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Aug. 14, 2023 - Dinesh D'Souza
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HIDE THE BALL Dinesh D’Souza Podcast Ep642
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Coming up, I'll expose how Attorney General Merrick Garland is covering up Joe Biden's crimes by appointing an in-house special counsel to stymie to block the House GOP investigation.
I'll examine an in-depth interview with Hungarian leader Viktor Orban.
Thank you.
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This is the Dinesh D'Souza Show.
♪♪♪ America needs this voice.
The times are crazy and a time of confusion, division, and lies.
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The Attorney General Merrick Garland has appointed U.S. Attorney David Weiss, this is the U.S. Attorney in Delaware, as a special counsel in the Hunter Biden criminal investigation.
Now, for people who don't know what's going on or people who are born yesterday, This is a spectacular move.
It shows that the Biden DOJ is finally paying attention.
They've realized this has escalated and become quite serious.
It involves not just Hunter Biden, but the whole Biden family, including Joe Biden.
So we need a criminal, we need a special counsel to push the investigation forward.
But that is not, and I emphasize not, what is going on.
What is going on is in fact the exact opposite.
Let's begin with this guy, David Weiss.
Now David Weiss, as you know, is the guy who worked out this sweetheart special deal with Hunter Biden.
And normally when there's a deal that's worked out, you have two adversary sides.
You have the criminal, the bad guy, and his attorneys, and then you've got the US government, and they are arguing over what is an acceptable plea deal, with the government pushing for more, the criminal defendant pushing for less, but in this case that's not happening.
What's happening is they're working together.
It's sort of like, let's get together and figure out how we can impose the minimum amount of punishment on Hunter Biden so that it seems like we're doing something about all this.
At the same time, how do we fully insulate Joe Biden?
At the same time, how do we prevent Hunter from getting slapped with other and future charges?
So let's sort of cut off.
Let's make a deal that will close off future charges against Hunter Biden.
So David Weiss, in this sense, is a tool of the state.
He is, in a sense, an extension of the DOJ. And it's no surprise.
He's the U.S. attorney in Delaware.
He comes under the Biden DOJ. So the rules governing special counsels say that when you appoint a special counsel, you should appoint somebody who is outside the government.
And this, of course, makes sense because the basic idea is you want someone who is impartial, someone who is not...
Subject to being easily swayed by the DOJ. But if you appoint a federal employee, somebody who's already under the DOJ, this is like essentially Merrick Garland saying, I'm taking over.
It's my guy who's going to be running this whole thing, and that is actually what's going on.
Now, what are the benefits to the Biden administration of doing this?
Well, the benefits are...
That right away, this special counsel, Weiss, is now not prohibited from, but can get out of testifying before Congress.
Why? Because he says, hey, listen, I'm the special counsel.
I'm in the middle of an investigation.
I can't talk about my investigation while it's still ongoing.
So the, quote, ongoing nature of the investigation insulates him from the obligation to testify.
Second of all, because it's an ongoing investigation, it can be like the Durham investigation or worse.
It's always ongoing.
Nothing really ever happens.
Oh, we're looking into this. We're looking into that.
We're subpoenaing this guy.
We're getting a deposition over here.
And on and on it goes until Joe Biden runs out his term and the whole thing becomes moot or the statute of limitations on some of these crimes expires.
And so, this is an effort to slow walk the investigation.
Let's remember that this David Weiss guy is a slippery character, and it seemed at the beginning that he was, okay, so he's the U.S. Attorney for Delaware, and he complains to his associates, I can only bring charges in Delaware.
I can't bring charges in D.C. Merrick Garland goes, oh, no, no, no, he can bring charges anywhere, because he has, in effect, the power of a special counsel.
But think about this.
If he had, in effect, the power of a special counsel, why would it be necessary to name him as a special counsel now?
He obviously couldn't have had that kind of power.
So this is the way in which people who are doing a kind of tap dance together, pretending to be objective, pretending to be looking into the facts, but actually working in cahoots with each other, And so, this is a cover-up.
It's part of the Biden DOJ cover-up of Biden's crimes.
And when the Hunter Biden plea deal fell apart, that's because an outside judge looked at it, and she goes, this really stinks.
I mean, I smell a rat.
You have a prosecution agreement with Hunter Biden.
He's insulated from future, from being charged with future crimes.
I'm not going to take this deal.
And now... They're going to the judge and saying, listen, even the things we agreed upon, the criminal charges that Hunter Biden is facing in Delaware, we want to start fresh.
We want to begin with a clean slate.
So let's get rid of those charges.
We're going to start again.
So think about it. The only charges that Hunter Biden is actually facing, which are misdemeanor charges involving taxes or tax avoidance, the Biden DOJ wants even those to go away.
Now, fortunately, the Republican House is totally on top of this.
They are not fooled. Republicans generally are easily fooled by this kind of thing.
And it may be that Mitch McConnell and a couple of guys in the Senate are fooled.
But in the House, they are fully aware that there's an effort here to dodge, to avoid, to duck the investigation into the Bidens.
And I think this should strengthen the resolve and the determination of House members for this investigation to push forward.
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I want to talk about the philosophy, but also the statesmanship and the actions of Viktor Orban.
He's the Prime Minister of Hungary.
He has made Hungary maybe the most controversial country in Europe.
Arguably one of the most controversial countries in the world.
Controversial, why?
Well, because it is out of step with the kind of European consensus.
It is out of step with the World Economic Forum.
It is out of step with the EU. And yet there it is, Hungary, a distinctive and important country in Europe, small country.
It's got, what, 10 million citizens.
And yet what's going on in Hungary is a sort of social, cultural, political revolution, one that's interesting in and of itself, but it's also interesting to us.
We can learn a lot from it.
Now, when you look at the press today, they're down on Hungary.
And that right there is a clue that Hungary is doing something right.
So we keep hearing about the death of democracy, the rise of autocracy, illiberalism is on the march.
Hungary offers a glimpse of our authoritarian future.
And we have to look at the so-called authoritarianism to realize that what they're talking about is the triumph of conservatism.
This is really what's freaking out the left.
There's nothing authoritarian about what's going on in Hungary.
It's just criticism. Crushing the left, that's what's going on, and that's what's freaking out the mainstream media.
Let's think about it. Viktor Orban was elected in Hungary.
Initially, he was kind of ineffective, but, and he was voted out.
And then after a hiatus, he realized what was going on, and he came back with a vengeance.
He won a decisive majority.
He's now been in office for a considerable amount of time.
And the most important thing is he is remaking Hungary, the remaking of Hungary.
Now, the remaking in this case is inevitable.
And I say inevitable because Hungary was for a long time under communism.
So somebody was going to remake Hungary one way or the other.
It's going to be a post-communist society.
And the people who started remaking Hungary was, of course, the old regime that ran the country because they were in charge of all the institutions.
So even though communism collapsed, what they did was they set up essentially a system tilted to the left, That favored them, favored these elites.
And they decided, hey, listen, let's go make friends with the elites in France and Germany.
And let's, by and large, make Hungary an extension of this larger European consensus.
And this is the way that we, the old autocrats, now survive and extend our power.
So these are the people that Viktor Orban opposes.
Viktor Orban was a dissident against communism.
And he decided, listen, communism is over.
That's a very good thing.
But a lot of bad guys from the old regime and a lot of newly minted leftists who have come out of these institutions, educational institutions, created also by the regime, these are the people who are running Hungary.
These are the people that we have to challenge.
And these are the people that he set out to challenge.
And the governing philosophy of Viktor Orban has been, let's call it, using the state to promote conservative principles.
And so this is a, many years ago, when George Will wrote a book called, Statecraft is Soulcraft.
And while the title seems a little exaggerated and almost comical, you know, is the state going to be in charge of your soul?
But I think what Will was getting at was something more mundane.
Statecraft molds the habits of people.
It shapes their mores, their values, as we say these days.
And so it is soulcraft to the degree that it shapes your character.
We can't deny this both in a positive or in a negative sense.
I mean, think, for example, of the way that the welfare state has demeaned and depreciated the character of the inhabitants of inner cities.
It's made them more dependent but also okay with the dependency.
It has allowed intolerable levels of crime to become tolerable.
So all of this is statecraft of the worst kind, statecraft by the left, producing destructive results.
So, Viktor Orban said, all right, the left is doing statecraft.
We're going to do statecraft, but in the opposite direction.
But this takes a very cunning and, I would say, long-term building or rebuilding of society.
Now, Viktor Orban says that I began my cultural transformation by recognizing that Hungarians live in a very uncertain world.
They live in a world where they're a small country.
They've been threatened or conquered by all kinds of other groups, the Mongols, the Turks, the Austrians, the Russians, the Germans.
Everybody has kind of come visiting and stayed and sometimes established these...
Dictatorial regimes put the Hungarians under their yoke.
So the Hungarians don't think in terms of luxury.
They think, you know, we are a society that is encircled.
We are a society that needs to have a fixed point that will help us to stand up against all the threats we face.
And what is that fixed point?
Well, Viktor Orban says that fixed point is threefold.
It It is nationalism or an attachment to the country, and it's an attachment to family.
So God, family, country.
Guess what?
This sounds very much like a kind of MAGA, or Make Hungary Great Again principle, and that is exactly why Victor Orban is a fan of one Donald J. Trump.
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Viktor Orban came, well, returned to office in Hungary, and he realized, you know, I was in office before, but I really wasn't in power.
I didn't have the ability to shape this society.
And he decided that what I need to do is to build.
And this is where I think we can learn a great deal from what's happened in Hungary and from this man.
We need to build an entire network of counter institutions that can take on the institutions of the left.
So once the left gets a certain degree of control over certain institutions, you can't get them back.
Think about America.
Is it possible to take back the New York Times?
Can we take back Yale?
Can we take back National Public Radio?
Well, to a degree, we can defund National Public Radio.
But Viktor Orban's point is, use the power that you have To build institutions and don't hesitate once you get elected to use the power of the government to promote conservative ends.
So how did he do this in Hungary?
Well, first of all, he won with a decisive majority.
This is very important because he had enough of a power to write a new constitution.
Where the Constitution now declares Hungary to be a Christian nation.
There it is. He also was able to reduce the number of parliamentary seats in a way that benefited his party.
He enacted a 16% flat tax on personal income.
He also had a strict immigration policy in which Hungary takes a very small number of legal immigrants and blocks illegal immigrants from coming into Hungary.
So, Viktor Orban's point is, I want to not only have institutions, On my side, I want to create a conservative elite.
Now, this is a bad word here in America, the elite, where we are against elitism.
Well, we do need elites, not elitists, because an elitist is someone posing as an elite.
Elitism is a kind of pomposity.
But being an elite means we have a specialized intelligentsia that we need to run certain institutions.
Think, for example, about the courts.
If conservatives control the courts, don't we need an elite cadre of lawyers and trained advocates and judges?
What would you call somebody like Samuel Alito, if not an elite?
He had an elite education.
He went through elite institutions.
He was part of the judiciary.
He thus became eligible for the court.
He was appointed to the court.
This is Viktor Orban's point.
We need this in education.
We need this in the judiciary.
We need this in media.
The starting point for Viktor Orban, education.
And education was infused with communist ideology.
And so Viktor Orban said, listen, we need to start encouraging church-run schools.
And so he began to have government fund those schools.
Now again, we're tempted to say, well, the government can't really do that.
Separation of church and state.
No. Separation of church and state is a shibboleth.
It is a device that was...
It's a misinterpretation of the idea that the founders didn't want a national church.
There's nothing to say that the U.S. government can't fund, after all, it funds public schools, it funds left-wing education.
Why can't it fund more conservative education?
So that's what Viktor Orban did in Hungary.
Church-run schools have increased from about 5% of the schools to now like 30% of the schools.
The other thing Viktor Orban did is he took universities that were run by the state.
Remember, under communism, almost everything was run by the state.
And he converted these state-run universities into private institutions with private endowments, sometimes endowments provided by the government, but now they were detached from the state.
And what he did is he moved conservative stalwarts, conservative...
Businessmen, conservative, well-established figures in society.
established figures from letters, from media, from religion, from the clergy, from education, as well as from government. He made those guys trustees of these private foundations now running these universities. And he said the universities need to have a national sense of purpose, but that purpose can be driven at the private level with private organizations, in a sense, setting their own policies. So what he did really was
create a parallel education system. And it turns out both at the school level as well as at the university level. And he went beyond that.
He also decided, listen, let's create a training program for, in a sense, the most intelligent members of Hungarian society, the best students.
And so he created something called...
The colloquium.
A colloquium is a kind of educational training system in which you take the best students in school, the best students in college.
What do you do? You bring them all together into a series of seminars and meetings, and the idea is to train them in the exact principles of conservative philosophy.
But not just theoretical principles.
You're not just going to learn, for example, about conservative luminaries or Socrates.
You do learn history and you do learn statesmanship, but the goal is for these people to be trained to run their country.
And they're going to be trained in a way That they are anchored in the three things that Viktor Orban consider as important and that most Hungarians consider important.
They're anchored in God.
They're anchored in family.
They're anchored in country.
So this is, if you will, the three pillars of the colloquium system.
And the colloquium system then trains all these young people, these promising young people.
And guess what? Once they're ready for jobs, The colloquium system places them into strategically important positions in society.
Yeah, you go off to the media.
You go off to higher education where you become a teacher or a professor.
You go off to government.
You become a diplomat.
So you can see here a self-conscious project.
of training talent that is coming from your side to run not only the government, but to shape the institutions of Hungarian society.
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Feel the difference. I'm continuing my discussion of the cultural revolution of Viktor Orban in Hungary, not just because it's interesting in its own right, but there's a lot of lessons that we can learn from it.
Viktor Orban decided I'm going to take on the media.
The media is left-wing, so what I need to do is I need to build and encourage conservative media.
And I'm not going to hesitate to use the institutions of government to support think tanks, to support media research, to, in other words, build my media.
And this is the point that, again, as conservatives, we often hesitate to do.
And that is to think of the way that the left has done this in this country.
Why do you think that PBS is an extension of the left?
That's government-funded media.
The left doesn't hesitate to say, we have media, we have public broadcasting.
Let's twist it.
Let's move it to our end.
Same with national public radio.
And in Hungary now, there is a conservative media to counter the liberal media.
So each of the sides is 50%.
In fact, the media in Hungary is more diverse than maybe anywhere else in the world.
You go to England, it's homogeneity of opinion with small exceptions.
You go to France and Germany, the same.
here in the United States, 95% of the mainstream media, completely left-wing. And so, when the left, and we often read articles, you know, in places here in this country about the media in Hungary is, you know, they're against press freedom because Viktor Orban is supporting a think tank that's involved in creating its own media. Turns out that the media is far more diverse in Hungary.
It's far more balanced.
You actually get different points of view.
If you want to know what the conservatives are thinking, you don't have to go to some obscure site.
You don't have to seek it out. There it is.
It's on television in your living room.
There it is. It's online.
Newspapers are promoting conservative ideas no less than liberal ideas.
So... So, the balanced media is what our left-wing media here hates.
And that's why they call it autocratic.
It's an attack on press freedom.
The truth of it is it's the opposite.
Hungary actually has a balanced press.
The other thing that Victor Orban has promoted, and this is really not Orban himself, but it's a guy under him, a fellow who has taken on this project, architectural renewal.
Now again, if you talk typically to conservative politicians, Republicans in America, they don't even think like this.
They don't think, what does architecture have to do with anything?
But for Viktor Orban, conservatism is not just about money, it's not just about foreign policy, it's also about beauty.
And so you had in Hungary a lot of old monuments, old castles, old historical buildings.
And think of it. Here, when you have a George Floyd incident, people go, they start raiding these monuments and pulling them down.
In Hungary, they've been undertaking a project of restoring and rebuilding historic Hungary.
Why? So people, when you learn history, it's not just abstract.
Oh, this is what happened in 1289.
No. You're walking in the middle of history.
History is all around you.
History is unavoidable.
By the way, Hungary is not the only country where this goes on.
Italy is like that. You walk around Italy.
It's, first of all, dotted with hundreds and hundreds of churches.
You have monuments and fountains and beautiful edifices.
And there's Michelangelo.
And here is Leonardo da Vinci's Moses.
And so you can't avoid history.
History encompasses daily life in Italian society.
And Orban is like, let's have that in Hungary.
Let people walk in the world that their ancestors created.
And so there's a network, again, of corporations and foundations and non-profits and supported by the state to rebuild Hungary, to keep Hungary, if you will.
So the state under Orban has supported networks of foundations, research centers, magazines, publishing houses, museums, even productions of plays and theaters and so on.
And all of this is done democratically.
This is really what freaks the left out, is they keep saying it's so autocratic, it's so authoritarian, but no.
It's not authoritarian.
This is a democratic society.
Orban is re-elected with decisive majorities.
He's got the majority on his side.
They pass bills that authorize funding for these purposes.
So what is undemocratic about a leader who's actually reflecting the will of his own countrymen, or at least of a decisive majority of them?
So, Viktor Orban then is a conservative of a special kind.
He's not a libertarian.
He believes that, listen, if there's going to be a state, as there is, and if there's going to be a pretty large state, and when states become larger and larger, it's very hard to make them go away.
Even Reagan, who tried very much to kind of pull back the welfare state, was able to redirect it to some degree, but not fundamentally to cut it, not fundamentally to slash it.
Now, that's a problem in and of its own, because if you could figure out a way to do that, that would be a good thing to do.
But Viktor Orbit is a realist.
He's like, listen, we have a state in Hungary.
It's pretty big. So guess what?
Let's steer it to conservative ends.
Let's not hesitate to use the power that we have.
The left uses it when they come into power.
We need to do the same thing.
So all of these, I think, are signs that Hungary has created a conservative society, not just a conservative government.
Very often we think, oh, we win the presidency, there we are, we've done it.
No, you want a conservative government, but you also want backing it up, an institutional conservatism that permeates society as a whole.
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Guys, I'd like to welcome to the podcast, a new guest, Teresa Mull.
She's an assistant editor of The Spectator World.
She's also a policy advisor for the Heartland Institute.
And she is the author of Woke Proof Your Life.
I like the title, Woke Proof Your Life.
The website, by the way, The American Front Porch.
Teresa, welcome.
Thanks for joining me.
Let's talk about this woke phenomenon and how it has taken over our institutions and kind of invaded our life from our education system.
It seems like the corporate sector has gotten behind it.
Government is pushing it.
It seems so dominant in a way.
And although it is political, it's a little detached from politics in the sense that it's being pushed by all kinds of people institutionally, non-profits and so on.
So many of us feel a little, I won't say defenseless against it, but a little baffled about what to do about it.
Is that why you decided, listen, I gotta write a book about this to let people know how they can fight back?
Absolutely, yes. I myself personally, I tell the story in the book, I bought my favorite shampoo and I looked down and there was a rainbow flag on it.
And I thought, oh my goodness, where does this end?
You know, I think a lot of people feel that way.
And you look at the list of institutions that are adopting all of these woke, We're good to go.
The woke movement.
And it's very well-funded.
There's no mistake about that.
You know, these huge corporations, these government entities, but you see what happened with Bud Light, with Target, with the Dodger Stadium fiasco.
People are fed up and they're willing to adopt an alternative lifestyle.
And I have found that living somewhere that's less woke, I personally live in central Pennsylvania, where the woke poison hasn't really taken hold.
You know, it's It's pretty hard to avoid whenever you are buying products from the woke world, so to speak.
But it is possible to live an alternative lifestyle and to build up a life that does not promote and certainly does not financially help the woke movement succeed.
And that's why I wrote this book because I know so many people are fed up with it.
I know so many people think like you and I do.
And there is a way.
It's not that difficult, though it does seem really hard at times.
It's certainly not impossible.
And I explain that in the book because it can be done and it better be done before it's too late.
What... We're good to go.
Why would they do this?
In other words, if they put on a rainbow flag or a trans symbol, surely there are going to be at least some people who go, I don't really like that.
And so the company would seem to be doing something that kind of goes against the free market principles.
I mean, the libertarian philosophy I was influenced by in the 80s, They'd say, well, listen, companies won't do this because it cuts against their bottom line.
The company is responsible to shareholders.
This makes no sense.
What do you think is going through the minds of the people who put that rainbow flag on the shampoo bottle?
Do they think, we don't care, we're happy to lose some customers, or everybody's on board with gay ideology?
What is their motive?
Yeah, I think until recently, until the big Bud Light moment, a lot of companies did think that they would appeal to people that way because that's something that makes the woke movement so powerful is that they dress up their sinister schemes in these sort of smokescreen, feel-good, sound-good initiatives.
I define the You know, veiled in noble goals, things like diversity, equity, inclusion.
Those are all positive things whenever you look at them, you know, as they truly are in their true definition.
But those, as I said, are just smoke screens.
The LGBT movement is very destructive for people, for families.
But you look at the way they dress it up.
It has a rainbow flag. Who doesn't love rainbows?
It's cheerful. It's colorful.
They have these really fun parades.
They also have like three times the rate of depression.
You look at the trans movement, like something like six times the rate of depression.
The mental health crisis is just incredibly sad within the LGBT movement.
But if you're not looking at those things, if you're just taking them at face value, yeah.
I'd like to buy something with a rainbow.
Of course, love is love.
But of course, we know that there's much more to it than that and that it's really a truly evil agenda.
But yes, I think to answer your question that these companies, whenever they put these sort of phrases on there, I don't even know if they themselves are really looking at what they're saying.
They're just like, oh, this is how we get funding or this is how we appear to be inclusive or we look like we're in vogue or we're doing the cool trendy thing.
To fit in and that appeals to people until they see what the real motives are.
And we see that with the drag queen story hours, you know, these sort of woke agenda has been going on for a long time.
But I feel like with the wokeness, it really has taken off the mask and people really see they...
Jean-Pierre, the press secretary, literally said, we're coming for your children.
And now people are waking up to what this wokeness really is, and they're pushing back.
Let's take a pause. When we come back more with Teresa Maldi, a book is called Woke Proof Your Life.
The website, theamericanfrontporch.com.
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I'm back with Teresa Mull.
She's the author of Woke Proof Your Life, her website, theamericanfrontporch.com.
Teresa, all right, so here I am and I say, all right, I want to Woke Proof My Life.
But here's my problem.
If there was a shampoo company that has the rainbow flag, and there's another shampoo company that doesn't, I go, okay, maybe I'll get that shampoo.
However, what happens when you find that all the shampoo companies, or all the banks...
Are kind of doing the same thing.
Is my recourse at that point to look for the company that's maybe the least woke?
In other words, there's bad and then there's worse?
Or do we ultimately, this may take time, need to create our own institutions so that we have alternatives available to us?
Yeah, I would say the latter.
And I would...
Let your viewers and listeners know that we're not to that point yet.
We see a great success of, for instance, the Public Square app, which is letting consumers who want to buy from companies that are in line with their values that there are options.
I would say for every woke institution and corporation, there is one that is not woke and that is at least neutral.
So we're not to that point yet, I would say.
I'd also advise people to speak out whenever they see wokeness.
If you're boycotting something, that's all well and good, but there's not much use in doing it if they don't know why.
And so sometimes I would say also you do have to do without, you know, if it's not, I would say that, you know, if there's something that maybe you don't really need, we live in a very rich society, of course, and there's plenty of cool stuff to be had.
And I think we've kind of fallen into this conversation.
Great consumeristic kind of attitude and mindset where we just kind of buy things and don't really think much about it.
But now that wokeness is rearing its ugly head, that you do have to be more of a conscientious consumer.
And sometimes you do have to do things yourself, make things yourself or find an alternative.
And I have a big section in the book about how to do that and how rewarding it can be.
I'm a big proponent of people having gardens and all of the not just nutritional benefits that come from that, but that's something simple that you can do that gets you outside.
It gets you away from the woke propaganda that is so prevalent on your screens and all around you.
So spending time in nature, doing something like that, building your self-sufficiency is a way that you can avoid coercion.
You can repurpose something.
You can go to an antique store.
I would say that there's always an alternative to wokeness.
You just might have to be a little more creative in how you go about finding it.
But as I said, you know, there's great reward in that.
And you will likely come across other like-minded people and build a network in a community that's really strong that way whenever you're pursuing non-woke alternatives.
Well, I mean, I think the key here is for people to realize that this woke stuff is poison.
I think that was your word, because that means that when you're putting money into these products and these companies, you're encouraging something that is truly bad for you.
For society, bad for our kids, a very destructive ideology.
And so I think once that really sinks in on people, they will look for alternatives because otherwise they're going to think sort of like this.
Well, okay, I can shop at Amazon.
Now, there might be a website, a conservative alternative, but obviously it's new.
It's not going to function as well as Amazon.
Amazon's been at this now for decades.
They've got robot-run warehouses they can deliver to your house sometimes the same day.
So, in that sense, the left has created institutions that work very efficiently.
And so, there would seem to be, at least at the beginning, a price.
Yeah, I can buy my book somewhere else, but it's going to maybe take me a week to get the book that I want.
And what you're saying is that's okay.
People should come to terms with the fact that, listen, this inconvenience to you is worth it because otherwise the alternative is you're bankrolling something that is the very destruction of our society.
Absolutely. And I ask people to think about what is the purpose of your life?
That's something that I think so many people have lost sight of.
Whenever you're on your deathbed, are you going to be saying, oh man, I'm so glad I got all this really cool, cheap stuff from Amazon and it arrived the same day?
Are you going to be looking back and saying, what kind of life did I leave for my family?
What kind of society...
Did I help to promote?
And yes, you might have to wait a couple extra days, but maybe you could head down to the local hardware store, you know, get dressed, go have a conversation, make a new friend, learn something new about the world and interact with someone, give somebody in your own hometown who you see every day a job, you know. We're missing out on so much of that because we, understandably, but we crave convenience so much and comfort.
And we don't want to have to go drive a couple miles down the road.
We don't want to have to go outside.
We don't want to have to do all this stuff. But at the end of the day, as you said, is it really worth it to bankroll a company that hates you, that is ultimately destroying the society that you love and the country that you love?
Just so that you could save a few bucks and maybe get something a couple of days sooner.
You know, we 10 or 20 years ago, you know, we lived the way that I'm describing in Wookproof and everybody was fine and actually happier.
You know, our anxiety and depression has skyrocketed since then.
So as nice as Amazon can be, it's really not in the long term really benefiting us.
Teresa, this is really good stuff.
Guys, you need to check out the book.
It's Woke Proof Your Life.
The author, Teresa Mull.
Her website, theamericanfrontporch.com.
Teresa, thanks so much for joining me.
It was a pleasure. Thank you.
I want to talk about a song that is being promoted by the leaders of the ANC, the African National Congress in South Africa.
And the song is rather chillingly titled, Kill the Boer.
Kill the Boer. B-O-E-R. Now, the Boers are the Dutch settlers who Who, well over a century ago, in fact, more like a century and a half to two centuries ago, did a migration from Holland to South Africa.
And they were initially vying with the British for control of South Africa.
The British, in fact, had the majority of the control.
If you've ever seen the film Breka Morant, which is set around 1901, It's about the Boer War.
The Boer War was essentially a fight for control between the Dutch and the British.
The British being the newcomers to South Africa and the Dutch having been there a long time.
Then the Dutch established this apartheid system.
It's a Dutch word which means apartness or separation.
Essentially it was South Africa's own version of segregation.
The difference between South Africa and America is that in America the whites who did the segregating were the majority.
This was certainly true in the American South.
But in South Africa the opposite.
The whites who did the segregating were the minority.
And this is where In a sense, things were always ripe for a revolution, an overthrow of apartheid.
Now, fortunately, the overthrow of apartheid, when it came, was peaceful.
And it was led by one Nelson Mandela.
And Mandela was basically a guy who believed in reconciliation.
He believed that, look, this is a prosperous society set up by the whites, but it's prosperous only for the whites.
It needs to be prosperous for everybody.
And so Mandela's goals were to that degree noble, I suppose you'd say.
However, here's the problem.
Mandela was a socialist.
And being a socialist, he had no idea how to create that prosperity, how to keep it going so that you could then extend it to everybody else.
And so what happened is South Africa essentially has been subsisting on the wealth created by the whites.
And not to mention the fact that South Africa is also mineral rich.
It's got access to diamonds and other precious stones.
And so you do have the diamond wealth of South Africa, but the politics of South Africa ever since the end of apartheid in the 1990s have become increasingly volatile.
Basically, the blacks have turned against the whites.
And so you've had over many years, incidents of escalating attacks on white farmers, attacks on white citizens, and even the liberal whites have become, by liberal whites, I mean these are the whites who fought for the overthrow of apartheid.
They believed in the multiracial society, and now they're realizing that the blacks, or at least the leadership of the African National Congress, which has essentially run South Africa all the way back for the past 30 years, they don't really believe in it anymore.
Hence the song, Kill the Boar, which has become a kind of a defiant anthem.
Now, there are two ways to look at the song.
I mean, if you read the wording of the song, it just sounds like a recipe for murder.
Just go find the boar, find the white guys, kill them, and take their land, take their cars, take their stuff.
But the leadership of the ANC says, no, no, no, no, no.
This is a protest song that emerged out of the revolutionary struggle.
And it sort of has a—it cannot be read literally.
We're not calling for—at one point, one of the leaders of the African National Congress was asked, are you calling for the boar to be killed?
Are you calling for the extermination of the white man?
He goes, well, we're not calling for the extermination of whites just yet.
I mean, that alone kind of gets your attention because it obviously carries the implication, well, we could do that in the future.
We're not there yet.
We might be just at the confiscation stage.
I mean, think about it. This is sort of like, you know, asking Hitler circa 1936 or 1937, are you calling for a holocaust?
Oh, no, no, we're not calling for a holocaust yet.
I mean, at this point, we're just kind of...
We have the Nuremberg Laws.
We're working on basically getting them to wear the Star of David.
We segregate them.
We're trying to burn their shops.
But we're not really for gas chambers just yet.
So, now, what makes this whole thing, I think, so disturbing is that South Africa is a kind of nation where the whites have become pariahs, not just in the country, but in the world.
Think about it.
Who's speaking up for them?
Where are the articles talking about their plight?
Every other group, in fact, so many of the so-called victim groups, have very powerful allies.
Even the civil rights movement here in America, you had blacks were a minority, but Martin Luther King had very powerful allies.
The allies mainly came from the north, from the northern states.
But think, for example, of all the people who went from the northern states.
They went south to march, to ride the buses, the so-called freedom rides of the 1960s.
But it seems that a lot of people worldwide are averting their gaze from South Africa.
They realize that things are getting really bad today.
In fact, the only people who have taken any action is I saw a rather interesting article that Vladimir Putin, of all people, is creating a kind of special village in Russia for whites in South Africa to move to.
So it's almost like Putin is saying, listen, you know, we keep hearing about sanctuary cities, but nobody has a sanctuary city for the white South Africans who may find the future unlivable in their own countries.
So guess what? I'll take some of them here in Russia.
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