Turning "Trump Supporters" Into "Trump Voters" ft. Chris Buskirk
It's becoming a very real and disturbing trend: There are millions of people who are enthusiastic supporters of Donald Trump and MAGA — until the time comes to actually stick a ballot into the ballot box. Chris Buskirk of American Greatness joins for a full hour discussing the upsides and downsides of the right's new strength with "low-propensity" voters. They also talk about the religious enthusiasm the left brings to politics, and what specific states need the most focus in the final month of the campaign.Support the show: http://www.charliekirk.com/supportSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
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Okay everybody, we have a special guest for you this hour, a great friend of mine, and we're just going to kind of catch up on air.
So you guys are going to see us catching up.
It's Chris Buskirk, 1789, of which is a great entity, and many other things that you're involved in to help save the Republic.
I'm trying.
I'm doing my best.
You're doing more than almost anybody else.
Well, not you, not you.
Well, we're working together.
You've been very helpful to us and I'm very appreciative and very grateful.
So Chris, let's, I mean, let's talk, you're running an effort called Turnout for Trump, which is amazing.
It's a super pack.
Let's just kind of stay, take a step back.
What is the state of this race?
It's very hard to get clarity on where we are.
What is your diagnosis of where we stand?
Yeah, so the PAC is called Turnout for America.
The project is Turnout for Trump.
I'm sorry.
Our lawyers would make sure we say it right.
I apologize.
I'll get an email if I don't say that.
That's a Charlie Kirk error.
Yeah, so look, I've said this so many times, I've got the muscle memory down on what I'm about to say, but it's true.
It bears repeating.
Everybody knows the path to the White House runs through the swing states.
No brainer, right?
However, how do we win those swing states?
And our insight here, and I don't think it's unique, but this is what we're really focused on doing, is the way you win the swing states is you get the low and mid-propensity voters to vote.
And it turns out that there are a lot of them.
I don't know.
It's a joke I tell.
I think it's funny.
I'm not sure anybody else does.
Like I said, they're Trump supporters.
They're not yet Trump voters.
And we need to basically bridge that gap and make sure they go from support to voting.
That's absolutely critical.
Because what has happened over the past, I don't know, maybe call it 20 or 30 years, The Republican Party has inherited the old Democrat working class base.
When the Democrats had that part of America as the base of their electorate, they had labor unions to do the organizing.
We have the people, we don't have the infrastructure.
We don't have the labor unions to do the political organizing for us.
Thus, we need to have efforts like what you guys are doing.
Like what we're doing with Turnout for America, which is to go and get these people who are mostly low or mid-propensity voters.
They're with us.
They agree.
We don't need to persuade them.
They're here for the cause.
Whether or not they vote, up in the air.
So I totally agree.
That's so smart.
I'm going to steal that, by the way.
Turning Trump supporters into Trump voters.
We're doing that, but I just love that one-liner.
Here's the way I frame it, is that we've already won the debate.
The debate is over.
Whether we win the election or win the count is a completely separate issue.
That's good, yeah, that's exactly right.
It's similar, right?
I firmly believe we are in the vast majority of the country when it comes, of the states that matter, of border, economy, foreign policy, Trump better, no question.
Can we translate that sentiment into ballots in boxes?
That's the name of the game.
That is the name of the game.
Like, I beat this drum all day, every day.
You know, look, you and I have talked about this off the air before.
It bears repeating on air so that people really hear it and digest it.
Democrats are really good at practical politics.
I've spent a lot of time over the past five or six years reading the literature from the left about how you do grassroots organizing, how you do grassroots turnout, how you, like, all of the stuff, like, people always make fun of Obama, like, the man's never had a real job.
You know, what's a community organizer?
That's fake.
Nope, it's not fake.
Turns out it's a real job.
They do real things.
They are very serious.
It sounds fake, right?
Community organizer.
Unless you are actually in it, you don't know what those people do.
They're basically professional agitators.
But they're not just agitators, right?
There's actually a method to the madness, and we don't have to wonder how they do it.
About it.
Like, there are literal manuals on it which are very intelligently written.
So I would recommend a book to everybody.
You can buy it on Amazon.
It's called Roots to Power.
It's the left-wing Bible on how you do community organizing, grassroots organizing.
I mean, it's just a very, very smart, well-written book.
It's maybe, I don't know, 40 essays?
And it deals with all these different scenarios.
Well, that's how you build infrastructure.
And that's what we're talking about doing here, because people Especially the sort of people who are now form the base of the Republican Party, like they get it, they understand what is at stake, they are with us on the big picture stuff, but people, and you probably see this all the time on what you're doing, they're not really sure what to do.
Like, okay, how do I, and it becomes demotivating.
They're like, this is bad, or that's good, but how do I actually make something happen?
You kind of see this with the now two attempted assassinations of the President.
People are really mad about it, obviously, rightly.
But nobody knows what they're supposed to do.
This is obviously terrible.
It's egregious.
They're not sure who to blame.
They know there's a they, like the lizard people or whatever, or somebody's doing this, but you're not sure who.
And so you wind up with all this energy, but it's not directed at anything.
That's correct.
And so the job here that we all have is we need to be able to direct all of this energy in a way that's productive.
I think that's so insightful.
And so let's just talk about Roots to Power.
A couple things you learned there that was the most remarkable that you said, wow, we're not doing that.
Well, I'll say here's a big picture thing that I learned because I sort of always had the same thought that a lot of people on our side do, which is like, God, these people are like crazy, wild-eyed, like ideologues, and they're dangerous because they're crazy.
That was sort of like maybe at a gut level that was it.
But not that they were organized.
Like, you had the sense that the stuff just kind of happened.
What I found out is that this stuff is actually very sophisticated.
It is extremely thoughtful.
It is very practical.
It has been honed over a long, long time.
You know, it's written at the level of something you would, like a case study you would get at, like, the Harvard Business School.
Like, it's very intelligent stuff.
So that was one, which is that just the The amount of intellectual firepower of tradecraft that goes into politics on the left is really impressive.
Which, on the one hand, is a little scary.
You're like, OK, actually, we're not just up against maniacs, we're up against really thoughtful, organized maniacs.
So that was one thing.
And that was something that said to me, which is, Okay, that's not great, but also, like, you can buy this book on Amazon.
Like, you can copy it.
It's not like a secret that's being held in a vault someplace.
They always tell their secrets.
Always.
They always do.
Right.
People always... Yes, of course.
People always say what they're going to do.
They want credit.
Yeah.
I mean, we saw this in 2020, right?
I mean, there was this famous article, which you probably remember, that was written by Molly Ball in Time magazine.
It came out, I want to say, February of 21.
The shadow campaign that won the 2020 election.
Yeah, right.
It was like, oh, you guys are complaining about, like, whatever, like the, you know, beaming, like, the results from the Dominion machines off the dark side of the moon or something.
Like, mm-mm, didn't do that.
Here's what we actually did.
And we're going to write a 5,000... Weekly Zoom calls, you know, shock troops in the streets, you know, voter integrity.
Like, here are the 50 things we did.
Yeah.
You don't have to, like, you don't have to use conjecture.
You could just ask them.
They'll tell you.
And so it's very sophisticated, very honed in, and again, there's a contradiction here that some conservatives have, is that they're all just kind of purple-haired, smelly people that forget to get out of bed in the morning.
What you're saying, though, that this is their job, that this is their life force, this is everything they care about.
How big is it, it being the... Huge.
Define huge.
And I agree, by the way.
It's very, I would say this, it's very hard to really quantify.
I would say it's, my belief is that what you can quantify is quite large, and there's a lot that you can't quantify.
It's like, sort of, how do you quantify some things?
Like, I mean, just take like the NEA, the National Education Association.
Eight million members, yeah.
Eight million members, lots of money, lots of organizing capacity.
That all by itself is bigger than any entity or combination of entities that exist in the right-of-center political ecosystem.
It's massive, and it's very well funded.
And we don't usually even count them in the sphere of Super PAC, C4, C3.
Correct.
That's just its own thing.
It's its own thing.
I mean, they spend hundreds of millions of dollars every year just on their own.
And it's just this one thing.
And there's lots of those things out there.
And it's just for Democrats.
Purely, strictly, and solely.
If you consider 100% being solely for Democrats, then yes.
That's right.
And so the size is worth dwelling on, because it's overwhelming.
And it's actually, it should be super, it should be very optimistic, because like, wait a second, they have this multi-billion dollar thing.
And they have tens of thousands of staffers that do nothing but this, and we're still like falling short on the margins in certain states?
Yeah.
It's rather remarkable, actually.
I think so.
And it also goes to show that if we do a little bit of that work, just a little bit, 5%, 10%, maybe that could be the quote-unquote missing ingredient.
I think that's exactly right.
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And so why is it that Democrats are better at the mechanics of politics?
It's not that they care more, because, I mean, you go to a MAGA rally, our people care a lot.
It's not that they do have more money, but that's a new phenomenon.
Is it something within how Democrats view politics in general that makes them more likely to do the clipboard and tennis shoes type of work?
So I've got like sort of two answers to that, which I think are neither one of them are totally right.
I think both are sort of like partially right.
One is, so here's my quip answer, but is I think is directionally correct, which is they're communists at heart and communists have been organizing for a long time.
Like Marx wrote about it, Lenin wrote about it.
It's deep in their political DNA.
I totally agree.
Sorry to interrupt, but how Christians gather after church and community, Democrats do politics organizing.
And this is the second part, which is, it's almost hackneyed to say it, but it is true, it is a religious culture.
And abortion adds an extra... That's the sacrament.
It is the Eucharist.
Yeah.
And I know people get crazy when I say that.
It's just true.
It adds this, this is my body, this is my... Correct.
Yeah, I mean, there's like, there's sort of that visual part, there's that tactile part.
But also, like, you don't have to take our word for it.
Like, just talk to an actual abortion activist. 100%.
I'm not even sure they would disagree with you.
They might actually disagree only in the sense that we don't like religion, so don't compare us to those people, but yes, this is holy.
Remember the Shout Your Abortion movement?
100%.
If you use every synonym of religion, purpose, higher calling, that's how they view abortion.
Yeah.
So you're right, I interrupted you, I'm sorry.
So as Christians view spreading Jesus to the lost, they view political organizing in Detroit?
100%.
100%. Because there's like, there's a real parallel between Christianity, which offers eternal salvation, eternal life,
They just want it now, in a secular version.
They want heaven on earth, they want a utopia that they think they can create through politics by forcing people to bend to their will by using the power of the state.
It is effectively a perversion of the true gospel.
I totally agree with that.
And so the change in the culture on the right is difficult, which is to be like, no, you guys have to now go do the sweaty work and the hustle work.
Part of this, though, is the change of the parties, is that we never used to have to do this.
Voting used to be a lot different.
Yep.
Right?
It used to be one-day voting.
Now we have mass mail-in voting, and unfortunately mass mail-in voting is here to stay for the foreseeable future.
And therefore, they created a model with mass mail-in voting, Advantage Community Organizer.
Advantage shock troops.
Meaning, if you have 5,000 people at your disposal, And everyone gets a ballot.
Well, the side that has 5,000 people is going to do better than the side that tells everyone to go vote on Election Day.
100%.
Also, the side that mails a bunch of ballots to an empty lot in Chicago is going to do pretty good, too.
And to Walmarts and to Home Depots.
And to the nursing home.
Yes.
Yeah.
Right.
Exactly.
So, I mean, right.
This is, like, just the point I think you're making, and I agree with it, is let's factor just straight-up fraud out of it for a second.
Like, fraud happens.
Like, we can stipulate that.
But leave that out.
The part that's legitimate, that's a part where you can win or lose these elections.
And we just have ceded the ground to that.
I know we've got a break coming up in a minute or two, but before we break, I do want to say this.
Look at some signal victories that the right has won over the past 40 or 50 years.
They have all been won because we have gotten organized around a particular issue.
Second Amendment is a great example.
We have now, I think it's 40 or 41 states that have some form of concealed carry.
Huge one.
Like Massachusetts has it.
New York has it.
California has it.
If you had told a Republican in like 1982, say, There's going to be a concealed carry law in New York.
They'd be like, you should stop drinking so much.
That will never ever happen.
That's right.
It's happened.
Why?
Because it was a very defined issue, we knew what we wanted, and we organized around it.
There were organizations like the NRA, like Gun Owners of America, a few others.
There were a bunch of state organizations.
Everybody said, this is what we're after.
We want this legislation passed.
And we spent 40 years, and now we have, you know, kind of 40-ish states that have this legislation.
Same thing happened with the pro-life movement.
Pro-life movement, I think, but there's a whole other topic, is a bit like the dog that chased the car down the street and cut the car, is not really sure what to do right now, but was able to work around judicial nominations to get to a point where Roe v. Wade was overturned.
That's right.
Now there's other work to be done, but the point is that after 50 years, There was success.
There was a defined goal.
Overturn Roe, that meant get the judges onto the Supreme Court.
That happened, and here we are.
Same thing with school choice.
Point is, when we define our goals and get organized, we can do it.
So Chris, let me ask you an unusual question.
If Kamala were to win, not through all the fraudulent stuff, what is her path?
What would she need to do?
What electorates does she need to drive up, and what would the configuration of her victory look like?
Yeah, I think I have to just take a pause here and collect my thoughts because that's such a horrific thing to even ponder for a moment.
It's terrible.
Look at the screens right there.
Can you imagine?
I just can't.
Why did you do that to me?
I know, exactly.
I guess I would go back to the way we started this conversation and say, look, the Democrats' path, Kamala's path to victory, is similar but not the same to Donald Trump's in a geographic sense, right?
So you have to win all the states that Joe Biden won, again.
So you've got to win North Carolina, you've got to win Georgia.
Well, North Carolina Trump won, but yeah.
Sorry, yeah.
Well, you have to go back and reassemble the same configuration of states, more or less.
Like, there's a couple of ways to flip it, but not really.
But who are the people who move that vote?
So, what we found out is, like in Pennsylvania, in Philadelphia, they really, really love democracy, because in the precincts in Philadelphia, more than 100% of the people vote.
I love it.
They're voting all the time out in Philadelphia.
Big democracy fans.
Big democracy fans.
Like, if voting once is good, voting twice must be better.
There is a part, if you look at Wisconsin and Pennsylvania, I know you stipulated up front, like, leave aside the fraud.
You can't, okay?
Because in Milwaukee and Philadelphia, that's just part of the political culture.
It has been for a very long time.
And Detroit.
And Detroit, for sure.
In all of these sort of, like, old school Rust Belt cities, there are still operating political machines.
I talk to people sometimes who say, like, No, that can't be real.
No, actually, it's real.
That's been a fixture of American politics for two centuries.
It has died out in some places.
In a lot of places, it still exists.
Look at Clark County in Nevada, same thing.
Harry Reid built a very effective political machine there.
It's not as good as it was when he was alive and running it.
It's still real and it's still effective.
And so you kind of go back to the old left of center political ecosystem.
You know, you're going to get the public sector, labor unions, so you're going to get, like we were talking about earlier, you're going to get the teachers, you're going to get these people, you're going to get the urban centers to come out heavy.
I think.
Okay, so this is, and this is I think a challenge for Kamala Harris.
We're not having as many mail-in ballots being sent out this year as we did.
That's correct.
It's not even close.
Not even close.
In some states it's down like... 80% in Pennsylvania.
Yeah, it's down huge.
So there's not as many, there's not many of those ballots out there.
So there's a fraud angle on that, which is just harder to do fraud at the same scale as 2020.
There's another aspect of it, which is just, they have to get their people out to vote on election day.
Now, as we were talking about earlier, do they have infrastructure to do that?
They sure do.
It's still hard.
It's still hard.
Their base is very transient, though.
It's hard to pinpoint them.
I totally agree.
You know, look, I think the difference maker here is going to be, particularly in places like Arizona, in parts of Pennsylvania, you think about a main line like Bucks County.
It's basically going to be college-educated, mostly white women.
This is the difference-maker.
Versus, the flip side is, can we get working-class men to vote?
To offset them.
Correct.
And do you think that's possible?
Yeah, I do.
Hard.
I mean, that's what you're working on.
That's the name of the game.
And by the way, it's better money to spend to turnout than to persuade.
100%.
Persuasion is far more expensive.
Very expensive, yep.
And that's the old model, but instead it's like, well, why don't you just get 2% more of the people that already like you?
It seems like easy math to me.
And the Democrats have always gone base first and then persuadable, correct?
Correct.
They go base first strategy.
That's what probably Roots to Power articulates.
Absolutely.
Absolutely right.
There's this phrase that gets repeated in a lot of the literature on the left.
And they say it a couple different ways, but basically it says, if you don't like the electorate,
get a new one.
And there's like...
Oh, that's so funny.
There's two versions of that, which is, I know, like I've said this to conservative
friends in the past, they're like, oh my God, see, that's just evidence they all know they're
going to cheat.
That's actually not what they mean.
What they mean is base first.
It's like, OK, who are the people we need to get registered?
Who are the people we need to get to turn out?
It's very, very practical.
If you don't like your electorate, get a new one like Springfield, Ohio.
Just import Haitians to vote for you.
Yeah, see, this is what every conservative says.
That's like the big picture.
I'm definitely part of it.
But that's like at scale.
But that's like at scale, that's definitely true.
But at a more tactical level, all they're saying is, let's go get our people.
There were these people who are ours that didn't turn out, or there are these people who aren't registered.
Let's go get them.
And they've been doing it very effectively for a long time.
And again, this isn't rocket science.
We just copy it.
It's like, oh, okay, yeah, good point.
It's like, you've probably seen this data, but it's...
You know, you look at all these states that we call swing states, if you look at, for instance, like hunting licenses, like there's all these, it's almost always men, there's all these men with hunting licenses who aren't registered to vote.
There's all these men with hunting licenses who are registered as Republicans who don't vote.
In a lot of cases, there are more of them by a multiple than the margin of victory for Biden v. Trump in 2020.
So concentrate your resources on getting the people that you've already got.
Mentally, you've got them.
They agree with you.
It's a little bit hard for political people.
It's hard for me, for sure, to say, well, OK, why aren't they voting?
I was going to ask, what do you find in the field?
There are a lot of people... Again, remember, we have a working class base now.
People, it's like, I've got two jobs, just don't have time.
There's part of that.
Crazily enough, and this almost sounds like a Democrat's talking point, it can be more complicated than you think it's going to be to figure out how to get an early ballot.
It's not that hard.
I mean, it's like five minutes of Googling or something.
But that's a barrier for some people.
And so a lot of the field work that people do is just helping people figure out what they're supposed to do.
In Arizona, we basically have universal, almost.
Yeah.
Thankfully.
But still, we have a lot of people that we want to get on the 8-bit list.
Correct.
And we need to try to transfer them over.
And that's only step one, though.
As you know, they get the ballot in the mail.
Oh, where did it go?
You've got to chase it.
You've got to chase it, you've got to get them to turn it in.
Oh, I think I threw it away.
Oh my goodness.
I hear that a lot.
There's also a big group of people think like, yeah, what's the point?
It's not going to matter.
It's just like the efficacy of the vote.
Which, weirdly, I don't know if you guys have ever tested this.
effective persuasion tools or arguments that our field people will use is just like, it's your civic duty.
It's the simplest, it cuts through everything.
Everybody knows that they should.
What they wonder is, does it matter?
And you just have to say, no, actually, you have a responsibility.
I heard you in the last segment talking about in the Christian faith, it's not like, what can God do for me?
It's what do we owe to God?
That's a big, important distinction.
You have responsibilities, right?
There's a rights version of the world, and there's a duties version of the world.
And if you appeal to people's duties, everybody knows they have them.
You just have to tell it to them.
And it does sort of boggle my mind, because why did we have to say this?
Didn't you know it?
But sometimes people just need reminding.
I mean, we see this in the Christian faith also.
There's a Sabbath every week.
Right?
There's a reason.
We need to hear it.
That's just the way humans are wired.
You have to have this stuff repeated to you.
And that's why doing fieldwork and to go just going and talking to people, helping them, you know, helping them navigate something that may be as confusing or it's not totally clear or just as a pain in the neck or whatever, it matters.
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What states, I mean the obvious states, you know, Wisconsin, Michigan, Pennsylvania, Georgia, North Carolina, Arizona, Nevada, which ones are you, do you want to inform our audience about that either need extra attention or you think that something interesting is going on?
The ones that I think really need a lot of attention are, well they all need attention, so let me stipulate that up front, but that's just stating the obvious.
Pennsylvania and Georgia, I think, need a bunch of attention.
By the way, if you win North Carolina, Pennsylvania, Georgia, it's over.
Correct.
You go three for three there, and he's the heavy favorite in North Carolina.
Yes.
Structurally, he's in a much better place than she is.
Georgia's goofy.
Georgia's weird.
It should be okay, but it's not.
Yes, and I have to tell myself that every single morning.
But it's not?
It looks pretty good for us, but it's too close.
It's like we're not where we should be.
We should be up five or six points.
Right, and we're up like one or two.
I know.
And that's just too close.
And Pennsylvania is its own beast.
It's its own presidential election in and of itself.
Correct.
Because you've got Eastern PA, you've got Philadelphia and Bucks County in the mainline world out there, you've got Central Pennsylvania, which is its own thing, and then you've got Western Pennsylvania and Pittsburgh.
Depending on how you think about it, there's like three or four Pennsylvanias, and they're all distinct, and you have to handle them all differently.
The other thing, because we're doing a ton of fieldwork in Pennsylvania at the moment, the thing you have to remember, just as a practical matter, when you're doing this type of canvassing and grassroots fieldwork, a lot of Pennsylvania is rural.
A lot of it.
Right?
That's hard to canvas, by the way.
Correct.
Correct.
It's just very time-consuming.
It's not like canvassing in Philadelphia or in Pittsburgh, where a single person or a team of two people or whatever can go and cover a lot of doors in a single day.
You have to drive from place to place.
It just takes time.
It's a heavy lift.
It's not as efficient.
Maricopa's almost built for ballot chasing, though.
You have a lot of people clustered, and you have a lot of wingers in the county in Maricopa.
Pinal, Yavapai, Mojave.
Arizona, I don't want to get too ahead of ourselves, but it's definitely in a better spot than Georgia.
I agree.
We agree.
Yeah, from a voter registration standpoint.
And Democrats seem to be running a very concerted campaign in Georgia right now.
I agree.
Because they know they got to win it.
Without Pennsylvania, North Carolina, Georgia, they're done.
That is cooked.
And that's honestly thanks to Trump.
He took Ohio off the map.
He took Florida off the map.
He took Iowa off the map.
It's pretty remarkable.
It's great.
Only he could do it.
And he has.
So J.D.
Vance, our friend, he's doing well.
He's doing great.
He's doing great.
I mean, look, he doesn't get enough love.
If he was getting 10x the love he's getting, it would not be enough, because he's absolutely killing it.
They're going to stop having him on CNN.
I think so.
It's a slaughter fest.
It's like, at a certain point, I was going to say you start to feel bad for Dana Bash.
That's not true.
I don't.
She deserves it.
She brings it on herself.
But he just goes on there and just eviscerates these people.
He does it with a big smile.
He's smarter than they are.
He's nicer than they are.
He's just like a good person.
He's a great person.
So he doesn't go on there and throw bombs.
He just kind of laughs.
And he's so factual.
Yeah.
I think he's really added a lot to the ticket.
And he's got his debate against Tim Walz coming up.
Looking forward to it.
J.D.
is the youngest person of the four.
What are you seeing with young men in your data?
So there's data and there's anecdata.
I love anecdata.
So my anecdata is insane.
I mean, I do this campus stuff.
We've done like six in the last week.
I've never seen it like this.
What do you see?
I'm interested in that.
Energy, enthusiasm, the young men are like, I mean, I'm telling you, Chris, we bring these MAGA hats, we run out of 500 of them in five minutes, and these kids are wearing these hats, and I've never seen anything like it.
And this is from Boulder to Madison, all across the country.
But I'm sure that also manifests in data as well.
You know what it does, and we see it in the data for sure, it's like basically if you are male between like 18 and 40, so kind of a broad spectrum, some millennials in there, some Gen Z in there, you're definitely voting for Trump.
If that was the electorate, Trump would win 50 states.
Correct.
What's really interesting is how J.D.
resonates with these younger guys.
And by the way, let me go back a step.
It is true regardless of race.
That's correct.
Now it may be more true in certain groups.
But Hispanic and white men are almost one to one right now.
Correct.
Black men, a little bit of a leakage.
Asian men, not as much.
But black men, the breakpoint there, it depends on the survey you're looking at, but breakpoints may be 45 years old, 50 years old, something like that.
If you're under 40 for sure, if you're under 45, you just don't have the allegiance.
Not only to the Democrat party, but to Democrats in general, to the ideas that they're peddling.
They have nothing but negative things to say about the left and the Democrats.
It's super interesting that it's very sex specific.
Like men are actually coming together.
We spend so much time in this country talking about race, but there's like this gender gap.
Why do you think that is?
I probably shouldn't say that on this show.
The culture's become hyper-feminine, and it needs a course correct.
And men are doing the correcting through political advocacy.
There is that part, which I agree with.
There's another element of it, because it's not all women.
It's single women.
Married women.
I remember there was this data point that came out in 2020.
I actually should look this up and see if it's true right now.
When you make a political donation, Really?
You have to specify your occupation, is one of the questions they ask.
The number one most chosen, not a majority, but it was the most frequently cited occupation,
homemaker, in donations to Donald Trump.
Wow.
Really?
Yes.
Yeah.
So it was like a little great factoid which tells you that basically it's not just man,
woman.
That's a first cut, but there's actually a lot more going on.
There's a family element to it.
People with families skew to the right.
We live in the real world.
Our friend JD made a comment about the cat ladies, and that really offended the cat ladies, but people who don't have these sort of familial attachments, something goes wrong with them in their middle age.
Why is it that they go so far to the left?
What about the left do they find to plug into?
I think there's probably a bunch of different things there.
There's some different threads.
There's sort of a resentment at society.
You didn't get what you thought you were going to get, whether it be a family, a house, Whatever, there's that part of it.
I think that as those people age and don't have familial attachments, the only other people that they're talking to are like them.
They get into these insular groups and spin each other up.
And then there's another part which is you need some type of stability in your life, and government offers that.
And then you also want some place where you have agency, so you want to use government as a surrogate to enact your will upon others.
And that's actually the part that is most damaging and most evil.
Because it's not... Like, if you want to be a cat lady and have a cat and no kids, fine.
That's your business.
But let's leave it there.
Don't use the government to work your woman and everybody else.
We're running out of time, but just show just 73 on b-roll.
Just some of the energy we have on campus there.
Chris can see that.
We can't give those MAGA hats away quick enough.
Look at that.
Got a pile of them.
Isn't that great?
We've got 2,000 kids there.
And we have another one tomorrow, by the way.
We're at the University of Pittsburgh in Penn State tomorrow.
And we registered 100 new people last night at a frat meeting at ASU.
I love that.
Chris, thank you so much, and looking forward to catching up more.
