.
There's nothing. Nothing really happened.
Joe Biden's denials were amplified by the media.
And then they had to retreat to, well, actually, Joe Biden did go to those meetings.
Oh yeah, Hunter Biden was with the prostitutes.
Oh yeah, he was snorting coke.
And here he is with the Russian hooker.
And here he is pretending to know, filing a brief claiming to have all this knowledge about Burisma and Ukrainian energy and so on.
So in other words, after first making emphatic denials, they then retreat to yes but, yes but.
So presumably the left will dig in on Fannie Willis.
This case is really important to them.
But it's really interesting to see where these allegations go and what the court decides to do about them.
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It's D-I-N-E-S-H Dinesh.
Guys, I'm delighted to welcome back to the podcast a friend of ours, Joel Rosenberg, New York Times bestselling author of 17 novels, 5 nonfiction books.
He's the founder and editor of the two news and analysis websites, All Israel News and All Arab News.
He's also the host and executive producer of The Rosenberg Report.
His website, joelrosenberg.com.
Joel, great to have you.
Thanks for joining me.
Um, You know, there is in the United States some hesitancy or mounting hesitancy about support for foreign wars.
This goes back to the Trump phenomenon.
We're seeing an expression of that in Ukraine.
And my first question to you is that, is there a case for distinguishing Israel on the one hand from Ukraine on the other, or should Americans view the two in the same light?
There are distinctions, and those are important.
Maybe the simplest and shortest way to put it is I would side with the new Speaker of the House, Mike Johnson, who said, look, let's pass a $14.5 billion emergency aid package for arms and resupply of ammunition.
Let's pay for it in the bill.
And let's separate that from Ukraine and border security, both of which are important, both of which are controversial, but let's do them each one by one and let people take their positions.
And I think that's the right way to go, sort of tactically.
There is a much larger issue, and that is that Israel has been the bulwark and the tip of the spear in America's strategy against radical Islamism going back since Israel proved itself in 1967 when the United States provided no help at all.
President Lyndon Johnson I would note a Democrat in that case, but still, we're putting enormous pressure on Israel.
Don't strike first.
Don't defend yourself. And Israel tried to listen, but in the end, they were about to be wiped out by overwhelming neighbors, and they struck first, and they won in six days, and on the seventh day, they rested.
It was very biblical. And ever since, but particularly with President Reagan...
His emergencies, he realized, even though he had differences with Israel, he, for example, severely criticized Israel for taking out Iraq's nuclear reactor in 1981, when if Israel had not, you know, can you imagine what the world would have looked like in the region if Saddam Hussein had nuclear weapons?
But even though Reagan had differences with Israel, he realized that in a world where there are enormous enemies, and particularly the Soviet Union, you need an American ally.
And okay, the Soviet Union does not exist, but radical Islamism, I don't have to tell you and your audience, is horrible.
And so America needs that ally.
We can get into the Ukraine issue also.
I have differences with Vivek Ramaswamy and probably President Trump on that issue because I think Vladimir Putin is the most dangerous man in the world.
And just to keep it simple, I don't support just giving them money to pay farmers or whatever.
Farms, yes. And of course, they're built in America.
So you're also helping Americans by buying those arms.
But Degrading Putin's capacity to do rape and pillage without using American forces is also a very Reagan-esque idea.
It's what worked for us in Afghanistan.
And if we don't, if Putin wins or at least survives and is able to say, see, I was not destroyed, he's going over a NATO border and then all hell will break loose.
But that's the short answer.
I know that's not short, but I know it's kind of...
I mean, it's a very, I think, interesting strategic analysis.
And in both cases, you're kind of making the case why it's in America's interest.
Maybe not quite to the same degree.
And that's what I want to press you on is that in Israel, it appears that this goes beyond strategy because we have a sort of a moral kinship with Israel.
Israel is... You know, it's the centerpiece of Jerusalem, and Athens and Jerusalem are the two foundation stones of Western civilization.
Jerusalem is in the Bible.
There are a lot of Christians who feel a kind of divine appointment, if you will, with Israel.
Do you think that those factors are relevant or should weigh heavily in this particular case?
Because you haven't mentioned them yet.
Well, yes. So maybe I should have led with those.
But yes, as an evangelical Jewish American born and raised in America, I absolutely believe that we have a moral obligation because of the Judeo-Christian heritage, because of the Holocaust, because of the fact that Israel has never asked for Americans to come fight for us.
I mean, we're the ultimate, you know, make America great and we'll pay whatever price in blood and treasure, right?
You never heard President Trump saying, hey, you know, like he did with NATO, hey, Israelis, you're not paying your fair share.
Why should we never hear that?
because we pay way more than our fair share, and we deliver incredible amounts of intelligence.
And we used to steal Soviet MiG jets, and now we have great intelligence that has saved a lot of American lives. So the combination between the moral case and the strategic case is very important.
And yes, you've got 60 million American evangelicals who strongly support Israel, and you've got a wave of anti-Semitism, and the Jews of the world, Jews of America, should not be left alone. So I think those are all combined.
But I think the key here in this case is, what is Israel asking for?
It's not asking for troops. It's not even asking for money.
The $14.5 billion, where does that go?
It goes to American defense contractors to build arms for us to fight genocidal enemies.
And I would add one more thing, Dinesh.
Last night, I interviewed Governor Ron DeSantis for my upcoming TBN program, The Rosenberg Report, on Thursday night.
And one of the things I talked to him about was...
Do you think that there are lessons for the United States from the fact that on October 7th, our southern border was invaded by terrorists and we didn't have...
I mean, even Israel, who you'd think would know better, didn't have hardly any combat troops there.
And suddenly, you know, it caused the worst slaughter of Jews in anywhere in the world since the Holocaust.
And so he and I talked about the lessons for leaving a southern border, or any border, unguarded, and he, as you might expect, and I'm not endorsing him or not, I'm just trying to talk to each of the candidates, and it was fascinating for him to draw out You know, you got 8 million people stormed into the country, invaded the country.
That's his language. And Biden has done nothing.
And, you know, God forbid, right?
But how do we know that there are terrorists among them who want to do exactly to Americans what radical Islamists did to Israelis?
You know, Israel is only the little Satan in the radical Islamist worldview.
The United States is the great Satan.
So we're also the canary in the coal mine.
Anything that happens to us, I mean, you can forget about us.
But the next stage is the United States.
They don't hate us alone.
We're just, you know, we're horrible to the radical Islamists.
But America is far worse.
And that's why after we dealt with suicide bombers forever, then came 9-11 because America just didn't seem to understand at a leadership level that whatever was happening in Israel was just a foretaste of what was coming into the United States.
Yeah. Joel, how do you think about, I mean, as I think about these questions, I see that everywhere it comes down to an issue of, quote, stolen land.
It comes down to a, whose land is this really?
As you know, in America, there have been people who say, well, this is the land of the Native Americans, or there are Chicano activists who say, you've got to give half of America back because it really belongs to Mexico.
Um, In Ukraine, of course, you have Vladimir Putin in effect saying that Ukraine is part of Greater Russia.
It was actually the historical foundation of Mother Russia and things only moved to Moscow much later.
And then, of course, with Israel, I've seen left-wing activists on the campus and in the street in America saying, you know...
The Israeli presence is the original aggression.
So you're accusing us of having an aggression on October 7th, but your presence here is the original aggression.
If you were a professor in a classroom and somebody popped this question to you, how do you help people think about these kinds of claims which are sort of rooted in the vicissitudes of history?
Great question, Dinesh, and well-framed.
So there's a couple things. First of all, I mean, I guess if the premise is I have to be a professor on an American campus right now, then I can't start where I want to start, which is if you go back 4,000 years ago, what you're talking about is a biblical document in which God says, I'm giving this land to the Jewish people, but the Jewish people need to be nice to the To the people that are the foreigners within them, meaning they're not native Israeli Jews, but you're not supposed to slaughter them.
You're supposed to welcome them and love your neighbor.
But you can fight, of course, against enemies that are trying to kill you.
That's from the Bible.
Now, that is how Western civilization was built, and so it shouldn't be dismissed.
But if it were dismissed, which it would be on an American college campus, I would still say it because biblical truth is truth, and the truth will set you free, Jesus said, and a person doesn't have to believe it, but it's still important for them to hear it.
But the next step I would say is, all right, well, okay, so you're a young person who's very supportive of the Palestinians.
I love the Palestinians and I want them to do well.
But let's start with Europe.
What did the Nazis say?
What did Adolf Hitler say? Well, Adolf Hitler said, we're going to kill you all.
And killed 6 million, which was a third of us.
But most Europeans, the reason they didn't really care that much until they had to, right?
If you start killing Jews, you're not going to stop there.
You're going to try to take over all of Europe, right?
It's not... Anybody who thinks that the Jews are sort of on their own, it never happens that way.
So it's important for young people to hear that anybody that starts hating and then killing Jews is not going to stop there.
One, because we're too small to stop there, but it's because it's a mindset that's evil and evil unchecked is the prelude to genocide, okay?
And not just for Jews. But then I would say the European argument forever was, Jews go home.
Just leave Europe and just go home already.
So we came home to where we lived for three and a half thousand years, almost four thousand years.
And then people said, you're a colonialist imperialist.
You've come to take something that's not yours.
like oh my gosh we can literally dig out of the ground here.
Artifacts that tell us that there was a Jewish civilization here that goes back three or four thousand years. So I mean Americans can't say that and I say that as a proud American. A lot of bad mistakes were made.
Everybody's life was eventually made better by the American experiment.
But yeah, some very sad and twisted things happen.
But you can't dig out of the ground from 3,000, 4,000 years ago and find, you know, the Declaration of Independence or any evidence of a European-American civilization.
It just doesn't exist.
It does exist here in Israel and our museums...
Are filled with them.
So, you know, it used to be pre-August that the topic of educated society was, how do we handle the Jewish question?
And that meant we don't want Jews around, so what are we going to do with them?
And that's why we need a country of our own.
There's 197 or so countries in the world.
Israel needs to be a Jewish state that is welcoming and loving towards our Arab and Muslim neighbors, and that's what we have.
People accuse us of being an apartheid country, but 20% of our citizens are Arab Muslims, 20%.
And it's not apartheid.
They get to vote. They have the right to have parties, and they do.
They serve on our Supreme Court.
They serve as CEOs of major Israeli corporations.
They're Not everybody has wanted to be integrated into the society.
Not every Arab Muslim who's an Israeli passport holder has wanted to be part of it.
So that's been a problem. And I'm not saying there is no vestiges of hostility or anxiety, but it's pretty amazing when you compare it to, let's just say, Gaza.
There's no Jews there.
We gave that land back to them in 2005.
A huge controversial discussion here in Israel.
But the most Zionist, somebody that most of the progressive left would hate, Ariel Sharon, our prime minister who'd been a general, who'd been very controversial towards Palestinians over the years, he said, you know what?
It was almost like he started singing the old country western song, I don't want her, you can have her, she's too fat for me.
We don't want to govern two and a half million people in Gaza, so just take it.
Now, Netanyahu at the time said, I don't want it either, but if you give away land for nothing, you're rewarding terrorists, not moderates.
And if you do that, you're going to get what he called Hamastan, Like Afghanistan, right?
You're going to create a world in which Hamas is seen by the people as, wow, they know what they're doing.
If you kill more Jews, you get more land.
So what's amazing is people say, what's the occupation?
What occupation? Israel wasn't, they're not a single Jew, civilian, or soldier in Gaza on October 6th, right?
But if you come in and slaughter us, you're going to have a lot of us entering Gaza.
But there was a ceasefire on October 6th.
Who broke it?
It was Hamas.
You know, there wasn't any occupation.
Now there is.
I mean, like, there was no invasion.
So the thing is, every argument is salacious and actually is a photographic negative of what's actually true.
I mean, it's almost like Joel, you know, showing pictures of Dresden or Hamburg and going, It's leveled to the ground without a mention of the original Nazi aggression.
Or even looking at Japan after World War II and saying, look what the Americans did without noting that this was provoked at Pearl Harbor and it was the Japanese who started the war.
Well, that's true.
That's true. But one of the challenges, Dinesh, is the people that I have that conversation with will say, well, wait a minute.
I mean, we're 75, 80 years away from that type of warfare.
You have precision missiles.
You have, you know, all that. So what?
Okay. But this is the problem.
We gave the land away.
But what did Hamas build?
They could have had a Palestinian paradise, right?
We're 18 years beyond the giveaway, the give back, if you want to put it that way.
You could have Singapore.
You could have Dubai.
You could have...
But what do you have?
You have an entirely militarized terror society where Hamas has taken the entire country to build a subway system, but it's only for Hamas terrorists and it's all filled with missile production...
You have almost every school has missiles sticking out the windows.
Almost every hospital has underneath it a command and control center for Hamas.
So what the terrorists did is take an entire society and turn it into an entire military base.
Well, when you have that situation, which is To my knowledge, maybe only North Korea would be even remotely close to that.
But I mean, you really have no examples of an entire country being a military base for terrorists, right?
It's not even a legitimate country, but let's just say it was.
They had an election and everybody voted for that.
So people are now trying to say, well, you know, why are you...
Why is it so devastating?
Because everywhere we go, it's embedded into the fabric of the school, the hospital, the mosque.
They're all centers of terrorists.
That's all where the missiles are firing from.
And the Hamas leadership goes openly out on television.
You've probably seen the clips and says, we are so proud of October 7th.
And if we have a chance, we're going to do it again and again and again and again.
So this is why Hamas did in one day what no Israeli could do all the last couple years, unify the society.
Everybody believes, every Israeli believes we have to completely eradicate Hamas.
This is why we urged the two million people to move to the south because most of the main terror centers were in the north.
And when we took care of that, mostly, we asked the Palestinians, we urged them to move west to the border because Khan Yunus, the southernmost city, Major city in Gaza is the next major capital of the Hamas, and it's where the leadership is based.
But what does that leave?
It's a wreckage.
It's tragic.
But you can't start the conversations that we woke up one morning on October 7th and said, you know what?
we haven't destroyed enough stuff. If we were a highly militarized society, were on the on you know trigger trigger happy we would have had troops on that border.
Somehow we got lulled in and how did we? It's a long complicated story. There'll be investigations but the short version is we just made four Arab-Israeli peace treaties under President Trump, the Abraham Accords, and we were inbound and I can tell you this directly because I know the Saudi leadership at the highest I've met with MBS twice.
We were about to make a deal, a peace deal, the biggest of all history with the Saudis.
So people say, well, you just hate the Arabs.
Then why are we making peace with them?
Well, you just want to kill all Arabs and Muslims.
Well, why are we making peace?
Why are they making peace?
Because they don't think of us that way.
So every argument that you would hear in a classroom...
It's completely fallacious, but it has implications.
And the implications are students are starting to turn against Jewish students or pro-Israel Christian students.
That is dangerous, and it's all based on lies.
I mean, I think what you said is insightful, not only in showing the embeddedness of Hamas, but also in showing the potential motive for the Hamas attack, which wasn't merely a wanton destruction of civilians, but to thwart perhaps the upcoming deal.
Between Israel and Saudi Arabia.
This is great stuff, Joel.
I really appreciate your joining me.
Guys, we've been talking to Joel Rosenberg, New York Times bestselling author.
his website, joelrosenberg.com.
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Again, it's dinesh.locals.com I'm continuing my discussion of C.S. Lewis' classic work, The Four Loves, and we're talking about the first type of love, which from the Greek is storgi, a word that simply means affection, familiarity, the love that grows out of just being around someone.
And Lewis makes the point that the special glory of affection, he says, is that it can unite those who most emphatically, even comically, We're good to go.
That I think is part of what makes, you know, marital breakdown, separation, divorce tragic, is because you have two people who did choose each other, and then guess what?
It didn't work out.
But, says Lewis and Storgi, you have people, whether it's family members, siblings, children, neighbors, and they just are there.
And they're not, quote, like you.
And your affection for them develops...
Through time, out of mere kind of coexistence, out of mere presence.
And now Lewis moves on to what I consider to be a really interesting and profound point.
And he says that story enables something that friendship does not enable and that even eros does not enable.
Which is that Storgi enables you to widen your horizons.
It enables you to not only get along with, but begin to see the virtues of people that you would not have chosen.
I think of this often since I first read this many years ago in this book, and I thought to myself, yeah, I mean, when I think about people that I grew up with, when I think about some of the characters that live down our street, When I think about my brother, my brother's named Shashi, he's a great guy.
But he's very different from me in many respects.
And if I were simply, you know, in a group and I was introduced to him, I would think, oh wow, well that's not a guy I would normally have chosen because I wouldn't have thought of him as somebody kind of compatible with my way of thinking, my personality, and yet he's my brother.
So I've grown up with him and over time began to realize, oh my gosh, Look at this guy.
How amazing it is that he does this, and how interesting it is that he thinks that.
And so what happens, and this is what Lewis is talking about, he goes,"...we are learning to appreciate goodness or intelligence in themselves, and not merely goodness or intelligence that is flavored to our purpose." So, what is Lewis saying here?
He's saying that because we are all a certain way, we have a natural appreciation for people who are that way.
And so, for example, I'm a chess player.
Okay, you play chess. Oh, wow.
Well, we have this in common.
Chess is the greatest game ever invented.
Well, I think so. But now I meet another guy and he has a completely different interest.
But he happens to live across the street.
And so we start talking about stuff and pretty soon I realized, oh wow, even though I knew nothing about that, I now find it interesting.
He's made it interesting for me in part because of his own sort of passion about the subject.
And so what Lewis is getting at is that Storgi is mind-broadening.
It broadens the mind, and that's why he calls it the most Catholic.
Catholic here in the sense of small c.
Catholic in its meaning is universal.
So he's not talking about Catholicism.
He's talking about it's the most universal of all the loves.
He goes, affection teaches us first to notice, meaning notice something different.
Second, to endure.
It's like, oh, this is not really me, but I'll put up with it.
Then to smile at, which is to say, okay, well, this is kind of interesting.
And then finally to enjoy and to appreciate people who, quote, happen to be there.
So, affection, Lewis continues, he says, is humble.
It gives itself no airs.
He said, it's not puffed up.
Now, notice that what Lewis is doing here in a very subtle way is he's invoking biblical language.
He says, affection can love the unattractive, which, by the way, Seems to be kind of a divine quality.
God loves everyone, including people who have nothing very lovable about them.
Affection doesn't expect too much.
It turns a blind eye to faults.
Because think about it, when you have a mom who's always late, or you have a brother who's congenitally a little bit lazy, or you have a neighbor who's always grumpy, After a while, you're like, well, that's how they are. You don't expect any different because that's built into their personality.
It's even kind of amusing.
It's certainly not something that gets you all bent out of shape because you saw it yesterday and the day before and the year before.
So here is Storgi and it appears to have this kind of divine quality of being able to patiently endure and bear all things.
In a way, it's almost like a humble sanctity.
And he says, if we keep going on like this, we might think that domestic affection is like the greatest thing in the world.
Storgi is the finest of all the loves because it doesn't take a beautiful woman to bring it out.
Anybody will do. You don't even need to have a friendship where you've got things in common.
Oh, we both like to do the same things.
We have the same values. You don't have the same values.
But still, so Storgi in this sense appears to be almost something that only God is capable of.
And yet, and here is where the chapter kind of turns, Lewis says this is not the case.
Storgi does not have this kind of moral superiority.
Why? Because there is in fact a little noticed, although when things erupt, Very well noticed.
Downside to Storgi.
And this is Lewis' technique in the whole book.
He extols a virtue.
He extols a type of love.
He describes it kind of at its best.
And then he goes, but.
It's always a big but. And the but is, but look at the other side of it.
And we're going to talk about that tomorrow.
The downside of Storgi, the reason why Storgi, like all the loves in Lewis's view, has to be kind of kept in its place.
And in the end, he will go on to argue, has to be, you may say, blended, irrigated, improved...
By agape.
Agape becomes the superior of the four loves because it allows the other loves to reach their full perfection.
Without agape, the other loves, for all their beauty and all their power and all the happiness that they deliver us, these loves are in and of themselves incomplete.
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