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June 24, 2022 - Doug Collins Podcast
38:43
The Truth about the Senate Gun Bill: Words on paper matter
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Because we won an election.
I guarantee you, one day you'll be back in the minority and it ain't gonna be that fun.
Welcome back to the Doug Collins Podcast.
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All right.
Today, this is a timely issue, and I wanted to go ahead and discuss this because it's just some disturbing issues that are coming out, and it's going to happen very fast.
This is what happens in Washington, D.C. when circumstances in the world meet the emotional response of people and the fact that they need to do something.
We talked about this a week or two ago on the podcast when I talked about what makes you feel good doesn't always heal you.
And it's talking about an honest discussion about guns.
We're going to have another honest discussion this morning about the fact that what happened in New Blood, Texas, what happened at that school, Is a tragedy.
What happened in that school should have never happened in many ways when you had someone who decided to go into a school to use a gun and to kill people.
I mean, that was the choice that this Ramos made.
He made the choice to go in there.
He made the choice to kill people.
He used a gun in the process.
We've talked about how the many aspects of what is being proposed will not solve this.
But again, as I said just a little bit ago in one of the other podcasts, it always seems to be the very first thing that we do is to solve something, is take something away from legal gun owners or legal possession to fix something that, frankly...
It's not going to fix.
We're seeing that in two parts today, and this podcast is going to deal in the two aspects of what we have seen from the Texas shooting and the fallout from it.
I want to preface this all by saying, though, this is not unusual.
Many of you have asked me when I speak in events, or I do question and answer online, or I go to schools, and I've had this in...
You know, civic organizations all across the country.
They asked me, what is Washington really like?
And the problem is, is trying to describe Washington is almost impossible because it's so unorganized and so disaffected many times by what you would think normality would be that they just wouldn't believe it.
They think you're telling the story.
Here's what actually happened.
Most of the time, unfortunately, in this age of technology, this age of 24-hour news cycles, this age of partisanship, everything that you want to deal with, this has become the norm in how you do legislation, whether it's budgets, whether it's just normal piece of legislation.
It becomes the crisis mode.
And that is only we'll move things when we have to.
So like if you want spending bills done, it's only going to come at the last minute.
If you want the National Defense Authorization Act, it's only going to come at the last minute.
Why?
Because there just is no urgency and people like to play politics with these items.
And then all of a sudden, so often, about every two years it seems like, and especially now, there's an event that occurs outside of Washington, or it may be inside Washington.
It's an event that strikes emotion.
It strikes concern.
It just strikes the very heart of people, and they have an emotional reaction.
And members of Congress and members of the Senate are not immune to those emotions.
We very much feel those emotions.
So when there is a shooting, such as in Buffalo, such as in Texas at the school, in Parkland, you're affected by that.
The problem that I have seen so many times, whether it be with immigration, guns, drugs, anything, it is always that emotional response that typically leads to legislation that either will not, could not, or does not fix the situation.
But it makes you feel good because you've, quote, done something.
This developed after Texas.
Again, I warned you that it was going to.
I told you what was going to happen.
We went over the statistics, the raw data that when you go after these, quote, assault weapons, weapons of war, whatever the left is wanting to call these, what is the thing that they think can scare people the most, going after them is not going to solve your main problem of gun death in this country.
And We've showed that by the numbers.
Now, the issue that we have today is that the Texas shooting, especially school shootings, especially the Buffalo shooting, even going back to El Paso about four years ago, three years ago, is another issue that you're having to deal with here is that emotion runs wild that we've got to do something.
After Texas, again, Chris Murphy, Senator, and John Cornyn from Texas, he was tapped by Mitch McConnell to be the lead Republican to find an answer that could help in these school shootings.
I'm going to get to their solution here in just a minute, but I'll warn you up front.
If you're someone who wants to see guns removed and guns taken or actually done something with this whole gun culture from your perspective, you're not going to be happy.
But again, who has the concern?
The legal gun owner.
The 18-year-old, 19-year-old, 20-year-old who has done nothing wrong and has a legal right to purchase a firearm, a rifle.
It is going to be put through more scrutiny to get that and also opening up some other issues with juvenile law that we're going to get to first.
But let's go back to the Texas issue for just a moment.
Let's go back to the actual school shooting itself.
And we find a lot of issues in which, again, as I've said before, many times there are signs this young man had a lot of problems, but none were reported to the police.
There was nothing in his background.
Even if you had done a complete Juvenile record check, adult check, everything else.
You would never have stopped this young man from buying a gun.
It just wouldn't have happened.
Why?
Because the issues that they're looking for were never adjudicated through the police.
They were never, you know, brought forward.
These are, you know, they may have been concerns voiced, but it was never recorded in a form.
So when you look at some of these individuals and you're thinking, well, we'll just put something out there.
Let's just do background checks.
Let's do all this.
It's fine.
If you want it to maybe work on something else, this one is just not.
But the thing that has become more and more, and I want to start this first part of this podcast by, let's look at the shooting itself.
More and more questions have begun to come out of the shooting.
But as we look at it, The problem that we're developing is that the timeline and what happened with the police response in this shooting has gotten more and more concerning.
It happened almost immediately.
If you remember back in this week, I was watching this, I was traveling, but I was watching the TV and it was amazing that almost every time that something happened or where they were discussing what happened at this shooting, New developments and new details were left out.
You remember one of the very first thing was that the young man shot and killed his grandmother.
Well, that turned out to be wrong.
That was not what had happened.
She is still alive, was critically wounded because he did shoot her, but was not dead.
There was this idea that nobody knew where he was at.
They didn't see him come in, that the door is locked.
There's all kinds of stuff.
So let's, first off, let's go through this timeline because yesterday, this week in Texas, the Texas Senate did a hearing about the response and the Texas Department of Public Safety had some very harsh words for what was going on.
Now, and that was basically, it was an abject failure was one of the terminology that was used.
Let me state very clearly, as a son of a Georgia State Trooper, as someone who's been in law enforcement, around law enforcement all my life, This is not an attack on the police.
This is an assessment of what happened here, and it's concerning because when things are put into place, whether it be legislation, which we're going to get to later, which is supposed to harden schools and to give some schools the resource they need, it still requires the human element to actually make it work.
So, first off, let's just go back, if we would, through the timeline of that day.
When Ramos came into the school at...
And what was going on.
Now, it killed 19 kids, two teachers, and the response is...
It has been varied, to say the least.
Let's talk.
This response is as up-to-date as it comes from the Texas Department of Public Safety as of this week.
At first, we know that the shooter, at 11.28 a.m., he crashed the pickup truck into a ditch behind the school.
He was carrying a semi-automatic weapon.
He opens fire on two people outside a nearby business who escaped uninjured.
The first 911 call comes in at 11.29, one minute after that, about the crash and the shots fired.
At 11.33, Four minutes later, the shooter enters the school through an unlocked door at the west entrance that had been propped open, enters two connecting fourth grade classrooms with two entrances that lock from the inside and begins to fire.
This is the discussion.
11.35, at least three police officers enter the same door as the shooter.
Again, now notice this.
Two minutes.
They're two minutes behind.
There has also been another report that one of the responding officers could have confronted or even shot the young man with the rifle before he entered the school.
It could have stopped this entire thing, but did not take the shot.
The officers enter the same door as a shooter.
They go directly to one of the doors to one of the classrooms.
Two of the officers are injured by gunshots from the shooters.
Those three officers were followed by three additional police officers and a county deputy sheriff.
One minute later, two officers from the Consolidated Independent School District, including the chief, Aaron Dondo, chief of the Uville School Police Department, enter the school through the south door along with two more police officers.
1141, four more minutes later, Five more minutes later.
A police officer is asked by dispatch whether the classroom door is locked.
I'm not sure, but we have a hooligan tool to break in referring to a forceful entry.
This is a forceful entry tool.
Police have it, but it's something you commonly see on a fire response truck.
Again, time passing here.
The first ballistic shield at 1152 comes through.
A law enforcement with a ballistic shield, 1203. 19 officers.
Now, by 1203, again, we're talking 30 minutes after this event, the gentleman enters the school.
19 officers have gathered in the hallway outside the classroom.
The first 911 call is made for the child.
If you remember the child who made the 911 call, they covered themselves.
In other blood so that they wouldn't be noticed, was called from inside the classroom.
A second ballistic shield enters, followed minutes later by a third.
A person makes another call telling that there are multiple people dead.
This is 1210. 1211, the chief asked for a master key to the rooms.
1213, 1216, two more calls are made.
A fourth ballistic shield by 1220. We're almost at a 45 minutes here.
And in 1235, a breaching tool is brought into the school but not used.
This conflicts a little bit with the earlier part of this timeline.
It says that the officer said they had one.
Undoubtedly, it was outside and not in.
At 12.50, at 12.43, another call, two more calls.
Please send the police right now.
At 12.50, a full hour and almost 20 minutes, law enforcement entered the classroom and killed the suspect.
The shooter had fired at least 100 shots throughout the attack.
17 people were also injured during the shooting.
This becomes the problem, and you look at this timeline.
This is sort of the laid out timeline.
Now, in the hearing yesterday, This is where it really becomes a problematic from the Department of Public Safety and Texas standpoint.
They said there were enough police on the scene to have stopped the gunman three minutes after he entered the building.
Texas Public Safety official testified.
Stephen McGraw told a state senate hearing that the police response was an abject failure.
He said police waited for over an hour Before entering, the team issues made.
And this was what he said.
He said, and this is a powerful statement he made.
He said, the officers had weapons, the children had none.
The officers had body armor, the children had none.
The officers had training, the subject had none.
One hour, 14 minutes, eight seconds, that's how long the children waited, and the teachers waited in room 111 to be rescued.
Three minutes after the subject had entered the building, there were three officers coming in that they could have continued the assault, and what he was saying, isolate, distract, or even neutralize the subject.
This is beginning to lay out the bigger issues when you see that the parents are rightfully upset, politicians are rightfully upset, that it seems, and now we're seeing actual pictures from These events that say that the on-scene commander would not allow the officers to come in.
Eight minutes, other failures that are coming out here, the security footage shows that there are no officers testing the doors.
They keep asking, is the doors locked?
They didn't even test them.
So, and we find out that the law, that the doors were not locked.
It turns out that the door could not be locked from the inside.
A teacher reported before the shooting that the lock was broken.
This was the door coming in.
To the other things, eight minutes after they have, we've already talked about, a hooligan tool that could breach the door.
The officers waited, officers waited for keys.
19 minutes after, the police had shields on hand.
19 officers were in the hallway when the first call was made.
These are just simple problems that develop when you had the human response to a tragedy that was going on.
We've heard reports that at first they thought it was a hostage situation, then we heard that they said it was not a hostage situation.
It was just mishandled undoubtedly from day one, from minute one in this process.
What does this mean?
It means that the officers did not take action to stop Salvador Ramos from murdering These people, these kids and these teachers in that classroom, that they hesitated, they stayed back, and this has become the conversation all along, is the teachers and what the Department of Public Safety actually said was, these are the officers who had the training, they had the knowledge, and they didn't use it.
You had what is known as a chaotic scene.
They were scared for their own lives, it seems more than is what is happening here for the children's lives.
Now, I know that these officers are good people inherently.
I know that they were You know, scared in and of themselves.
It's part of the job.
But at the end of the day, these continued discussions of what actually happened coupled with the fact that you're seeing the Officers in the hallway not moving forward, not attempting anything, where this could have possibly been stopped as much as three minutes into this event, really is what is causing the outrage and the concern.
Now, I lay all of that out there to say, this needs to get out.
We've got to get to the bottom of what happened here, and if they're, you know, again, I'm not being Monday morning quarterback here and saying this is what they should have done, but the question is they do need to answer it.
Right now, the police department and for the consolidated district of youth is not answering these questions.
They're not being forward.
They're being very defensive.
They quit cooperating.
And this is really what is causing the most concern.
So I'm laying this out here to say anything that you put into place.
Now think about this.
Even if you have police departments who are trained in these incident shooters, even if you have others who are going through this and their mindset is, this is what we've got to do.
Without proper execution, you end up with these kind of issues and you see really what has become a botched response.
Now it's not just unique to Texas.
We saw this in Parkland as well.
And there was a lot of fallout after Parkland.
This is why you got into the other issues of hardening schools and putting one entryway in, always lock a secondary entrance that could block someone from coming in.
These are the things that you can do to harden schools that would not have allowed, in this case, the shooter to come in through a side entrance.
If you funnel all entries through one area, you can better control it.
Again, these are things that actually could have slowed or stopped this individual from getting into the classrooms.
And we had a door that was malfunctioning.
We had, again, a lot of issues here.
I'll lay all this out to say, okay, what do you do to fix this?
And the outcry was, you know, consistently gun control, gun control, gun control.
These AR-15s are the terrible thing.
They're the reason that all this happened.
They're instruments that were used by a very disturbed person, who, by the way, as we said earlier in this podcast, would have never drawn any scrutiny or anything from his juvenile record or anything else because there wasn't one.
So what does Congress do?
As I said earlier, there's an old saying by a friend of mine in Georgia that said, and his name was Len Westland.
He's a former congressman from down here.
And he said, the only time things get done is late in the week and when jet fumes are in the air.
And basically what he meant by that was, is he said, only if things are pushed up to the limit of people either getting to go home or do something, and they smell the jet fumes of going home, they're going to get something done.
The other process of that is when they feel, quote, pressure to do something and they feel an obligation to do something because they just simply can't back and say to tell the truth that what you're offering doesn't help.
It may help in the future in a hypothetical situation, but what you're offering is not really going to be a part of that.
So let's look at all of a sudden what has happened now in the bill that is put forward.
It's an 80-page bipartisan bill.
Yesterday passed through.
Here's a concern that I have, everybody, and that's why I'm trying to get this out to you this week, because almost even by the time we get this podcast to you, this is what has happened.
They dropped this bill earlier this week on a Wednesday.
By Friday, the day when you hear this, the Senate is probably going to be voting on it to try and get it to the House.
They voted on it with less than an hour to read the text.
They voted on it on Wednesday to push this forward, on Tuesday evening to push this forward.
Again, there's just so many things wrong here because nobody is asking questions, I think, that are going to come back To either be vague, not work, or be overreaching, and then they're going to have issues with it.
So what is actually happening here?
Chris Murphy from Connecticut, Texas Senator John Cornyn.
Here are the basics, and then we're going to talk about why some of these may or probably are going to be problematic in the future.
Number one is an enhanced background check for people 18 to 21. It keeps in place the current background check from 1821 within three days, but it would also require the NICS system, this is the National Instant Criminal Background Check system, to check state records to identify individuals with juvenile records that would disqualify them from purchasing firearms.
Now, many times if there is a...
A violent crime or a murder, especially in a juvenile's life, 16, 17, and eight, this is going to be tried as an adult.
It's going to show up on records to start with.
Again, what they're looking for here and opening up these juvenile records is really the part that is going to be more concerning here.
Now, they did put a sunset on this, which I thought was very interesting.
They put an enhanced ground check requirement for buyers for 1821. That would expire September 30, 2032, and so a future Congress is gonna have to expand this.
Why the scrutiny between 18 and 21?
Remember, right now, handguns, they can't buy 18-year-olds.
They can buy long rifles.
They didn't ban them for 18-year-olds.
But again, we're applying a different level of scrutiny than we do for anything else for an 18-year-old.
18-year-olds can be tried in adult court.
18-year-olds can be sued.
18-year-olds can enter into lawful binding contracts as an adult.
18-year-olds can go into the military.
I mean, again, a lot of issues here.
And the issue that was coming by is saying that we need, because of these events, the Buffalo and the Tex-Vent, this will help.
Well, here's the reality about that.
I haven't even gotten into the problems of opening up juvenile records and how they're wanting to open up these juvenile records.
We'll get into that in a minute.
But, you know, again, it would not have stopped the shooter in Texas.
Now, for a hypothetical in the future, it may or may not.
They can't point to that.
They can't point to the fact of where this would have helped, except maybe in isolated situations.
And remember, very few of the deaths by guns, which we talked about in a previous episode of the podcast, are actually done by people who buy these legally going through a NICS check.
So again, I can't keep saying this enough, folks, but you need to understand what makes you feel good doesn't heal you many times, and this is an example of that.
Now, here's where we're going to get into the An interesting part, and that is that it puts more money for red flag laws and other intervention programs.
It gives money that would allow, implement crisis intervention court programs to reduce gun violence.
These, I think, are actually, from a perspective of, if you take this away from the gun context, should have been done before.
It puts more money into the criminal justice system to use things like mental health court, veterans court, family courts, to actually help In these areas of keeping violent people from reoffending or offending and getting them the help that they need.
So this is money that I believe is a good area that allows the flexibility also, though, to administer red flag laws.
This is where it's coming away.
It's gonna be interesting to see how this is implemented because it allows guns to be taken from people who are deemed dangerous or to themselves or to others.
This is where a lot of folks like myself and others are concerned on the due process aspect of it.
You simply do not need to, I mean, we saw this overreach after 9-11 into every area of our live and spying on things that we're doing from libraries to your phone calls.
All of this was going on in the name of safety.
And in the name of safety, now they're going to say, well, if I'm concerned about my neighbor, and I heard them yelling last night, and I heard him and his wife out on the back porch, and he was raising their voices, and I'm becoming concerned, this is providing a next or an avenue to call and Have your neighbor reported or inside the residence to take out a concern about somebody acting suspiciously that may hurt them or themselves.
Now, if someone is legitimately looking to hurt themselves, there are already mechanisms to take care of this.
Red flag laws, 19 states, already have these in.
There are problems with those.
Are they inherently the idea of making sure that someone who is in a bad state at a certain time gets help and maybe takes...
Precautions to keep them from hurting themselves or others.
That's a good idea.
But at the similar point, though, is it a good idea that you're overrunning a person's due process rights, especially if the accusations are not true?
This is where it's going to be.
But the money for drug courts, mental health courts, veterans courts, outpatient treatment centers, that is something that should have been passed many months ago.
So we'll see.
So Cornyn actually tried to say that if it doesn't include due process, the states don't have due process protections in there, that they would be ineligible for the grants.
I just find that, you know, frankly hard to believe that once a state does something, they actually get it.
The other aspect is closing the quote boyfriend loophole.
This is where it would suspend a person's right to buy or possess a firearm.
For a period of at least five years if they're convicted of a misdemeanor crime of violence against a person with whom they've had a romantic relationship.
This expands out what is already known in the Family Violence Act that is moving away from owning guns, and it includes those that they may have been intimate with, have a child with, against a spouse, a child in common, or a cohabitating partner, lose their rights for five years.
If they don't do anything, they get them back after five years.
Gun rights activists have been trying to get this For a long time.
The concern on whether it is effective or not is left out there, but again, it was something that they're looking to close, so they finally found a way to do this.
They also, again, another part of this bill, which could have been handled separately outside of this and found, I think, complete bipartisan support, was that they're going to use CHIP money, this is Centers for Medical and Medicaid Services, this is Children's Health Insurance Program, to actually expand more pilot programs and behavioral health clinics that would help.
Then we get into the real issue that I'm having with why this, you know, again, everything that I've said so far, you can have legitimate political debate on and should have.
You're not going to have it in three days.
I'm going to tell you that right now.
If they're trying to push this through, legitimate debate about even the issues I've just talked about are not going to happen.
Now, what I have found in this is the discussion of where I believe the more sinister aspects of this bill from attacking lawful gun owners is actually found.
And this is where we will see it.
The first one is changing the definition of gun dealer.
Let me go back here for just a second.
And I'm trying to lay this out very consistently.
We always hear this term universal background check.
We need a universal background check.
What, as I have explained in the last podcast, but I've talked about it before on my radio show, is that when you say universal background check, here's what you need to understand.
That is a private sale background checks.
In other words, that what they're saying is, is that I need if I was selling a gun to my son or, you know, and maybe not in family, depending on how some of the laws are written.
But if I wanted to sell one of my guns to a neighbor, they're wanting to say that I have to have a back.
I have to go get a I have to be responsible for a background check.
I have to get that background check and I have to go through all the hoops as if I was an actual gun dealer.
Now, some of you may like that.
Some of you may not.
Here's the problem with that.
The only way to keep up with that and the only way to make sure that that is actually happening and done is you have to register the firearm.
And this has actually been stated on gun control websites.
That is the only way that you can actually do this to make sure that you're keeping track of the proper gun that is being sold.
So for those of you out here concerned about a national registry, this is where that comes in with universal background checks.
Now, this background, this bill stays away from universal background checks in a sense, and it also stays away from taking long guns away from 18 year olds until they're 21. But here is something that is interesting to me that I'm wondering, is it gonna be clarified?
And is it gonna be clarified, is this a backdoor way to get into background checks?
The bill clarifies that people who regularly buy and sell firearms to earn profit, here's the part that is the problem.
The language...
That is currently in the law that distinguishes is it a part of their income?
Is it a part of something that they do regularly for a living, if you would?
Is it supplement income?
What they're now saying, and I'm going to read the exact language to you out of this bill, it says the term to predominantly earn a profit means that the intent underlying the sale and disposition of firearms is predominantly one of obtaining pecuniary Gain as opposed to other intents such as improving or liquidating a personal firearms collection,
provided that the proof of profit shall not be required as to a person who engages in the regular and repetitive process of purchase and disposition of firearms for criminal purposes or terrorism.
Here's the part that has not been answered.
I've not heard anybody talk about this.
Now, what this actually does is strikes these words.
It says, by striking with principal objectivity of livelihood and profit.
In other words, are you doing and selling these guns for your livelihood?
That would put you in a business, and that should trigger the federal firearm license exposure.
But if you're just selling guns occasionally, you've got guns, maybe you've inherited guns, and you're selling those guns, it's not for your livelihood.
Do you sell them and you make a profit?
Yes.
I mean, you sell them and make a profit.
That's a possibility.
But...
Again, you're getting in, this in my mind is the opening door to a background, a universal background check, because if you're only wanting to earn a profit, so if I sold more than one or two guns and made a profit under this, I would argue that it is now covered that I would have to be a federal, I'd have to register for a federal firearms license or have to obtain background checks.
This has not been discussed.
In fact, I have yet to see an article.
Very few articles have come out so far.
Again, we're still in the early stages of this, but is this going to be debated on the Senate floor?
I guarantee you it won't.
I know it won't in the House.
So my question is, is what's going to actually happen here as these processes get started in dealing with what is now a gun dealer?
Somebody selling three to four guns a year?
Because when you take the livelihood part out, at least there was sort of a discussion on how many am I selling and is it producing a significant amount of my income?
Now, if it's just simply a profit motive, and by the way, the law actually says, and it's an understanding, is that the profit doesn't have to be proven.
So my question is, is do I have to actually, can I not sell one gun or two guns?
What is the standard?
This is going to be a problem.
I'm telling you right now, folks, this is an issue.
And if you've not, if the legislators are not addressing this, this is going to be a problem.
Again, another part of this is the straw purchases.
Look, the There are already laws on the books on straw purses, just not even prosecuted.
They're trying to say that this will make it easier.
Prosecutors often have to lie in charge of people who are legally trapped firearms with paperwork violations.
That's not true.
They could do it other ways, but they're seeking to do this.
But the things that have come out of this so far have said that, you know, this is gun safe, is progress.
You know, they're saying it's not enough.
The left is saying it's not enough, but it's something.
The right is saying, well, it's something, but it doesn't affect legal gun owners' rights.
I believe it actually does.
And there's two ways that you look at it.
Number one is the opening up these juvenile records.
This is going to become, you know, the question because juvenile records, Records are different.
We treat juvenile crimes differently.
There's a reason we treat juvenile crimes differently.
And it's more redemptive.
It's more restorative.
It's not like the harsher criminal system of the adults.
So in juvenile courts, your due process rights are many times far less.
Your substantive rights under the system are less.
There is less formality to these proceedings in juvenile court.
That can lead to then later, again, not ever expecting these to then affect later adult decisions.
Many times the juvenile records are either expunged or they're closed where you can't get to it.
And especially when these are asking now that you have to contact the mental health records.
I'm not sure where they're actually going to get that in some of these states.
You know, the mental health, where are you going to get this record?
All I can say is, folks, this is a problem.
These are two areas that need to be addressed, and it needs to have more debate than simply being ran through to make you feel good.
This is why Congress is broken.
This is why we don't do things very well.
An old saying in law school is this, bad facts make bad law.
When the facts are horrendous and trying to fix the bad facts with a law, it's typically going to end up worse than where it is at.
I don't know where this is going to end up.
I do know it's probably going to end up on Joe Biden's desk.
And if it ends up on Joe Biden's desk, it's going to get signed.
And then we're going to have to deal with the fallout.
My hope is if you're listening to this podcast, and hopefully it's not too late by the time you get it, And I'm going to be talking about this.
We're going to be talking about before it gets to the house.
Somebody has got to address these questions.
Otherwise, you're going to have these questions on juvenile records being opened up.
Who can open them up?
The mental health aspect of the juvenile health records for these 18-year-olds.
I think you're asking for a lawsuit here.
It's just a problem in what is going to be assigned and what is not going to be assigned when they look through these background checks.
Didn't even get into the fact now that they've extended it out to 10 business days, which could lead it into almost 12 days.
If you start on a Monday and you've got 10 business days, which is Monday through Friday, Monday through Friday, Saturday and Sunday, you've got 12. Actually, you could have, if it's done on Friday, 12 days, or it could be going through the next weekend for 14 days.
Again, this is all stuff so that they can make you feel like that they're actually doing something when in the end of the day, it's not actually doing something.
That they will point to that actually would stop anything that we have actually seen.
Again, what makes you feel good doesn't always heal you.
And that's the Doug Collins Show for today.
Please listen.
Please pay attention.
If you're worried about these riots, you're worried about the things that are beyond guns here.
I know people want to do something.
But you've got to do something at the end of the day that actually either works or we have to make better precautions.
Some of this bill, the mental health aspects and the putting money for school hardening, those are all things that could have been done aside from these other issues.
Instead, they put it all together, they're going to ram it together in a few days, and they're going to give it to you, and then they're going to go back home and say, look, we did something.
No, they really didn't.
In fact, if anything, they may have hurt the process more later on.
It's Doug.
I don't know how else to explain this to you.
I'm going to give you the facts.
You've got to learn it for yourself.
But I appreciate you turning in.
This is Doug Collins.
We'll see you next time on the podcast.
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