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Dec. 16, 2022 - The Charlie Kirk Show
35:13
The Terrible, Horrible, No-Good Very Bad Omnibus with Jim Banks, Jack Posobiec, and Tyler Bowyer
Transcriber: nvidia/parakeet-tdt-0.6b-v2, sat-12l-sm, and large-v3-turbo
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House Vote and Term Limits 00:14:12
Hey, everybody.
Today on the Charlie Kirk show, Jack Pesobic and Tyler Boyer join us for some geopolitics conversation.
We have Congressman Jim Banks talk about the omnibus, and we talk about Trump's NFT announcement.
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Buckle up, everybody.
Here we go.
Charlie, what you've done is incredible here.
Maybe Charlie Kirk is on the college campuses.
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I want to thank Charlie.
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All right.
We have Congressman Jim Banks joining us.
Congressman, welcome.
I hope you run for Senate.
Do you have plans to do so?
Right of the chase, I guess.
I'm taking a strong look at it.
Senator Braun announced earlier this week that he is running for governor of Indiana.
Senator Braun has been a conservative, a reliable conservative, consistent in his voting record over the last four years.
Indiana deserves a conservative senator.
So I'm going to take a strong look at it.
My wife and I will be talking it through, praying it through over the holidays, and I'll make a decision quickly in the new year.
Well, we're behind you.
I think you would be excellent, and you've been terrific.
I wish you would have become whip instead of Emmer, who is just inexcusable.
However, I want to ask you about this omnibus bill.
I mean, it is without question one of the most insulting pieces of legislation to the American citizen and the grassroots that I've seen in quite some time.
And it looks to, if in its current kind of form, it seems that it will authorize nine months of spending all the way to September, basically robbing your term in the House majority.
What is your take on this omnibus bill?
Yeah, what's the point of having a Republican majority if Republicans are going to go along with a massive, bloated omnibus spending bill that takes celebrity away from the majority?
So it's a, I'll be, I'll do everything I can next week when it comes to the floor to oppose it.
And keep in mind, the Democrats haven't spoken to House Republicans at all.
We've had zero input into the omnibus.
I know that Senate Republicans are negotiating with Senate Democrats on their side.
The Republicans in the House have been completely cut out of this process.
That's why we should all oppose it just for that reason alone.
Pass a two-week CR that pushes this into the new majority that recognizes the will of the American voters who gave us a chance to have the majority to begin with.
Otherwise, you're just betraying those voters.
So, I mean, what is the calculus, though, for some of these Republicans?
I don't think the House has many Republicans that are going to vote for this.
Maybe Liz Cheney kind of be her swan song.
But in the Senate, this is being brokered by Senator Shelby, who will retire in a couple years.
You know, in principle, it's an interesting topic to think about.
And I'm not trying to put you on the spot on this.
In principle, I am a fan of term limits.
But the only issue with term limits or people retiring is Shelby doesn't care.
There's no check and balance.
There's nothing you could say to him that will influence him at all whatsoever.
He just wants a job at some Birmingham lobby firm.
Yeah, I'm sure I think he's retiring in a couple of weeks, right?
And he's done at the end of this Congress.
And keep in mind, too, you know, Republicans have allowed for earmarks to come back.
And there are a lot of earmarks in this omnibus bill.
So when you see Republicans voting for it, you might scratch your head and begin to wonder, did they get an earmark into the bill as a reward for their vote?
So that's something that I hope.
After the bill passes, we see what Republicans voted for, let's go back and comb through and find out how do they grease it?
What do they get out of it?
At the end of the day, those who have Republicans who vote for it are, again, they're betraying the voters who gave us the majority so that we could do something about reckless spending, about bloated federal government.
Charlie, but this is why a minute ago, yes, both at the Senate race, this is one of the reasons that if I run for the Senate, that I want to get there to stop the madness, do something about the national debt and spending and shake it up over there a little bit so they begin to recognize that when they go along with these omnibuses and these massive spending bills, they're directly responsible for a $32 trillion national debt.
It is extraordinary.
And the lack of outrage.
I mean, you got the turtle going on and on and on about how he wants to go home for Christmas.
That's a neighboring state of yours.
I mean, McConnell says, I want to be on the road by the 23rd.
I'm sorry, pal.
Our country's fallen apart.
We're being invaded on the southern border.
We are $32 trillion in debt.
We have record inflation.
They're going to spend another $37 billion of money to Ukraine.
And I got to worry about your Christmas schedule.
Like, you should retire.
Like, go be some geriatric lobbyist for some whiskey company or for Louisville slugger.
Like, this is an outrage that our country's falling apart.
And I got to worry about McConnell's Christmas plans.
Yeah, I don't mind coming back next week at all to vote.
And I'll be voting no on the omnibus, but let's focus on the issues that the American people sent us here to focus on securing the border, reining in reckless spending, holding China accountable.
That's what we should be focused on.
Now, you get into a larger point.
When we get the gavels and take the majority on January 3rd, if we do this kind of stuff, we're not going to have this majority for very long.
We're going to lose the majority after two years because our voters will completely give up on us.
But if we lead and focus on issues that matter and rein in federal spending and block massive omnibus spending type bills, then I think we'll grow our majority and we'll win the White House in the process too.
So, I mean, let's talk about the new Congress.
There is a debate over the new speaker of the House.
A fear that I have, Jack Pasobic has, and Tyler has, is the current lack of strategy by some of the more rebellious minds, which, by the way, I fully support rebellion against leadership.
I think it's admirable and great.
But I don't like kamikaze missions that will result in kind of bedlam and chaos that will give the Democrats or the Unit Party a potential speaker.
How should we think about the January 3rd vote?
What is the risk-reward calculation?
Well, first of all, the process so far has led to better rules.
And this is what I like about it.
Everything that we can do to empower rank-and-file members in the House so they have a larger voice, that's good.
And Leader McCarthy has gone along with that.
So I'm glad for that.
There's debates over the motion to vacate and some of the amendment processes, the makeup of the rules committee.
There should be more conservative voices on the rules committee, more conservative chairmen and chairwomen of the committees.
All of those discussions have led to a healthy outcome that's good for rank and file members in the House of Representatives.
Where this goes wrong is by the focus on the January 3rd vote, potentially sabotaging Leader McCarthy's ability to become the Speaker of the House.
If you're going to do that, what's your alternative?
And that's what these holdouts, they haven't given us a better alternative to a Speaker McCarthy.
So that's one of the problems that I have.
In fact, if this all at the end of the day leads to a continuation of Speaker Pelosi or a, God forbid, a Speaker Liz Channing type figure that House moderates and Democrats negotiate, then these holdouts have completely, again, betrayed the voters that gave us the chance to be in the majority in the first place.
So on top of that, Charlie, I know you understand this.
Every day that we're focused on preventing Kevin McCarthy from becoming the Speaker is a day that we lose preparing to hit the ground running and advancing our agenda when we get the majority back on Jan 3rd.
And I'm worried about that too.
If this takes even more time than after the speaker vote, it's going to take weeks to populate the committees, choose the chairman, pass our first 100-day of legislative agenda.
All of that's being held up in the process.
Yeah, when I hear from people who I have a long relationship with Matt Gates and I have a lot of respect for him, when he says, well, we're just going to have to let it take some time and we'll figure it out.
That seems like an entrance into a risk environment that I'm not exactly ready to entertain given a four-seat majority.
So I think the strategy to get concessions has been great.
To change the rules and have the most conservative Congress in American history, let's do it.
But let's not lose the majority because we hope we can find a leader.
Hope is not a strategy.
In fact, our track record shows it doesn't go well.
Congressman Jim Banks, hope to call you, Senator, one day.
Thanks so much.
Hey, thank you.
Good to be with you.
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We got Jack Pasobic and Tyler Boyer here.
Do we do?
So, Tyler, anything else you want to mention on the RNC stuff that you didn't get a chance to explore?
Tyler, name the names.
I mean, very simply, this is the fact, which is that we have a we could have done a lot with a lot of this money to win elections.
At the end of the day, we have to look at this very, very black and white, which is what is the role of the institutions that we finance and that we participate in.
At the end of the day, I'll tell you this.
And again, I think I mentioned this to you, Charlie.
I think I said on your show.
Every time I've talked with Ron, the last time I talked to him, he was like, Ron, I don't hate you.
I don't love you.
I just want to win.
That's all I care about.
I don't care about personalities.
There's no personality in this.
I don't care about, I don't care about swanky four seasons, you know, drinking games, you know, all this stuff.
And I actually get the donor events.
I don't think that's where we should criticize.
No, it's not about donor events.
It's about how we use our funds in order to move the movement outside of those things.
Raising money, we should bring the RNC.
I could tell you the perfect ideal scenario.
We spent about 10% of our budget on fundraising, right?
That's within reason.
That's above where that's almost twice as much as we spend at Turning Point.
Okay.
Yeah.
So we spend around 6%.
And so if they were like 10 to 12%, I'd be perfectly fine with that.
That's more, I mean, 15%.
And the remainder of the money that we use goes exclusively towards winning campaigns.
Every dollar should justify itself.
Yeah.
Period.
So let me just tell you the numbers at Turning Point USA.
We're very transparent.
It's all public.
Right.
And so last year, we raised this the last reported figure, and this one will be even better this year, praise God, $55.2 million in revenue, and we spent $3.1 million.
That's all direct mail.
That's all email.
That's all tax.
Spent that on fundraising.
On fundraising.
So we spent $3.1 million to raise $55 million.
Right.
So 6%.
That's really good.
Heritage Foundation, they're a sponsor of Amfest, and they've been making some really big improvements in recent years, recent months.
So they raised $65 million and they spent $14.6.
And so that's 22%.
That's on the higher spectrum.
Right.
But the RNC is double that.
Almost 40%.
Again, that was at one of the meetings that I was sitting in.
This was mid-year, so it could have dropped.
I doubt it, but it could have dropped.
But it was closer to 40%.
It was upwards of, let's just call it upwards of 30%.
That's really trendy.
That's a lot of money.
And so when you talk about like the things that they, the swanky stuff they do for members, like we don't need that.
I don't need this.
I don't need to have an event at four seasons.
Like I said, I don't think it needs to be at the Holiday Inn Express, but like I think we Hilton will suffice.
Yeah, you don't need the entire room full of tchotchkes.
That's the other thing we do at Turning Point.
We host these events.
I know how much it costs to actually host a massive event.
RNC Spending vs Super PACs 00:04:12
Why?
I ran it for a second or a staff every day or a staff training.
We go to Airbnb instead of going to the Ritz-Carlton.
But I mean, I'm saying we could do this at a much more cost-effective hotel, get the same effect.
We could actually do more than what I think we're doing right now with involving the grassroots, listening to people who actually register voters.
That's our job.
And so those are the cultural shifts that we're talking about that need to change that I would like to see.
I'm happy to be part of it.
I'm part of the 168 for a reason.
I'm not just like going there just to waste my time.
You know, I'm a big, I'm a big believer that the only way to save America is right now through the Republican Party.
That could change.
I mean, look, the Whig party went away and was replaced at one point by the Republican Party.
By the Republican Party.
The Republican Party could go away too.
But do we need that?
No.
What we need is a winning message moving forward, managing our resources as effectively as possible, and then using the resources that we're entrusted with to win to win races.
So the way the federal election code is written, if Tyler Jack and I said, you know what?
We don't like the Republican Party and we start the Tyler Jack-Charlie super PAC.
We're not allowed to coordinate with campaigns.
We're not allowed to share data.
We're not allowed to communicate with candidates.
And we're not allowed to be able to be in meeting or strategy sessions.
The RNC is legally allowed to do all those things.
And so the RNC is only allowed to raise $750,000 per person.
You might say, Charlie, it's a ton of money.
It is, but in Super PAC world, that's not a lot of money.
Okay.
So therefore, the RNC can do things that no one else can do, but it also can't raise as much money as Super PAC.
Those are two reasons why this spending needs to be under an even more intense microscope, right, Tyler?
Yeah, I mean, again, this comes back to there's some spending that's in here that was reported last night, and I was, I was surprised by it.
I had heard some things about this.
Whispers and rumors.
I mean, these are public records, right?
And like the point that you brought up is like, this is never talked about.
This is never talked about.
So this race is bringing this out.
Turning points expenditures are examined with more scrutiny and more examination.
How many articles and books?
Yeah, and we are not the Republican Party.
Yeah.
I mean, I mean, we're effective.
We got to give a huge, I'm sure you did earlier, but huge shout out to Jennifer Van Law for just doing the yeoman's work on this, putting in, and I think she tweeted something.
She sent me a message like nights after night, just digging through these files to put this all together.
And Charlie, when you sent me the next, I got it from you earlier.
And then I think producer Andrew had sent around the same time.
And I said, it doesn't look right.
And then he went back to Jen and said, Jen, are you sure?
Because this percentage, it just seems way more sense.
It doesn't make any sense.
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Jack, what other stories you're covering?
You had an interesting story you said you covered on Human Events Daily today.
Putin, Russia, and War 00:12:10
Look, there is this huge leaked cable that has come out of the Pentagon under the Biden administration that it sounds like something you hear out of the Bush administration, by the way.
I almost said Bush there for a second because it's talking about the fact that, you know, Charlie, you remember that you were a little less than happy with me earlier this year when I went to Ukraine and didn't tell anyone.
I was upset.
But I got back and one of the things that we uncovered while on the ground there were black market deals for the arms that like we basically met somebody who was selling them and was telling us how he did it and was talking to people on WhatsApp and Pfizer and Telegram.
And then on the ground.
Well, it's like, I mean, not his level, right?
But, you know, like the, like the, like Victor Boot Jr. maybe.
And that he, you know, like Victor Boot's Serbian nephew or something.
And basically this idea there's this huge market for black market AR-15s now.
And the cable that came out just recently, and NBC News is reporting this very quietly, that the Pentagon realizes it, that they have no clue what's going on with this, with these sales, with these shipments, the same way that, and then to your point, the same way that I'm sure Victor Boot knows about it, and he's going to be getting in on this action, and he's definitely going to be going down to Afghanistan with the billions that we left behind there.
And now the Pentagon's response, again, NBC News.
Well, the way to deal with this, it's simple, Charlie.
We're just going to send more active duty U.S. troops on the ground in Ukraine.
And they have a new memo talking about this, where it's going to be an increase in the number of U.S.
And remember, just yesterday, the Royal Marines, it came out that are conducting covert operations in Ukraine.
And they say, oh, but it totally stopped when the Russians invaded.
We're definitely not conducting covert operations now.
Sure, I'm sure we can trust you guys on that.
No problem, MA6.
And the last line of this memo, it says, not only to track the weapons, but also to ensure that the Ukrainian military is using the weapons properly.
Charlie, this is textbook mission creep.
It's also the exact same playbook that we saw in Iraq.
We saw it in Syria.
We saw it in Afghanistan.
We saw it in Vietnam.
We saw it in Korea.
First, you send the advisors, then you send the trackers, then you say, well, it's just an advisory mission.
And then it just keeps going further and further.
And unfortunately, it gets us to the point.
And this was Mearsheimer's warning from last week about the escalation in Russia, because we're already in a hot proxy war with Russia.
We are.
The United States is today right now in a proxy war with Russia.
What happens if you get to the point where it's a couple of U.S. advisors that press the button that fires the Patriot missile or the drone, whatever it is, and then Russians are killed by it on the ground in an active conflict?
I mean, I actually think Russia doesn't have an appetite to go to war with us.
I think they'd be kind of like, okay, stop it.
I don't actually think they would.
I think we're so stupid to do it.
And I don't think Russia's that dumb.
I hope.
I don't think they have an appetite for it.
I certainly hope, but at the same time.
I certainly don't.
I would speak out.
I'd be like, what are we doing?
This is where, see, this is the problem, though, that gets you into a situation where then what happens if Putin comes up and Tyler, you know about this that someone served on a religious experience in Russia.
He's not a Russian agent.
So what happens when one of the hardliners family?
Okay.
What happens when one of the hardliners in Russia says, hey, these Americans just took out our blessed soldiers and this guy Putin won't even do anything about it.
Now they moved to get him out of office.
Now you've got a hardliner in that says we are going to attack America because we need to respond for the like you can see the permutations were of where this goes.
I actually view Putin the same way I view Lenin in Russian history.
Really?
Which he was this transformative leader.
People really respected him.
And then he went away.
And then what did we get?
We ended up with Stalin in Russian.
And the Russians.
Russians have...
Lenin warned us against Stalin.
Russians and the they have the propensity to install bad leadership.
Okay.
And any culture within world history that has the propensity to install bad leadership, we should probably keep an eye on.
Whether it's China, whether it's Germany.
I'm sure they say the same thing about it.
You're saying there's someone worse than Putin that could take over.
Of course, what Jack's saying is exactly right, which is when Putin's done, he's old.
He's getting very old.
When they have a fight over who becomes the next leader, do you think Russians are going to be more likely to be like, we want all the brave parts of Putin, but we want to attack people?
Or do we want to be like this like you'll get a guy who's serving right now, probably in the current conflict that comes up and says, I delivered for the motherland in battle and now I will deliver in the Kremlin.
Like we did Ukraine all wrong.
You can see, right, you can see we did Ukraine all wrong.
We have to fight back.
And look, no matter what that turns into, whether it's, you know, which is what, and I want to be very clear, we're saying we, this is what we don't want.
We very much do not want these things to happen.
I mean, to Charlie's point, I, as a student of Russian history and of current, of current mother, you know, present-day Russia, I don't think that Putin wants to go to a world war.
But what I do believe is this: is that, you know, our involvement, over-involvement with that could end in harming people, the people of Poland.
I have family in Poland, right?
I have Pasobiks that live in Poland right now in our ancestral village right on the border with Ukraine that would immediately be in harm's way.
Yeah.
And then you have the people of Central Asia.
You have countries like Armenia who just get walked over.
All of these people are, yeah, these are lives, right?
That really don't want to piss off Russia and upset Russia.
And, you know, the Armenians don't love Russians.
The Armenians?
The Armenians is a good example.
They don't like anybody.
They don't love Russians.
And I can tell you, but they'll work with Russia.
But they have to work with Russia.
They're under the shadow of Russia because they don't want to get destroyed by also other central Turks and by the Turks or the Azerbaijanis or the Iranians or anyone else, right?
Like, so there's this complex misunderstanding that normal Americans don't have of the entire ecosystem that revolves around the former USSR and Russia.
Yeah.
That, again, I don't think we need a USSR, you know, and I certainly think, don't think that that's the trajectory that we're on, but our response might create a USSR.
Which that being said, prior to 2014, a lot of these relations were normalized.
You didn't have a destabilized Ukraine.
You didn't have a destabilized Belarus.
You didn't have the conflicts.
And so the Syrian conflict had kicked off on that.
It was all the CIA that did all of this.
Right.
And the only country that was destabilized was Syria.
And that was because of operations like the CIA-led Operation Timber Sycamore, which was signed off by John Brennan, which was signed off by Barack Obama.
Hillary Clinton, when she was Secretary of State, she led, you know, led the charge there.
And this was, and again, arming, they came up with this wonderful term.
It's a beautiful term.
Moderate jihadist.
You remember that, Charlie?
The Kurds?
The moderate jihadists.
I'm talking about the Free Syrian army, the Syrian opposition.
Those were Kurds.
And there were Kurds and there were Arab Syrians as well.
Yeah.
So the Kurds, the Kurds is.
That's northern Iraq.
So that's northern.
That's separate from the, so that's like the YPPG.
They were part of the Syrian resistance against Assad.
There's this, right?
There's this whole group of resistance to Assad, which included moderate jihadis, which we said, and this goes back to Kinzinger.
This goes back to John McCain when he was around.
Lindsey Graham was around this.
And Ruby was in the middle of this.
Klobuchar was in on pieces of this.
And the idea was, in their mind, that if we start a civil war in Syria, we can get rid of Assad for reasons that somehow support the United States.
It's a proxy war against Russia.
Which, well, and then Russia comes in and says, we don't want to lose our Mediterranean warm water port, and we're going to keep Assad right where he is.
Yeah, and it ended up, I don't know, displacing 6 million people and inadvertently creating ISIS.
Well, that's correct.
Yeah.
And so, but what I'm getting at, though, is which also, by the way, started with armed shipments.
Again, you could keep on unfolding and going back and back in time.
But in the last decade, so many of these destabilized countries are because of us.
Yes, that's entirely my point.
That's what that's what we're saying.
The minute that we start that you get these egghead brainlets in Langley and they start telling themselves that just because they have an IV, they're all Yo Roths.
Can we just say it?
It they're all yellow roles running the CIA.
That you have these people who think that they believe that just because they have their wonderful dissertations and their Annenberg School of Communications credentials, that they can go in and they know what's best for Syria and they know what's best for Libya and they know what's best for Ukraine.
And that they just go and move some things around and support this group over that group.
It'll be great and everything will be fine.
Well, and that's the reason why, I mean, again, I mean, by the way, when has regime change, when has regime change in Russia ever gone bad?
I'm not the geopolitical mind that you are, but from a simplistic standpoint, and most of our listeners and you know, take it as a simple approach.
That's why, and having spent time over there, I've always like questioned, why haven't we invested more into partners like Armenia?
Why haven't we done Turks or in NATO?
That's why.
I understand that, but like that, why aren't we, why aren't we creating a backstop against the Turks who they're the ones so corrupt?
They never should have.
But why do you think Jeff Flake is the ambassador in Turkey right now?
Because it's the gay, the great American empire that wants it that way.
I'm telling you, right?
The fact is, is right now, Turkey should be the referee in this whole thing.
We should be nowhere near it.
And NATO, by extension, should be saying, Turkey, we expect you to handle this and that's your job in NATO.
That's my opinion.
But like, look, we should have partners where it's like, yeah, I mean, if we but the thing is, because Turkey's got an incentive here too, because who is selling the Bay Rakhtar drones to Ukraine?
It's Turkey.
They're all Turkish drones.
And then you've got Iran on the Russian side.
So Iran is because Russia's getting the Kremlin's got a deep state in a military industrial complex and all of these things as well.
So they're getting their drones.
So you've got Iranian drones going up against Turkish drones, where Ukraine is just the battlefield.
And the poor people who are caught in the middle, like, and I don't know if you've seen these videos out of Bakhmut right now, the city that's right, it's sort of in on the outskirts of Donetsk.
Yeah.
I mean, it is, and there's a piece in Newsweek earlier this week.
They called it the Ukrainian Verdun.
Yeah.
That, I mean, it's just getting torn up.
Everybody there is just getting torn up.
And they've taken the civilian, the whole city is a ghost town now because they've gotten the civilians out of Dodge and they're just tearing everything up like a meat grinder.
And on both sides, it's just you hop on Telegram for five minutes and look up the word if you've got the stomach for it because it's just fields of bodies.
It's just straight up fields of bodies.
And I look at this and I, and I think of it as a father too, that these are sons that I've been able to do.
I've been to be able to, that they're never going to be able to come home to their families.
Yeah, we went as far as Mikolaev.
I lived on the other side of the border.
You're on the other side.
I was on the other side of the border and I lived in Tagarog and I lived in Novichikovsk, which was.
And that's still Donbass, right?
That's that's the Don River basin.
So I lived in Rostov Nadanu, which is Rostov on Don.
And that's where that whole.
So that's the Russian side right on the border.
Is the Russian side of that?
And then Donyetsk is on the other side.
And I, you know, I'll tell you, it's not a pretty place.
I mean, it's pretty landscape-wise, but like, it's, it's poor.
It's poor.
It's very poor.
It's the dirty south of Russia.
Major Trump Announcement 00:04:38
Yeah.
Everybody there that has anything that's worthwhile is military, tons of military down there.
And the reality is this is like they have zero respect for Ukraine.
Zero respect.
The Russians hate Ukrainians.
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Jack or Tyler, Trump NFTs.
What is this all about?
I think it's a merch deal.
I think it's a merch deal at Christmas time.
You're saying it's a major announcement.
Who's who on that staff?
Well, don't, whoa, whoa, whoa.
Don't downplay.
All right.
I think Jack.
I mean, I'm the most pro-Trump guy in the world.
What annoyed me.
Here's what annoyed me: that there was a major announcement on this digital Bill of Rights that came out today.
That would have been, that is a major announcement.
But for some reason, that came out after the NFT deal, which I feel like kind of muddied the waters in terms of the whole thing.
Tyler, is this a wise way for Trump, like for his team to be kind of elevating his I'm let down?
I mean, look, I don't think you, there's only so many times.
We know this in politics, right, Tara?
Who made the decision to do the announcement this way?
Well, running in an organization.
I'd like to know.
Like, we have you only get so many chances to say, we have a big announcement.
And I'm telling you, if you waste those on NFT, and again, there's nothing wrong with it.
Right.
I actually don't think because both videos were pre-recorded.
I don't think anybody knew that he had both videos pre-recorded.
I don't feel negatively about doing different stuff.
I just think it's bad for the president to, I don't think he's taking it seriously when he says, I have a major announcement and people are expecting to like announce a vice president.
Announce a vice president or like have like a pocket pardon he saved from like the last president.
You know what I mean?
Like, actually, I pardoned Sam Bankman freed the last day.
Like, that would have been like news.
That's newsworthy.
Yeah.
But like, or even just.
Well, because Bankman was donating to the other side.
No, but the point is something like that.
That would have been something major.
Or to talk about declassified information or use his position as former president to talk about information that we all want to know about.
So like stuff like that, I think is all.
Yeah, no, so that's right.
Like, actually, I have all the, I have all the Russia files and here they are.
Or here's all the alien stuff.
Or here's all the stuff.
Or like, here's all the aliens and the illegal aliens.
I was waiting on that for so long.
And I tell people all the time, I was like, if Trump would have just declassified like a ton of stuff that he wasn't supposed to, like, he would have become a hero.
He should have ended every class of stuff.
Yes.
The NFT should be the disclass.
Wait, wait, Charlie.
I got it right.
Here's my take on this, though.
Here's what I said.
What he should have done is like you need NFTs of journalists done as the garbage pail kids.
And if he doesn't do it, I'm doing that.
I'm doing it.
I'm doing it.
If you're a former president, make the NFTs like the era classified documents and stuff.
Don't declassify.
All right.
Come on, guys.
Thanks so much for listening, everybody.
Email me your thoughts as always, freedom at charliekirk.com.
Thank you so much for listening, and God bless.
For more on many of these stories and news you can trust, go to CharlieKirk.com.
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