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Dec. 8, 2022 - The Charlie Kirk Show
36:23
28 Days Later: Maricopa Edition with Jonathan Cagle and Tyler Bowyer
Transcriber: nvidia/parakeet-tdt-0.6b-v2, sat-12l-sm, and large-v3-turbo
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Why Polling Places Failed 00:14:51
Hey, everybody.
Today in the Charlie Kirk Show, we have an entire hour dedicated to Arizona.
How do we fix it?
What actually happened on Election Day?
Tyler Boyer joins us and Jonathan Kagle, a financial analyst, helps us walk through all the different dynamics, what happened on Election Day.
As always, you can email me your thoughts, freedom at charliekirk.com, and support our program at charliekirk.com/slash support.
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Buckle up, everybody.
Here we go.
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With us is Tyler Boyer, who is one of the 168 on the RNC from the great state of Arizona.
And joining us now is Jonathan Cagle, who has had some very interesting tweets and a data analysis about what happened in Arizona.
Jonathan, welcome to the program.
Good to be here, Charlie.
Okay, so Jonathan, you have a data guy, you're a financial analyst, and you've gone through some of the data from this last election.
What have you found when it pertains to the Arizona election?
I would say probably five or six different shows, I'd imagine, but the mathematics really just don't add up.
And in the time environment that we live in, where the language is being sacrificed or conceded every day, it's important to stay in tune to mathematics because math is the one language that's unchanging.
And so if you can make the numbers match up or not match up, it's hard to argue against it.
Okay, so give us some examples.
What does that mean?
So walk us through some of the math that you find to be illuminating for our audience.
So basically, what I was looking at is demographics.
You know, obviously, Democrats are more likely to vote by mail or early, and Republicans are less trusting.
So they're more likely to vote in person on election day.
Minimize the number of chains of custody that they have to go through.
And Maricopa also knew this as well.
And so when you're going through into an election that's very polarizing and you're expecting a surge in turnout, it's very good to have a baseline going in in the event that any kind of shenanigans happen.
So what I did is I looked at the number of mail-in and early ballots they had received, which statewide was 1.4 million, and 976,000 of those were from Maricopa County as well.
I also knew the population demographics of Maricopa tends to be roughly 62% of Arizona's total state population, being one of the largest counties in the country.
So what I wanted to know is: okay, compared to 2020, what are they expecting?
Well, Maricopa's on documentation.
It said that they had 395,000 in-person on Election Day that they accommodated, using only 175 in-person polling places.
And they referenced this in their election plans and in the preparation between the primaries and the general election getting ready to be able to accommodate all these people.
So what they did is in 2020, they had 175 polling locations.
They announced that they were expecting a surge in double that number.
So 395 times two, you would expect it to be somewhere in the neighborhood of 750 to 800,000 people.
or somewhere in there.
But also at the same time, they were expecting a relatively similar drop in early voting and voting by mail.
And they gave the COVID pandemic resolution as the main reason.
So I knew, okay, based on 2016, 2018, and 2020, the demographics dictate that we're going to have probably between 2.4, 2.7 million voters on Election Day, depending on turnout.
And I'm sure you guys would agree, this was one of the more polarizing midterm elections in recent memory.
And knowing that we had 1.4 going in, it was a good idea to anticipate another 900 to a million at least on Election Day.
And then when we look at all the background data leading up, and we looked at their own models that they used, Stephen, Richard, and Maricopa are wholly responsible.
They have sole discretion to set up Election Day infrastructure.
And they use their own model.
They made the mistake of announcing it to the public, I guess, as a show of good faith, but it allowed people to kind of crunch the numbers and put two and two together.
And so I bothered to do that, knowing what baseline had going in.
And just based on their own numbers, I calculated that they were well short of the number that they were expecting to receive in person on election day by significant magnitude.
Tyler, I want to give Jonathan a lot of credit too because we've been following some of the points he's been making on Twitter for a long time.
And he's one of the good guys that are on Twitter talking about this.
Because for a lot of normal people kind of jumping into this world for the first time in Maricopa County.
And again, Maricopa County is really good to look at because this is similarly of what's happening to places that we don't have eyes, like Philadelphia, and places that we do have eyes, like yesterday in Fulton County.
So the big question is, well, how do all these things matter?
How did all these things end up?
And in Georgia, we saw there was longer wait times and the wee hours of the late earlies that we were coming through, which tended to benefit Republicans.
We had long lines that were happening in Maricopa County.
We had long lines that were reported across Pennsylvania and oddly Republican areas.
So the point that I think he's brought up on some of these messages that he's put out and the time, the numbers that he's brought up is the comparison of, okay, does it matter that cutting down the number of polling places, does the cutting down the number of polling places actually have a negative impact on the ability for voters to vote?
And the answer to that question is obviously overwhelmingly yes.
Overwhelmingly yes.
And this is, and so as time goes on, so the funny part is, is that you have Democrats and you have, you know, Republicans and or Democrats in Republican clothing here, like Stephen Richard saying, oh, no, no, no, no, we know we're so smart.
We're so much smarter than you.
We know all the anticipated wait times.
We know that, you know, 223 vote centers is perfectly what we need.
We know exactly where they need to go.
We're so we're so smart.
And everybody like us, we're saying, no, no, no, no, cutting down from 500 something polling places that we had just a few years ago to now when you had 500.
I believe the last time we had that many was in 2016.
I could be wrong.
Really?
So when Trump won.
Yeah.
Yes.
I could be wrong, but this was, but this is the whole point.
I don't have it right in front of me right now, the exact numbers.
But remember, 2016 was when Helen Purcell cut down the primary number of polling places to 200 and 100 and some odd polling places.
And that's when everyone like lambasted her.
So I believe what, if I remember, recollect correctly, she went back and she's like, don't worry, we're going to have all our precinct-based polling places open in 2016.
And then it was after that, Adrian Fontes got elected in 18, 20, 22 now, we have this vote center model, which is now, you know, the Helen Purcell screw-up model, which is 200, only 200 polling places.
So you have 223 polling places across the valley to facilitate anywhere which should have been between 275,000 and 400,000 same-day voters.
They were projecting that it could be upwards of 400,000, Charlie.
Yeah, exactly.
Stephen Richard texted you that.
Yes.
He like told me that.
Yes.
And that would have been correct if they could have facilitated Anthem, for example, three-hour waiting line.
So the point that Jonathan's making in a lot of his tweets, which is absolutely correct, and it's everything that we, you kind of know, but you're not saying out loud or texting all the dots, which is if the combination of cutting down the polling places to 223, right, essentially, from where it used to be, to the combination of also all these machines mysteriously going down in the morning in the specific hours that we know the traffic and the volume is going to be high.
There's basically what he's saying without directly saying, is if I think maybe he has directly said this, is if you do this, right, this is what the result will be.
Yeah.
I mean, so, but then let's.
Meaning, if you shut this down, there's no way that you're ever going to make up those votes.
Number one, you're going to scare people away from the polling places later in the day.
Number two, you're going to turn people away.
Number three, you're going to have so many problems that you're not going to be able to basically take in that many votes, right?
So the total number of votes that were actually cast are way underneath what the projection would be.
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So Jonathan, is it fair to say that Maricopa County intentionally did not have the infrastructure to be able to facilitate what Carrie Lake needed on election day?
It would be 100% accurate to say that or fair to say because if they anticipate $750,000 or $800,000, but their max infrastructure can only accommodate $320,000 or even $350,000, you have a huge deficit that you can accommodate already going in.
So I suppose the question is, you know, how do we go about fixing this?
Tyler and I talked about it.
But before we go into that, I just want to kind of remind our listeners.
So Arizona does voting in a very bizarre way.
223 voting centers in Maricopa County.
Can you walk us through your math again?
Because Tyler and I, when we did our math, we were anticipating.
This is why, this is why on the live stream, we were so committed to saying Kerry's going to win because we thought on election day, okay, 300 to 330,000 people were going to show up on election day.
Ended up being like 270, right?
249, 270, right?
Right near there.
I have the number right in front of me, but it was below our expectations.
Yeah.
So then we said, okay, people just ended up dropping off their ballots, right?
People did ballot drop-offs, which did not perform very well for us, as well as we wanted them to.
Yeah, they were clearly harvesting last-minute ballot.
Yeah, they were clearly illegally harvesting them.
And that was just shocking because we said, why is it that these precincts that should be voting for Kerry Lake are not voting for Kerry Lake with ballot drop-offs?
Because Kerry underperformed Trump 2020.
Hard to believe this ballot drop.
Really hard to believe, right?
So therefore, you know, the number, our math wasn't wrong in our projections, our predictions, but the only missing widget, if you will, Jonathan, is that there were people that had the intent to vote and they ended up not voting.
Is that right?
Yeah, absolutely.
So if you look at their 2022 election plan document where they explain their model, they give basically a number of total polling sites of 220.
They give 25 voting booths per site and they give the total time it takes for one person to basically cast their vote, which includes a three-minute check time and an 11-minute cast of ballot time.
So just by reverse engineering that, we can know how many voters per hour that each booth can take on.
So if it takes one person 14 minutes and you have 60 minutes in one hour, you know that there are only 4.28 voters per booth per hour.
We know there's 13 hours in election day.
All right.
So how many voters can one booth handle on election day?
55 voters per booth.
If we do 220 centers with 25 booths each, we know that's 5,500 total voting booths in Maricopa County.
You do the math on that, how many can actually, under normal, optimal conditions, and this was their highest peak.
So they were assuming the highest traffic possible.
The max total that they could accommodate in Maricopa was 306,020.
When you're expecting X and you set your infrastructure only to be able to accommodate 38% of X without even chasing down a single voter to determine whether they've been disenfranchised, you've infrastructurally disenfranchised them before a single ballot is cast.
Structural Voter Suppression 00:03:23
Yeah, it's structural disenfranchisement is what it is.
This is structural suppression.
And this is what's so sick.
And this is why we've got to go hard.
And this is what we should have done.
Knowing what we knew about Stephen Richer and Bill Gates, the Republican Party should have had an army of lawyers here months, preemptively, years in advance that were keeping an eye on every communication.
We should have been knowing everywhere these people went, every meeting that they had.
And identifiably through that process, we could have, I mean, we did foresee this structural.
You and I both tweeted about it and spoke about it multiple times and weeks in advance.
October 27th, I sent out a tweet that you helped write, which was, Stephen Richer, you're not ready for the traffic jam that's going to come.
And we were laughed at.
Yeah.
And we said, we said, what's going to happen?
They're going to either run out of paper.
They're going to intentionally, right?
Lines are changed.
They're going to run out of, they're going to run out of ink or toner issues, which we were right.
Long lines and chain of custody issues.
And all those things played out exactly as we said.
Because again, this is just as you're saying, Jonathan, this is a structural build out here.
And they are not equipped to even handle even the most minute of changes, which is, I mean, we're not talking about 50% of the electorate deciding to vote on election day here, right?
We're talking about, you know, just double-digit changes in day of.
I mean, imagine if it was 50%.
The last tally had Carrie Lake down 17,000 votes.
We're talking about on the margins.
Again, I'm going to use this analogy.
If you're going to try to have 2 million people cross the George Washington Bridge on a Friday evening into downtown Manhattan, you're going to have a four-hour waiting lab.
And that's exactly what they designed on Election Day.
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The Real Remedy for Arizona 00:15:17
So Jonathan, talk about 2020 and what showed up on game day in Maricopa, not including drop-offs, just in-day Election Day versus what happened in the midterms.
Well, 2020, they reported 395,000 in-person voters on Election Day, which they themselves admitted was a lowball figure due to the COVID pandemic.
Okay, was that statewide or in Maricopa County?
That's Maricopa alone.
Right.
And so therefore, we're supposed to believe that there was 100, 250,000 in a midterm.
I mean, so what is your guess?
What is your projection of how many Republicans had the intent to cast a ballot, but did not cast a ballot in Maricopa County?
That's a little bit of a speculation, but I would believe it would be every bit of 700,000 probably in Maricopa, given the population demographics, the growth, the expectation of surge and turnout on Election Day, as well as how polarizing this midterm election was going to be.
Tyler?
Yeah, I mean, 700 sounds, that sounds high.
Of what was missed or what was missed?
I think 150,000 was probably missed.
Yeah, I mean, look, I mean, here's the reality: it's well within the within the belief.
If you've seen what's happened, you look at the numbers here and what the projections and estimations were.
I mean, the drop-offs were really high, and they ended up bending more towards Democrats than we thought they would.
Inexplicably.
Inexplicitly, well, it's not inexplicable when you know that they're ballot by ballot ballot harvesting, right?
So when you look at this, you go, okay, well, what's a was there a under vote, significant under vote on the Republican side that was unexpected?
And the answer to that question is yes.
We are expecting higher turnout.
You know, the turnout for this election, and correct me if I'm wrong here, Jonathan, but the final numbers, I'm waiting for the final report to come out.
The counties are just barely getting back to us on this stuff.
Just so you know, this is how long it's taking with the canvases, the canvassing.
The turnout, the final turnout was lower as a percentage than 2018.
Really?
Yeah, lower than accurate.
And we're supposed to believe that.
So here's the real quick.
We had one of the most heated elections ever for governor in Arizona.
The Democrats view this as a purple state.
Terry Lake is the best candidate that's probably ever run in the state of Arizona and probably the Southwest, probably the West, probably west of the Mississippi, maybe ever in this, yeah, certainly this century in America for governor.
And we're expected to believe that turnout was less than for, you know, Kirsten Sally, very vanilla, very vanilla Doug Doocy and his no-name opposition candidate.
While the population has grown considerably since 2008.
While the population has grown considerably.
And so then that begs the question that, which is like Jonathan's asking here, which is like, okay, so you're telling me that all these people, all these registrations, all these people showed up in 2020 and all of a sudden just like vaporized, you know, on both sides.
So what is the explanation then that they went to a polling place and they were deterred by the lines?
Well, I mean, I think the Democrats weren't sure that this was all going to work, but they knew if they had a chance, this is what they had to do, make it work, right?
This is like the people, the only way that they could feasibly win Arizona is voter suppression at the end of the day.
And that's exactly what happened on 11-8 was voter suppression.
And also just hoping that our team would be lazy.
And unfortunately, in some of the rural counties in Arizona, we didn't have as high a turnout.
Yeah.
So 210,000 non-Maricopa Trump voters did not vote.
Crazy.
Yavapai, Mojave.
They're under exposure.
So let's take Pima out, okay?
That means 145,000 non-Pima, non-Maricopa.
So that's Cochise, Ta Paz, Hila, Yavapai, Mojave.
Yavaise.
And Yavapai and Mojave are really important, right?
Because that's, you know, we're talking all goes to our territory.
This is, this is our Prescott Valley.
Yeah.
Our version of the Cobb that we talked about last night.
That's our DeCobb in Arizona.
For conservatives, yes.
That's where we win 85-15.
And we should have had higher turnout.
So the question is, is, you know, why do people get lazy?
Why do people not vote?
And there is an answer beyond the suppression that happened in Maricopa County.
There is an answer beyond, like, we just did not, we did not work.
Again, you look at the map that we showed last night.
Democrat turnout was far better than expected.
Right.
So, but the point is, this is the conversation I've had with a lot of people.
All these things add together, right?
So you can't just throw out and say, oh, well, RNC leadership doesn't matter because there's voter fraud.
Well, and you can't just say there's voter fraud.
You know, voter fraud doesn't matter because you have to win and ballot harvest, right?
It's all of these things, right?
All of these things jointed together.
You can win.
We beat Rusty Bowers.
Yeah.
Republicans won in Iowa.
Like we, I mean, we can do these things when the numbers are right and we're working out.
But we have to be so competent at this point that we have to listen to the guys like Jonathan who are saying, look, there's a lot of things to be pulled down from this to learn.
Fix.
Also, we need good leadership.
Also, we need money here.
Like all these things matter to win Arizona.
And if we don't win Arizona, we lose.
Talk about the money because somebody emailed us.
They said, Charlie, money doesn't matter.
No, but talk about that.
Mark Kelly and Katie Hobbs.
Money matters.
If you combine them together, they had a hundred, no, probably 300 full-time people that were just hawking ballots every day.
Probably more than that.
It's probably closer to 500.
That were full-time.
That's their full-time salary job, not volunteers, not part-time, 500 full-time people just in the valley.
So colloquially, we heard from independents through the ballot carrying that there were individuals showing up to people's doors with ballots in their hand.
And I've actually talked, I think, online with Jonathan about this, ballots in their hand from organizations saying, I have your ballot.
You want to vote?
Super weird, right?
Like, how did somebody random get my ballot?
But we know there were groups that had paid bodies that were, their job was to do what we were talking about in the break, which is you're assigned to 500 voters.
Make sure those 500 people vote.
You're the best 500 people for Mark Kelly.
Make sure these 500 people vote.
And I actually think no one cared about Katie Hobbs.
This was all a Mark Kelly operation.
All the national guys worried about.
They want to keep the Senate.
There's a lot of interest there.
They weren't totally sold that Katie was going to be a winner.
Katie just benefited from this entire operation.
That's just the truth.
And we have to try to match it.
We have to fix things.
But obviously, now that we have the circumstances we have in Arizona, it's going to be harder to fix things.
Yeah.
But we have money matters, Charlie, because you have to have the money to hire the bodies.
Now, if you're bringing in money here just to blow it on consultants, yeah, of course, money doesn't matter.
Yeah.
And so two things on that.
And I want to get Jonathan's take.
I said this at the end.
I said, man, I wish Trump would have done a rally in Lake Havasu or in Prescott before the end.
I think that would have helped.
That would have helped numbers, especially in Yavapai, like a day before the election.
Sure.
Trump did not do that.
Number two.
Now, looking back, 2020, Vision's 2020, obviously that would have helped more than coming late to Mesa.
Yeah, I mean, but there were different problems in different places, right?
So for Kerry, we assumed huge rural turnout and we got good rural turnout.
We didn't get the Richter scale that we would have thought.
We just didn't.
And if Trump could have brought another 20,000 people out in Yavapai and southern Cochise County or even Pima, Pima, we got Kerry underperformed Trump by 10 points in Pima.
Some of that's the funny business of Pima.
10 points?
Yeah.
Some of it was the funny business of Pima.
Okay.
And again, I'm not saying that that's, you know, but it's like they had higher turnout than expected in Pima County for 2020, right?
And guess what?
For Democrats.
And guess who's the last guy running elections down in Pima County?
Adrian Fontos.
Adrian Fontaine.
Yeah, there you go.
So Jonathan, how do we go about fixing this for 2024?
If Katie Hobbs becomes governor, which looks like she will, she's going to have a Democrat Attorney General and a Democrat Secretary of State.
We're just going to go through this problem again, aren't we?
Most likely.
And the problem that we've run into is it wasn't just an infrastructural problem as far as capacity.
It was also a targeted kind of Pareto principle approach to suppressing key demographic areas where Republicans turn out.
And so unless Republicans are committed to doing the most vast scale ballot harvesting operation in human history, which I don't think they're going to be able to outdo the Democrats in that because they already have that, then our resolution is to fix this.
Because if you look at where the machines malfunction, Charlie, we know that they happened across 70 locations.
And the narrative was, you know, there were 223 sites.
It only happened in 30% of locations.
But if my intent is to suppress a turnout for a certain demographic, I'm going to target certain areas.
And if you look at those 70, 64 of those locations were considered highly partisan, either heavily DEM or heavily R locations.
And in 59 of those 64, they were heavy R areas.
The average spread, you mentioned this about the rural areas.
The average spread where these malfunctions happened across all, both heavy R and heavy D, was 38 and a half points, Charlie.
So if I was going to suppress, I would curb margins where Kerry was expected to not underperform by 10 points, a Donald Trump, because she is probably of any GOP candidate that we have, the most Trump loyal as far as the messaging, as far as election integrity, as far as fixing the border.
She is the personification of his message.
So it wouldn't just make sense to lose 10 points to Donald Trump unless there was a targeted reasoning.
And we have data that shows that 93.7% of malfunctions happening one side of the aisle is not something that happens organic.
No.
It is absolutely market manipulation.
And they'll do it again if they're allowed to do it again.
And this is why the conversation has to be, it has to turn to, we've got to eliminate these people from office in order to change it.
So you either recall Stephen Richer, recall three board of supervisors, or hopefully you get a robust lawsuit that requires more voting centers.
The lawsuits right now, the remedy could be as big.
I have very little doubt that, I have very little hope, I should say, that they're going to call for a new election.
I want that.
I think the people deserve that based off of what we're talking about here.
But the remedy could be forcing or an agreeing to that they will do those fixes.
I just think these people are so evil there down there and it's so intentional.
Like if they intended to shut down machines, of course, do you think they're going to agree to a remedy that's why?
So for 2024, I just want to say this again.
The White House will go to the Democrats in 2024 if you cannot win Scottsdale, Chandler, Awatuke, and North Phoenix, right, Tyler?
How many times have you said this?
There is no pass to the White House.
So therefore, what is the solution?
Recall Bill Gates and three supervisors and or Stephen Richer.
Well, this is why like Trump's people or whoever wants to run for president, anyone that wants to run for the RNC, you should have an office here already being like, all right, how do we win this place?
They're not even thinking of it.
It's not even a distant concern for them.
They're like, oh, yeah, we'll just kind of win in Arizona.
I'm telling you, you do not have the vote centers for your voters to win you the White House.
We will tell you how to win.
You just got it.
But you've got to be part of the solution.
Let's talk about millions because there are two solutions, but they're going to be 20 million bucks each.
So let's talk about fixing this for 2024.
I don't see several rooms or remedies.
So there's three options in my calculus, Jonathan.
Either we recall Stephen Richer and or Bill Gates, and Maricopa County fixes it from the Board of Supervisors level or the recorder level.
That's going to be expensive and hard.
A lawsuit comes and a remedy by a judge basically requires more voting centers for a civil rights disenfranchisement for 2024.
That's a long shot and difficult.
And given Republicans an ability to be able to write lawsuits that win, that's going to be tough.
Or number three, Jonathan, this is provocative.
Why don't we just embrace in-person early voting and chase ballots?
Jonathan, just looking at the math, there really is no other way.
Am I looking at this right?
Yeah, you have to, I guess, get used to playing in the arena that you've kind of been forced into, Charlie.
And I know that's kind of, you know, difficult for Republicans to accept because they have such trust issues and so many chains of custody and mail ballots.
But if you're forced into it, you have to make the most of what tools you have to work with.
But between now and then, something that I think is underappreciated and I want to make mention of, don't underestimate the power of adjudicating things in the court of public opinion.
And one thing that the Democrats are very good at doing is controlling the narrative, controlling the messaging, and controlling whether somebody's guilty or innocent, even before it may be adjudicated in the courts.
And whether you love him or hate him, the fact that Elon Musk now owns Twitter, don't underestimate the impact that we can have, especially conservatives, in waking up as many people to becoming aware of what we really are up against,
so that if we're forced into these certain bottlenecks that we have to deal with, then more people will be aware as we're having to deal with them, which can't be understated in valued.
Yeah, I think that's smart.
Jonathan, how do people follow you and support you?
You were generous with your time.
You've done some great research.
How can people support you?
Just pay attention.
I'm on Twitter at DecentFlyJC.
I have Instagram, JKL2020, but just pay attention, support our conservative America first candidates and keep your eyes and ears open and do whatever you have the ability to do, do to the best of your ability to support our cause.
Winning the Three Key States 00:02:50
Terrific.
Thank you so much, Jonathan.
I appreciate it.
Thank you, Charlie.
And by the way, so Jonathan is just a finance guy, financial analyst who broke down Maricopa's own modeling and called BS on it.
Okay, so you want to win the White House in 2024?
There's only three sites.
There's only three states that matter.
Donald Trump, if he's the nominee, Ron DeSantis, the nominee, whoever's the nominee, they will win Ohio.
They will win Iowa.
They will win Wisconsin.
I'm sorry.
They will win North Carolina.
They will win Florida, period.
Florida's a deep red state.
Ohio's a red state.
Iowa's a red state.
And North Carolina is actually trending favorably.
There's three states, three that you got to win the White House.
That's it.
Wisconsin, Georgia, and Arizona.
You're just going to hear us repeat this nonstop, and I'm going to ask questions of RNC leadership.
What are you doing today to fix the voting rolls, to fix the signature verification, to expand election day voting in Buckhead, Alpharetta, in Augusta, in Kenosha, in Racine, in Eau Claire, in Waukesha?
What are you doing in Arizona to make it so that we can be competitive in Scottsdale, in Mesa, in Awatuke, in Chandler?
If you don't know who these cities are, you shouldn't be running the RNC.
That's it.
It's very simple.
There are three states and eight to nine cities that will determine the future of the greatest nation ever to exist in the history of the world.
We have to zero in on this.
Enough talk about Pennsylvania or Colorado.
I love all those states.
We have to, the road of the White House is right in front of us.
And so in Arizona in particular, what is the plan so that we do not have three-hour waiting lines again in 2024?
What's the plan?
Current RNC leadership, I don't think, has a plan.
I'll be very honest.
Okay, so you have three options.
Embrace ballot chasing and early voting.
Have a robust lawsuit where a judge will demand precinct-based voting or recall Stephen Richer and Bill Gates.
Okay, that's going to cost $15 to $20 million and can be looked at as too political and is highly risky because you could get a Democrat in its spot.
I still probably support it, but that's risky.
Those are your three options.
That's it.
Or you could do fourth option and do what some of our listeners do: give up, stop voting, and just run to the hills.
And in the words of someone just here, Charlie, I'm totally bearish on America.
The country is over.
Okay, well, that's your perspective.
I don't have time for that.
What is the plan to win Georgia, Arizona, Wisconsin?
Thanks so much for listening, everybody.
Email me your thoughts as always, freedom at charliekirk.com.
Thank you so much for listening.
God bless.
For more on many of these stories and news you can trust, go to CharlieKirk.com.
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