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Coming up, the left likes to ask, what do you mean by wokeness?
And so I'm happy to provide a definition.
I'll tell you not just what I mean by it, but what they mean by it.
Debbie joins me. We're going to talk about our new movie update.
going to bat for the Bidens, a second Trump indictment, and why Fox News is so scared of Tucker's new ventures.
Hey, if you're watching on Rumble or listening on Apple, Google, or Spotify, please subscribe to the podcast.
I'd appreciate it.
This is the Dinesh D'Souza Show.
♪♪ America needs this voice.
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I was reading an article this morning about an NBA player who has decided to create his own anti-woke brand of clothing, of apparel.
So this is the Orlando Magic star named Jonathan Isaac This guy seems to be both a Christian and a conservative.
And he talks about the fact that this woke ideology in all its forms is penetrating throughout the culture.
He says that Christian values are under attack.
I'm now quoting him from Twitter.
You have companies that are in the field that have made a conscious decision to attack or undermine Christian values, conservative values.
And he says, and I think they have the free choice to do so, as much as I disagree, but I feel we also have the freedom to create what we want to create.
So this guy is actually creating his own retail brand.
As he puts it, retail brands have the freedom to go woke.
We have the freedom to create an alternative.
And his brand is called UNITUS, U-N-I-T-U-S. And it apparently is going to be launched in August, so in a couple of months.
And this Jonathan Isaac guy is a brave guy.
And I say that because when the NBA players were all taking a knee for the national anthem, this guy goes, I'm not doing it.
I'm going to stand. While his teammates were all wearing the BLM shirt, this guy goes, I'm not doing it because that shirt to me doesn't go hand in hand with supporting Black Lives.
So he supports the concept that Black Lives Matter, but he doesn't support the group called Black Lives Matter.
And then Jonathan Isaac apparently wrote a book, Why I Stand, which was published in May of last year.
Now, whenever these sorts of things appear, and by the way, I certainly approve of this notion of conservatives and Christians creating our own brands.
I'm obviously doing it in certain fields, like movies, but it's good to do it in terms of Apparel, shoes, comedy, lots of areas where we are not merely critics of the culture, not just dissectors and exposers of woke culture, but we are providing a solution to it, an alternative to it.
Ultimately, as I mentioned on the podcast, this may involve us creating the whole ensemble of institutions so that we are living in our America, inside of America, and our America will be distinctly anti-woke.
Now, whenever you use these phrases in media or on social media, you inevitably have people who say, No, define woke.
What do you mean by woke?
And from the left's point of view, woke is nothing more than an epithet invented by the right to bash a series of things that seem to be manifestly good.
All we're trying to do is promote diversity.
All we're trying to do is to get people to be respected.
All we're trying to do is to allow people autonomy to live their own lives.
All we're trying to do in the schools is to get people to learn about slavery, to learn about segregation, to learn about diverse lifestyles, to learn about sexual identity.
And the point I want to make is, no, stop lying.
That's not what you're all about.
This is not, you are not merely trying to teach people about things.
Our argument and our dispute, and in fact the very meaning of the word woke, has not to do with the topics that you're covering, but the way in which they are being covered.
And so I thought I would throw some light on this subject in this segment and in the next by saying, Talking about the way in which woke ideology takes a controversial position on a given issue and then pretends like your critique of their position is a critique of teaching about the issue at all.
I'm going to use the example...
of slavery, but then also of sexual identity.
So take a topic like reparations.
From the woke point of view, slavery was a horrible evil, and therefore blacks deserve reparations.
But the key point here is the words, and therefore they deserve reparations, because remember, the reparations are not being paid to the slaves.
See, if I was walking on the street and a truck came on the sidewalk and ran over my foot, then my demand for reparations, hey, listen, you broke my foot, I can't go to work, I have medical expenses, I have pain and hardship, I'm losing income, that would be a bit of a no-brainer.
You wouldn't need to make a complex argument for why the truck driver who committed the offense would owe me.
But let's say, for example, that my son or daughter or grandson or great-grandson goes to the great-grandson of the truck driver and says, hey, listen, I've heard about this incident that occurred 30 years ago or 50 years ago or 150 years ago.
Now you pay me.
Now you who haven't wronged me in any way, nevertheless inherit the offenses of your forefathers.
And not to mention the fact that with reparations, we don't make any distinctions.
No one is showing that the whites who have to pay were actually descendants of slave owners.
No one is showing that the blacks who received reparations were actually descended from slaves.
They could have come from the Caribbean later, they could be later immigrants who happened to be black, or they could have been part of the free black population that never was enslaved from the very beginning of the country's history. So, you can see here how reparations is controversial but somehow teaching about reparations, which is controversial, and advocacy of reparations is equated with nothing more than teaching about slavery.
And that's how the woke lie creeps in.
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I'm talking about the way in which the woke activists, first of all, pretend like there's nothing distinctive about their own ideology.
There's nothing controversial about it.
They are merely teaching about facts, facts like slavery, facts like segregation.
Well, let me ask you this.
They teach the fact that there were, between 1820 and 1860, over 3,000 black slave owners in America.
They don't teach that. I've never seen that taught in schools.
I've never seen it in a textbook.
I've actually never seen it even mentioned in any context surrounding education, even though it's well documented historically.
So then why isn't it being taught?
Well, it isn't being taught because it blows the argument of reparations out of the water.
Because after all, if you're a black guy and you're descended not from a slave, but from a slave owner, would you have to pay reparations?
So the worksters don't want to deal with this kind of messy fact, so they're like, let's just leave that one out.
Let's ignore that part of history.
Or take another big mantra, which is at the root of the reparations and the slavery debate, that somehow slavery destroyed the black family.
And this is again taken as an article of faith.
And again, superficially, there's a case to be made for it.
Why? Because after all, we know that under slavery, families were broken up in some cases.
Not all that often, but it did happen.
Children are sold off.
Husbands are separated from wives.
And so, what happens is the family is under enormous stress under slavery, and so it's very tempting to believe that the problems of the black family today, even all these many years later, is somehow traceable to slavery.
And the only problem with that is that if you go to the aftermath of slavery, which is the late 19th century, and then the turn of the 20th century, the great black sociologist W.E.B. Du Bois wrote a book, In which he studied the black family structure in the early part of the 20th century.
And he announced that the black illegitimacy rate in America in the early 20th century was something around 20 to 25%.
So it was higher than the white rate, which at the time was really low, 2 or 3%.
But of course, it is much lower than the black rate today, which approaches 75%.
And of course, this isn't just a black problem.
It's a national problem. The white illegitimacy rate has risen dramatically from something like 2% or 3% in the early 20th century to now something like 30%, 33%.
Depends whether you're talking about Hispanic or non-Hispanic whites.
But the point is simply this, that the breakdown of the family, white and black, has occurred in the 20th century after slavery.
In fact, remarkably, one of the achievements of blacks was to pull their families together after slavery.
And the real sort of crisis of the black family began in the 1960s.
In fact, it coincided not with slavery, but with the liberal and democratic welfare state.
And it could be, in fact, I think it's likely...
That the welfare state had far more to do with the breakdown of the black family.
Then you consider something like segregation.
Oh, Dinesh, work means nothing more than we're trying to teach segregation in schools.
Well, do your schools teach that, in fact, segregation laws were entirely passed by the Democratic Party?
The Democratic Party had a sort of lock on what was then called the Democratic Solid South.
And every segregation law across the South was passed by Democratic officials, Democratic legislators, signed by Democratic governors.
So where is this taught in the schools?
Show me. Show me the textbooks that highlight this particular fact.
And the answer is they don't.
Not just in the school level, but also at the college level.
This is one of the biggest secrets in American education, including American higher education.
And this is really why people are, when I go to campus to speak, and I mention these facts, people are really shocked.
And they can't really believe it.
And they've got to pull out their phones and check me out to make sure I'm telling the truth.
Now let's turn to the issue of sexual identity and gender identity, which is today under the trans orbit considered to be highly fluid.
I am what I think I am.
I am what I imagine myself to be.
I can, in a sense, dictate my own gender, no matter what my biological inheritance, no matter how I'm born, I get to say what I really am.
But just go back 10 or 20 years when we were told by the same people the exact opposite.
In other words, in the debate going back to the 1980s and 1990s over gay issues, if you use the term sexual preference, people would say, sexual preference?
No, Dinesh. Gay people don't have a preference.
They don't choose to be gay.
They're obviously gay.
They have no choice in the matter.
They're born that way.
So, at that time, the LGBTQ community marched under the banner of sexual inevitability.
We're born that way.
We don't really have a choice.
So, what do you expect us to do?
This is the deck of cards that we've been dealt with, and so tolerance is the appropriate solution.
Now, the same woke community abandons that.
You don't hear a whole lot today about being born that way.
Now you hear about the fact that Sexual identity is entirely a matter of what's in your mind.
If you choose to be a woman, you are a woman.
And so the point I'm trying to make is the wokesters can't even make up their own mind.
They say one thing on Monday, another thing on Tuesday, another thing on Wednesday, and then they cancel you if you don't believe what they said on Wednesday but only believe what they said on Monday.
This is exactly like the vicissitudes in communist societies where the great leader, Stalin, keeps changing his mind and you've got to be up with what his latest thoughts are because he'll be executed not just because you didn't quote him, but if you quoted him from the wrong time, this is what he used to believe, but now he believes something completely different.
So what I'm getting at here is that wokeness is a Controversial, destructive ideology that keeps shifting its own premises.
No wonder people don't want to go along with it and this idea that we're anti-woke because we're against diversity, we're against inclusion, we're against truth, we don't want things to be taught about in schools.
None of this makes any sense.
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It's time. Debbie and I here for our Friday Roundup.
And in fact, we've been in a pretty intense period of filmmaking.
And we thought we'd give you a...
A little bit of a look behind the sausage-making process that goes into making a movie.
So, how do we get started on these projects?
I mean, this is film number seven.
Seven or eight? Seven.
Well, if we count our feature film, I think it's eight, but seven documentaries.
Yeah, you always lose track, kind of like you do with books.
Like, how many books have you done?
Oh, 18. And clearly, you've done more than 20 books.
Probably 25 books at this point.
No, no, I haven't written 25 books.
Yeah. But I have written quite a few.
But the films, they're different kind of because they're a team effort.
You know, a book, of course, I'm more like a hermit.
I hunker down.
I mean, I'll sometimes have a research assistant, but by and large, a book is driven by a single vision, and it's done in isolation, the writing process.
Mm-hmm. But a movie is a collaborative enterprise.
And so we hatch an idea.
We try to make it as timely and important as possible because we have to get people to get out, get in their car, go to the theater, watch the film, or download it.
But I mean, this is something that takes time and effort.
And so what we want to do is get to what people are really concerned about and then dive in so that we're able to get not only new information, but present it in a new way, help people to see things in a fresh light and also motivate them.
So we're always trying to motivate our side and inspire our side, but also persuade people who are more to the middle, people who are undecided, don't know a lot about it.
And so we've talked about our four shoots.
We did a New York shoot.
Yeah, just taking something off your face.
It's like a little hair. Sorry.
A runaway. A runaway.
Anyway. Well, you know one thing funny about movies, and this is also true when you're in the hospital.
In a movie, when you're interviewing someone, somebody...
some producer will walk up to you and start tweaking your ears or combing your hair.
And I remember Christopher Hitchens used to say in the hospital when he was actually when he was dying of throat cancer, he goes in hospitals people feel free to come up to you and start poking your sides or like feeling your neck. Yes, your pulse.
Are you still alive? Yes, you are.
Yes, you are. Okay, fine.
Okay, so back to the movie you were talking about.
So our first shoot was in New York, right?
It was in New York. New York City, which, my goodness, so glad that we did it then and not now because of the air quality.
I mean, have you seen video and footage of the orange sky in New York right now?
I mean, to be honest, if we filmed it, people would think it's the apocalypse.
They would have thought that, yes.
I mean, it would have been very unsafe, not to mention they've done a ground stop there because flights can't come in.
At least LaGuardia has.
Yeah. But anyway, so the shoot in New York was really interesting.
But one of the funny things, I think, the funniest thing about filming in New York, and you have a fascination with New York, which I do not understand.
Sorry, New Yorkers.
I just really... It's very iconic.
I get it.
But here's the thing. So you're filming, right?
And all of a sudden you hear sirens.
You know, just lots of sirens, honking, just a lot of noise.
And of course, the director gets really annoyed, stops the filming process.
And I'm like, guys...
If you're filming in New York, don't you think that this is going to just continue?
You cannot stop every time, you know, you hear a horn or a siren or somebody screaming.
I mean, police sirens are like the soundtrack of New York.
Oh my gosh. So, yeah.
But that's a good point. Then our second shoot was Washington, D.C. Yes, D.C. A whole different ambiance.
And we had a very successful shoot in D.C. D.C. has a different field in New York.
A little different, yeah.
And by and large, it's a little tricky in D.C. because, of course, everything is under surveillance.
And if you walk around with sophisticated...
I'm sure we were under surveillance.
Yeah. I would not be entirely surprised.
Then we did a whole shoot for a week or so in Texas, and that's closer to home base for us.
We were able to do a number of the movie recreations where we're able to vividly recreate events so that you're not only hearing about something, you're actually seeing it.
And then we did a shoot in Florida, which was really cool.
In fact, which involved Dan Bongino, who is partnering with us on this project, which we're really excited about.
So in any event, this is a film we're going to release in the fall.
We're kind of slating it for October, but wanted to give you a little bit of a behind the scenes.
And everybody will... Everybody will get a little bit more and a little bit more as we get closer.
We don't want to spill the beans quite yet, but you'll get to know soon enough.
That's why we've been focusing more on the process than on the result.
Debt ceiling crisis has come to a head.
The administration is doing its best to force more government spending.
They've reached a settlement to get the deal done for now.
But our national debt continues to skyrocket.
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So, the latest development in the Biden bribery scheme Is that Christopher Wray, the FBI director, has given in.
He was facing a contempt of Congress charge and a vote on Thursday.
So I think in order to head that off and avoid that, and I spelled out the implications of that on the podcast a couple of days ago, Christopher Wray has basically said, I'll give you the document.
So the House Oversight Committee will now get The whistleblower documents that point to a $5 million bribery scandal involving Joe Biden.
This is actually, I think, overall a very good development.
But there are some disheartening facts that have come to light, one of which is they've known about this for a long time.
Not only that, but I think I mentioned to you the other day that Trump was impeached.
For trying to reveal the high crimes of the then-Vice President Joe Biden.
Right. So Trump is impeached for calling the head of the Ukraine and saying, in effect, you need to look into this Joe Biden racket.
And I don't know if Trump knew specifically about the Burisma deal and the $83,000 a month flowing into Hunter Biden's account that's then distributed among other members of the Biden family.
But Trump clearly knew something.
And he rightly drew attention, and all he said was, look into it.
And of course, there was fire where the smoke was that Trump was pointing to.
Trump gets impeached.
Meanwhile, and the significant thing about this, so the FBI had this information since 2017.
March of 2017. So they've had this information through the entire Trump presidency, basically.
Remember, Trump took office in January of 2017.
He was elected in November of 2016.
Yeah. Well, you know, I'm wondering, though, if all of this impeachment stuff that started happening soon after that happened to shut him up.
To keep this hidden from the Americans.
And think about the implications. What we're saying is that it was, in a sense, Trump's own Justice Department overseeing Trump's own FBI that is working against Trump and working in favor of the Democrats and covering up their corruption.
It's like a bad movie.
It really is.
It just... And I've told you before, it goes to the heart of the matter that we are supposed to be a free country.
These types of tactics that third world dictators do, do not, should not happen in America.
I mean, they just shouldn't. And they did.
And because of it, I think Biden is much, much worse than somebody like Hugo Chavez or somebody like Fidel Castro.
I mean, I put them in the same genre, but I think that...
That doing it in a country like the United States and really just having all of these players just hide everything that you did, it is so ugly and so, like, just evil.
In some ways, it's even more disgusting.
It is. Because what Debbie's saying is that it's being all these illegal and evil machinations are conducted under the drapery, under the paraphernalia, under the trappings of Democracy, transparency, openness, accountability.
And in fact, there are many people on our side.
You know, yesterday I talked about, you know, Mike Pence, for example.
These are guys who sort of goofball style.
They're like, well, yo, I'm a man of integrity.
And they can't see how the landscape has been polluted and corrupted.
I just don't. That's what I don't understand, is I cannot understand how we as Republicans We cannot see the evil being perpetrated on our country by these players.
And just saying, you know what, we're just not going to play their game.
We're just going to like let it be.
That is not a solution.
I'm sorry, but that's the reason we are where we are.
You let them get away with the heist and guess what?
They're going to keep doing it.
The guys like Pence are making a confusion between, we won't be like them.
Nobody's asking you to be like them.
Nobody's asking you to be like Biden and start taking bribes yourself.
What we're saying is, you need to be more like the cop that takes on the robber.
Now, notice that robbers come with guns and truncheons and so do cops.
It's no objection to say, wait a minute, the policeman is using the same kind of force as the criminal.
Of course he is. He has to.
That's the way you stop the criminal. He has to.
So this is what it seems that not, I wouldn't even say a majority, because I think the Republican base understands exactly what we're talking about.
They're nodding their head in agreement right now.
In a way, that is why Trump has such an allegiance by some conservatives, because they go, you know, he's the only one that has ever called out the evil that Being perpetrated on our country.
He's the only one that stands in the way of them getting their way and them not getting their way.
I mean, if you listen to other Republicans, and I don't want to just focus on the presidential candidates, but good guys like Rubio and so on, they still speak in that kind of politician language.
We are going to investigate.
We're going to get to the bottom of this You don't get that kind of full disclosure of, wow, I'm dealing with some absolute criminals here and I have to...
We are in a little bit of a national emergency and our actions need to be commensurate with that.
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We've been talking about the corruption and crimes of Joe Biden and his family.
And yet, guess what?
The man facing indictment is not Biden, but Trump.
And this pile up on Trump is just unbelievable, right?
They start out with this ridiculous New York case, sort of Regurgitating the Stormy Daniels accusation, trying to get Trump not for the relationship with Daniels, but basically for altering his own business documents in paying off Daniels through his lawyer, Michael Cohen. Then the second indictment over the Mar-a-Lago raid and the classified documents.
And yet, here's Biden who has the classified documents also.
Yeah. Not to mention none, and I mean none, of the things that Trump is accused of doing pale in comparison to what Biden did.
Yeah, I mean, no one's alleging that money from foreign governments, not to mention hostile powers, somehow ended up in Trump's bank account.
No one's saying that Trump took a $5 million bribe.
No one's saying that tens of millions of dollars in places like Ukraine and China have flowed directly into the coffers of the Biden family.
That's what's happened with Biden.
That is not what's happened with Trump.
Now, people can say, well, Trump benefited from business deals that were done during his presidency.
Well, Trump has products to sell.
He has golf courses.
He has hotels. He has international business.
He has international business. So let's say people stay in the Trump Hotel.
Yeah, he's got a product.
He's got a service he's offering.
What are Biden's services?
Biden is offering political products.
Access. Access. That's what he's offering.
Well, somebody... I saw an interesting point.
I think it was Seb Gorka, our friend Seb, who made this point.
And it's worth thinking about.
Seb goes, well, interestingly, as Vice President, Biden didn't have anything really to sell either.
But somebody else did.
Obama. Obama's the president, right?
The vice president does not have a lot of policy-making authority.
So... Seb says, could it be that the Biden sale was really, Biden himself was a kind of a middleman, that this was a deal involving Obama?
Because Obama would have to go along with it.
You know what? Nothing.
Nothing surprising. Nothing that Obama is involved in surprises me, okay?
And yet, isn't it like a signature move of Obama's?
It totally is. Where he's not directly involved.
He's like the person that Excuse me.
Farts or passes gas and then walks away.
Well, not only walks away, but walks away holding his nose and pointing at some other guy.
Who did that? Yeah, you did that.
You're going to be helped.
I cannot believe I made that analogy.
Well, it's quite an analogy. Right?
But he does. It's like he gets away with everything.
So, the only thing I can think of with the Bidens is that, yes, I think that it was a wink-wink moment with Obama, but I also think that it was also a way for Biden to get really rich.
Yeah. These are political guys who haven't made money any other way.
I mean, think about it, not just Biden, but it was someone, it was it, I don't remember if it was Marjorie Taylor Greene or somebody else was saying, there's really not a single member of the Biden cabinet who has made something of themselves in the private sector.
Not one of them. And they claim all this regulatory authority, like we're experts on this, we're experts on that.
Well, you're not an expert in the sense that, you're not an expert on food in the sense that you grew food.
You're not an expert on drugs in the sense that you're a doctor.
But he takes drugs. No, what they mean is, I've been in the regulatory apparatus of drugs and food all my life.
So this is what these people do.
They're lifelong bureaucrats.
Because his son, Hunter, is a crack expert.
Well, I suppose there is the kind of expertise that is firsthand.
And so that's all true.
Well, now, coming back to the case again, Trump.
I mean, these cases seem so weak.
Do you think that the left is...
Prosecuting them in the belief that even if they lose, it's still worth harassing Trump.
You think it's that they think they've got a sympathetic jury?
They want to stop him.
They want to slow him down.
Tie him up. Tie him up.
Financially strap him.
Absolutely. And just time-wise.
Because if he has to go to court or if he has to defend himself, whatever.
Constantly dealing with these things.
He's not going to be able to do his big rallies that he's used to doing.
That type of thing. So I think that it's really like throwing spaghetti to the wall and hoping something sticks with him because it's clearly a witch hunt.
I mean, it is so obvious that it's a witch hunt.
And I hope that the American public can see that the real criminal is not Donald J. Trump, but rather...
I mean, the interesting fact is that, and I think some of the other rival Republican candidates were hoping that, hey, if Trump gets indicted, whoa, that's it.
The number one guy is out of the race.
It's kind of like the heavyweight champion is now forced to step out, and this creates opportunity for everybody else.
But interestingly, it looks like the Republican base is now completely...
Well, woke in a different way.
It's like we are alerted to the fact that this is a big scam.
See, if the left had something really big on Trump, they would have put it out there.
Yeah, that's why they're doing so many different things.
It's like, oh, wait, this didn't work.
Oh, let's do this one. Oh, that didn't work.
Let's bring back Mar-a-Lago.
It's crazy. It really is.
And then one more case to come, maybe at the end of July or early August, Trump interfered with the Georgia count.
No, he didn't. Oh, yeah, that too. Trump honestly believed that he won Georgia.
He was calling the Secretary of State, get to the bottom of it.
And that phone call is now somehow supposed to be transmuted by some legal, clever steps into election manipulation.
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Tucker Carlson created quite a sensation a couple of days ago.
He did kind of the first episode of his new show.
It's very different than his show on Fox.
In fact, it's a much simpler, I won't call it low budget per se, but it was basically Tucker and the focus was on Ukraine and this was released on Twitter.
Now it got a giant amount of views on Twitter in part because Tucker's been silent for a while and now he kind of comes out the gate with his first salvo.
But apparently some people at Fox were not happy about this.
They were not happy.
In fact, they sent a letter to his lawyers saying that he was in breach of his contract agreement.
So basically saying that they expressively reserved all rights and remedies which are available to it at a law or equity, meaning that he is not allowed to talk about pretty much anything, do any social media, do any streaming platform, anything.
Now normally when you join a radio network, a TV network, you do sign certain types of exclusivity contracts, but they typically have to do with competition.
So, for example, if you're working for a network, you can't go work for a rival network.
But that doesn't mean you can't publish a book.
It doesn't mean you can't post on social media.
But apparently the Fox people are claiming that Tucker's exclusivity was so exclusive that Tucker can't even release 10-minute segments on Twitter.
My only problem with this, it's one thing if Tucker is the one that walked away from Fox, but that's not really what apparently happened, right?
They fired him.
And so if they fire you, why then do you still have control over that person?
Fox is actually acting like the FBI, right?
I mean, think about it. Why would you want it?
I mean, here's Fox. They're like, we don't like Tucker anymore.
Tucker, there's the door. You leave.
And you think Fox would be like, now go do whatever you want because you're no longer part of Fox.
In fact, Fox has, I think in a very strange move, like erased all references to all things Tucker.
I don't know if you heard about this, but apparently they went through Fox Nation where Tucker had done some specials.
They've deleted all the specials.
They've taken them off. But again, why would you do that?
Because you just think that's part of our archive.
Tucker's created this content.
We paid him for it. Not to mention that the widest audience that watched Fox was because of Tucker.
So they seem to disregard that matter as well.
I don't know. There has been some reporting, I don't know of what veracity, that Tucker was told by a member of the Fox board that Fox had made some kind of deal with Dominion to get rid of Tucker.
Now again, I don't know if this is even true.
I'm seeing it sort of third hand.
Axios is reporting that Tucker was told by a member of the Fox board this.
So we don't know if that's part of what's going on, but I think it is pretty remarkable that having gotten rid of Tucker, Fox is still trying to control him.
It's almost like they're trying to say, and there's in fact a line to the effect that Fox wants Tucker to be sidelined or quiet.
Until 2025. I wonder why.
Because Tucker can do the most damage in the election cycle.
So they want him completely out of this election cycle.
I mean, Bongino has left Fox.
And so you're beginning to see, I think, it's almost as if Fox is doing something that we don't do, which is that they have fully taken sides in the Republican primary.
They've decided, okay, we're going to go all in for DeSantis, and we're going to go all out against Trump.
And part of that is not merely restricting Trump on the platform, but restricting people who are perceived as Trump.
Now, I don't think, I don't see...
I don't think Tucker was a huge fan of Trump.
Well, Tucker, I think, was a MAGA kind of guy, but he did say some things that were critical of Trump in his text, and that came out in the Dominion discovery process.
But it's very strange that they have that much fear of one man.
Well, I think this is the core of the matter, and that is that we are seeing a shift away from traditional TV media and even from traditional print media.
So if you want to know why these print media people are so vituperative, so vicious, and why there's a similar viciousness on the part of TV, is that people's habits are shifting.
I mean, Twitter is becoming a place where you can watch shows, right?
In fact, we need to give some thought, you know, I mean, we do link to the podcast on Twitter, so you can watch it.
But by and large, when you click on it, you're getting the Rumble link and you're watching on Rumble.
But the point I'm trying to make is that Elon Musk is creating ways in which content creators can create content.
And I don't know if that is demographic.
if it's young people turning to these types of media rather than the older, our generation and older people that still like to watch TV, because I still prefer TV, but that's just me.
Well, but Fox might be seeing that in the key advertising demographics, which are basically the 20 somethings, 30 somethings and 40 somethings, the ground is moving away from them.
And so they're doing like a wounded animal, they're striking out to try to shut down people like Tucker, because they could help accelerate the shift toward new media.
Right.
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Use discount code AMERICA. I've been talking about the hidden psychological motives of skepticism and atheism and making the point that these ideologies, these ways of thinking are appealing because they help people to avoid moral accountability.
And Christianity, I want to emphasize, is in fact a religion that demands a certain degree of moral accountability.
Now, some people say, well, no, Dinesh, Christianity is about love.
It's about forgiveness. It's about, well, it is.
But let's remember that the love and forgiveness are temporal, which is to say that they apply to this life.
And they're also, to a point, conditional.
Christian forgiveness stops at the gates of hell, and hell is an essential part of the Christian scheme.
So while the Gospels talk about the good news, the books also contain a lot of warning messages to prepare us for ultimate judgment.
There is a reckoning, and Scripture says that many people are extremely eager to avoid that reckoning.
Listen to this, John 3.20.
Everyone who does evil hates the light and will not come into the light for fear that his deeds will be exposed.
So right here you have the heart of what I've been trying to show, which is that if you don't like the light, you're going to want to deny its existence.
You're going to want to say, hey, no, darkness is all we have.
We have to live in the darkness because that's all there is.
And you're not making an objective statement about reality.
You're making a psychological statement about the way you want things to be.
So the point here is not that atheists are evil people, that they do more evil than everybody else.
My point is that atheism provides a kind of hiding place for those who don't want to acknowledge and repent of their sins.
I remember, gosh now, I guess a couple decades ago, I read a powerful essay by the Czech Nobel laureate, and his name is Czeslaw Miloš.
And the essay was called The Discreet Charm of Nihilism.
What an interesting title. Nihilism itself has a certain kind of charm.
Now, what does he argue?
He argues that in order to escape from an eternal fate in which our sins are...
Punished, man seeks to free himself from religion.
A true opium of the people is a belief in nothingness after death, the huge solace of thinking that for our betrayals, greed, cowardice, murders, we are not going to be judged.
So, basically, as Melosh is arguing, the Marxist doctrine needs to be revised or actually turned on its head.
Remember, Marx called religion the opium or opiate of the people, but it's not religion that's the opiate of the people, but atheism that is the opiate of the morally corrupt.
Morally corrupt people like atheism because they feel like, wow, if I'm an atheist, I don't have any moral accountability.
If you want to live a degenerate life, well, God is your mortal enemy.
He represents a lethal danger to your selfishness, greed, luxury, hatred.
It's in your interest to despise Him and do whatever you can to rid the universe of His presence.
And so there are powerful attractions to living in a God-free world.
In such a world, we can model ourselves on Milton's Satan, or at least on one of the junior devils in Paradise Lost.
This is Belial, who was, as Milton puts it, quote,"...to vice industrious, but to nobler deeds timorous and slothful." So this is a guy who, like, takes pleasure in vice, and And is very lazy when it comes to doing good deeds.
And that's how many people are.
And these are the people who are attracted to atheism because it gives them a certain kind of moral cover or amoral cover for doing that.
Think about it. If God does not exist, the seven deadly sins are not terrors to be overcome, but, well, temptations to be enjoyed.
And death, which was previously viewed as a justification for morality, now becomes a justification for immorality.
Now, interestingly, the philosopher who understood all this was Nietzsche.
And contrary to modern atheists who say, you know, the death of God doesn't mean an end of morality, Nietzsche goes, well, it does.
It actually does mean that.
Because God is the source of the moral law.
And so, if God is dead, Nietzsche, of course, coined the phrase, the death of God, then God's death means that the ground has been swept out from under us.
We have become, in a sense, ethically groundless.
And there is no more refuge to be taken in appeals to dignity, equality, compassion, and all the rest.
Because all that we have is the abyss.
The abyss not just of God, but of morality.
But, you know, unlike some other Victorians who saw things Nietzsche's way, but were worried by it, terrified by it, Matthew Arnold wrote his famous poem, Dover Beach, about the receding sea of faith, Nietzsche welcomed the abyss.
Nietzsche was, as he described himself, an immoralist.
And he says that the good thing about an abyss is that it enables us, for the first time, to escape guilt.
It vanquishes the dragon of obligation.
It enables us to live, in Nietzsche's phrase, beyond good and evil.
Morality is no longer given to us from above.
It now becomes something we devise for ourselves.
Morality requires a comprehensive remaking, what Nietzsche calls a transvaluation of values.
And the old codes of thou shall not are now replaced by I will.
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