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Aug. 19, 2022 - The Charlie Kirk Show
34:31
Does the GOP Actually Want to Lose?

On this Friday episode of The Charlie Kirk Show, Charlie answers the number one question that’s been on his mind… Does the Republican Party want to lose? In order to unpack this, he goes back 2010, in one of the biggest wins for Republicans to date. And the biggest difference since then…? The MAGA movement that took conservatives to a whole new level. But some establishment Republicans are not on board with the America-First, MAGA party, so they are doing everything in their power to take it down. Will they be successful? Charlie explains to listeners what the biggest differences are between the House and the Senate, and how to take back control from the puppet masters in DC.Support the show: http://www.charliekirk.com/supportSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

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Republicans Want MAGA To Lose 00:09:09
Hey everybody, today at the Charlie Kirk Show.
Do Republicans want MAGA to lose?
Do Republicans want to lose?
That's the question we asked the entire hour.
I'd love your thoughts and feedback.
Freedom at CharlieKirk.com.
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Here we go.
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We are going to ask the question and build it out.
Does the Republican Party want to lose?
Right now, Republicans should have the wind at their back.
Red wave is what we were told.
Inflation, gas prices, open border, an incompetent president, the most unpopular president since polling has been invented.
Yet the Republican Party is struggling to raise money, get volunteers to show up for candidates, and according to some polls, down anywhere between 15 to 20 points.
And again, some of these polls I think are suppression polls.
However, there's something that isn't adding up.
There's something that doesn't make sense.
Why is the Republican Party acting like this?
It does beg the question, does the Republican establishment want to lose?
Why would they want to lose?
I thought all they care about is power.
Well, I lived to the Tea Party movement.
So did many of you.
Not only did I live to the Tea Party movement, I was a volunteer and an activist.
It's really where I got my start.
It was 2009, 2010, and the 2010 midterms.
You see, the 2010 midterms was such a triumph for the people that it scared the establishment in Washington, D.C. You see, the 2010 midterms was such a widespread repudiation of Democrat policies and in support of Republicans, it made the Uniparty less powerful.
It's where you started to get real fighters coming in to Washington, D.C. that weren't just saying the same thing over and over again.
It's where you started to get fighters like Rand Paul and many others.
So all of a sudden, the Uniparty was starting to say, wait a second, we can't necessarily control this.
You see, the 2010 midterm elections, when Barack Obama was passing health care and stimulus bills and deficit spending, Republicans responded with the Tea Party movement.
We won races all across the country in massive triumphs.
The election was widely characterized as a Tea Party Republican wave election.
Republicans won a net gain of 63 seats, the largest shift in seats since the 1948 elections.
And it also made the Republican establishment less powerful than ever before in a generation.
You see, there were new voices that they couldn't put in a box.
There were people that were willing to challenge Barack Obama on the border and on his outright Marxism.
That is not allowed in Washington, D.C.
Now, the establishment fought back and was able to get people in their place and was able to thwart a lot of this energy over a period of time.
You see, there was no MAGA movement.
There was no America First movement.
But you see, the inner rumblings right now of the Republican Party in Washington, D.C., I guarantee you, is if we're going to win, let's win by a little.
If we're going to win, let's make sure our Chamber of Commerce, easily controlled, vanilla, moderate, neoliberal candidates win.
We can't let people like JD Vance or Blake Masters possibly get across the finish line.
And if we lose, so what?
If we lose, at least we'll have our people, and we don't have the rabble-rousers or the troublemakers in the Republican Party.
You see, across the country, in Pennsylvania, for example, Dr. Oz is down anywhere between 15 to 20 points to Fetterman.
You have Blake Masters that is down a little bit to Mark Kelly.
Blake Masters, a phenomenal candidate.
JD Vance is down, I'd say he's up a little bit right now in Ohio.
It depends on what poll you look at.
Again, the polls, you got to take it with a little bit of a grain of salt because there's turnout and enthusiasm.
But the number that is most fascinating is how establishment Republican groups are no longer committing money to these races, how small dollar donations are drying up, and how all of a sudden we're seeing what should be a massive red wave election, huge support, incredible enthusiasm turn into a question of will Republicans actually end up losing more Senate seats than not?
What happened to the red wave?
What happened to the we're going to win 100 seats in 100 years?
Now, in the House of Representatives, I think that's going to happen.
I don't think they could put that genie back in the bottle, but we might just win slightly instead of winning massively.
Is it possible that your Republican Party, our Republican Party deep down, is cheering for a minor loss?
What could possibly be the calculation behind that?
The calculation is that a massive grassroots, people-centered, populist win will make the Republican establishment less powerful and displaced from power.
To go back to the Tea Party movement in 2010, that was a moment that terrified the oligarchs of Washington, D.C.
But it wasn't just 2010.
It was also 2016.
It was 10, it was 16, and they're worried that 22 could make 16 and 10 look like a little blip.
They're worried that a legitimate tsunami is brewing in this country, and your Republican establishment is worried that might be hard to manage.
You might get a lot of people like Marjorie Taylor Greene.
You might get a lot of people like Lauren Boebert.
We can't control those people.
They might start talking about Marxism and open borders when we, the Republican Party, we care about Ukraine.
We pledge fealty to Zelensky overall.
$56 billion sent to a foreign land of which the weapons are not accounted for.
Or they can't tell you where the money goes.
They can't tell you what success looks like.
Meanwhile, our border is invaded on a daily basis.
But no, as long as Zelensky gets his money, that's the priority of the Republican Party.
If you wanted to lose, this is how you would act.
And when I talk to regular grassroots voters, you know what they're saying?
They're saying the Republican Party doesn't speak for me.
I say, why?
They said crime is going up.
The border is wide open.
I can't afford anything.
Yet the Republican Party is focused on gun control.
They're focused on trying to appease the mainstream activist media.
They have vanilla-like responses to the raid at Mar-a-Lago.
These are not, by the way, necessarily strong conservatives that we're talking to.
It's all across the board.
Democrats stand for something.
You've got to give Democrats credit one regard.
They came to play ball this congressional session.
They passed one America destructive bill after the other.
They built an infrastructure bill.
They passed a build-back better small equivalent of a stimulus bill.
They passed the CHIPS Act.
They passed this latest thing of the Inflation Reduction Act, otherwise known as the Dissident Imprisonment Act.
They have power.
They use it.
Republicans don't even want power because power is very hard for people that would rather be tacticians.
They would rather be managers.
They're not here to save the country.
They're here to serve special interests, have a nice title, ride in chauffeured cars, and be known as a senator.
They're afraid that there is something bubbling up and they don't want to play into that.
Leaning in to the great populist energy that's happening in our country right now, leaning in to the fact that crime is up, that inflation is crushing the backs of people, that our border is wide open, that we have the genital mutilation of children, the chemical castration of kids without parental consent.
Power Serves Special Interests 00:08:11
That might actually be too successful.
So we got to calm it down, lose by a little, raise money for our kind of crony candidates.
For example, where do you think McConnell is going to be sending money and endorsements like Tim Scott, Lisa Murkowski?
Murkowski is a perfect example of where the establishment is going to go try to go all in.
Murkowski will do everything that she's asked of.
She votes to convict Donald Trump in impeachment.
She votes for all these silly big spending bills.
But are you kidding me?
Blake Masters?
He's hard to control.
Don't want to get behind Blake Masters.
I'm going to ask the question.
I want your thoughts, freedom, at charliekirk.com.
Do you think the Republican establishment wants to lose?
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The Republican establishment has to do everything they possibly can to try to manage.
Now, let me reword this.
It's not necessarily that they want the Republican Party to lose.
They just don't want MAGA to win.
It's a better way to word it.
They don't want the grassroots, people-centered populist movement to be able to achieve victory.
And ABC News is noticing this, by the way.
They're noticing that the fundamentals, the framework, the baseline is eerily similar to the period of time that many of you marched in and many of you participated in, the 2010 midterm elections.
Play cut 110.
And more concerning for Joe Biden and for Democrats generally is if you look at our latest poll out today, the percentage of voters saying that they will vote for Republicans in the midterm elections is at the highest level that we have seen since 2010.
And you know what happened in 2010.
2010 is when Republicans won 63 seats and swept in control of the House in the Tea Party wave.
So this is now what's being talked about in D.C. is that, ooh, ooh, 2010 was bad.
Yeah, okay, we got back in power, but we had all these rabble-rousers.
We had all these fighters.
We had people that were talking about impeachment.
Like, we have to keep business as usual.
The energy is there.
The people are ready to show up in big numbers.
The people are ready to excommunicate the Uniparty from what they've been doing in Washington, D.C. If MAGA does not win this year, the establishment can then do the following.
They can make the case that Trump should not run in 2024.
The Republican leadership has far more power now as being a minority leader than they would being a majority leader with an unruly America first caucus.
They're more powerful if they do not have the dissenters, if they do not have the people that are willing to speak out against the neoliberal agenda.
Now, 2010 was a mess because the Republican establishment, it wasn't a mess, it was a mess for them, but it was a little disorganized because they didn't really know what was happening.
There was not a populist uprising like 2010 since the Reagan election of 1980.
It was 30 years apart where people started to come out of the rivers and they came out of the lakes and Donald Trump replicated that in 2016.
D.C. does not like that.
They get nervous.
They don't know how to handle you when you show up in big numbers.
They would rather have moderate, vanilla, boring type messages to win over suburban voters while they rob the country blind and nothing actually gets fixed.
They don't want a redux of this.
Believe it or not, it's Mike Pence in this clip who is part of the Tea Party movement.
It's interesting how times have changed.
Play cut 111.
Welcome back to Washington, D.C., freedom fighters.
They don't like any of that.
Those are people coming out of the woodwork.
That was one of the many Tea Party movements.
They don't like this energy.
Remember this?
Rick Santelli.
This is the populist anger that we're experiencing times 10.
We are 10 times angrier than this.
Yet this starts to get very hard to manage.
If you were the Republican establishment and all you really cared about was neoliberalism and propping up Zelensky and pandering to corporate donors, this type of energy, it's not exactly ideal.
Play cut 112.
This is America.
How many of you people want to pay for your neighbor's mortgage that has an extra bathroom and can't pay your bills?
Raise their hand.
That started the Tea Party movement.
It was organic.
It came out of nowhere, and they couldn't control it.
And the Tea Party movement, they look back at 2010.
You must understand this.
The Republican establishment looks back at 2010 as the time they lost business as usual.
There's nothing about it that they enjoyed.
Trump played off the Tea Party movement in 2016.
They hated that.
And now they are so worried that the year of 2022 might be a reckoning against all of them, that they might have a caucus of five, six, seven senators that might stand in opposition.
And it won't just be Mike Lee or Rand Paul or Hawley, but there might be nine of them.
Whoa, Sit down, citizen, and go back to being a subject.
Hey, everybody, Charlie Kirk here.
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Someone emailed us here.
Very true.
He says the deplorables, Trump supporters, are today's Tea Party movement.
Not A Fifty-Fifty Country 00:06:27
The Tea Party never died.
It got snubbed by the Ryan Romney type of establishment and hibernated.
Trump brought us out of hibernation.
What a great use of language.
We have the best listeners.
Thank you.
Freedom at CharlieKirk.com.
So, what kind of started this whole firestorm?
Well, first of all, I've been, I have a tendency just to kind of go back into the archives and listen to the great Rush Limbaugh.
And I was just thinking, what would Rush be saying right now?
Rush would be exactly on top of this.
In my personal opinion, someone who's listened to thousands of hours of Rush, he would be warning you that the establishment does not want the America First MAGA movement to be able to be successful because they can't be controlled.
But kind of what would Rush say aside, of which I can do my best to guess, let's just play right into this.
What is McConnell himself saying?
The leader, the leader of the Senate, says that there is a greater likelihood the House flips than the Senate.
Play cut 95.
I think there's probably a greater likelihood the House flips than the Senate.
Candidate quality has a lot to do with the outcome.
Right now, we have a 50-50 Senate in a 50-50 country.
But I think when all is said and done this fall, we're likely to have an extremely close Senate, either our side up slightly or their side up slightly.
Boy, I totally disagree.
We do not have a 50-50 country.
You're right.
We do have a 50-50 Senate.
We do not have a 50-50 country.
The country is not 50-50 on the chemical castration of children.
The country's not 50-50 on manageable inflation rates.
The country's not 50-50 on 87,000 new IRS agents.
The country's not 50-50 on critical race theory in our schools.
The country is not 50-50 on whether America is a decent, beautiful, generous republic worth defending.
That is not a 50-50 country.
In D.C., it might be 50-50.
In D.C., you mean you can only get to 50 votes of what kind of crony deals you have to cut.
The U.S. Senate is not a reflection of the country.
It hasn't been for a long time since the repealing of the 17th Amendment of the direct election of senators.
It has not been a reflection of where the country is for a very long period of time.
The Senate is 50-50, but we are not living in a 50-50 country.
That is a false propaganda talking point being put forth by the Uni Party.
The country is very divided.
Okay, we might be divided at the top level.
I'm telling you, you go talk to the muscular class, the average everyday parent, the plumber, the electrician, and you cast aside their opinions of what they think the Republican Party is, or what they think conservatism is, or what they think Donald Trump is.
The country is a 70% center-right country.
And I think we are a 60% hard-right country, especially when it comes down to the issues of children.
When is the last time you heard a U.S. Senate leader say it's going to be the position of the Republicans in the Senate to say that our children are off limits?
This is a massive issue.
And again, I say this to candidates, and God bless Blake Masters and JD Vance, they get it and they're talking about it.
Maybe that's why they've been abandoned by the Republican establishment.
Why would they talk about these issues?
Because the Uniparty is funded by the very corporations that are benefiting from the psychiatric prescription of drugs to children, Pfizer, AstraZeneca, Moderna, Johnson Johnson.
Who do you think is pushing forward the transgender drugs, the chemical castration drugs, the very companies that fund the Uniparty?
You go back to look at 2010, that kind of energy in a bottle is something that they're going to do.
They're going to go to great lengths to avoid.
They remember this.
McConnell was there for this, and they don't want it again.
They don't want another 2016 because 2020 could be step one of an America First movement taking over the entire Republican Party in 2024.
They want to kill it in the crib.
Hate to be so graphic, I'm sorry, but it's what they try to do.
They want to kill it early.
Let's go back to the Tea Party movement, which many of you lived through.
This kind of energy, this kind of enthusiasm, ooh, it makes them anxious.
I can't control it.
I don't know if Zelensky will get his money.
Play cut 113.
In fact, what makes the so-called Tea Party movement so significant is that it isn't driven by any one personality or issue.
There's no list of members or chapters.
Best guess is that several hundred thousand participated in one or more of the protests last year.
There's no one office or figure who speaks for the movement.
There's not any definite ideology to people in the Tea Party.
They really run the government.
There's no ideology.
There is no set of principles.
There's no leader.
Why is that a threat?
The Tea Party movement was an attitude.
So was MAGA in 16.
What is the attitude?
We're in charge.
We're restoring consent to the governed.
We have a beautiful country.
I don't like you.
In fact, I hate you, whoever you are, person on TV.
Not him, actually, that was Congressman King.
It was actually okay.
But the point is that I don't like any of you running the country.
And the Tea Party did metamorphosize into MAGA, but the Republican establishment is so afraid of you that they very well might be willing to lose a once-in-a-generation opportunity because that will make them less powerful.
Stephen Miller builds this out.
Cut 109 on the great Tucker Carlsons program, Play Cut 109.
No, what he wants to do is handpick candidates that he thinks will like Mitch and Mitch will like them.
And that means we have 48 seats or we have 49 seats, so be it.
He gets to stay on as majority leader.
We are witnessing in real time the greatest self-inflicted wound we have ever seen.
The greatest self-inflicted wound we have ever seen.
That is beautifully put.
If we had a Republican Party that was willing to message and unify, talk directly to voters, support the good candidates, we would be up in every single poll.
Self-Inflicted Political Wounds 00:10:42
Now, mind you, I think the House of Representatives will still go Republican.
I don't think they will be able to keep that genie in the bottle.
The generic looks good there.
There have been some fabulous candidates.
You see, here's the difference between the Senate and the House.
It's very important to understand this.
It took me years to understand this.
It took me years.
And I've been doing this for only about 10 or 12 years, but around year five or six, I was like, oh, wow, fundamental difference between the House and the Senate.
Just by volume, the House is so much harder to be able to do the crony deals.
It's not impossible.
But just by sheer amount of people and how these districts are hyperlocal, what's a district?
800,000 people, 850,000 people?
Something like that?
It's 750?
So you have districts of 750,000.
It is the grassroots.
It is the bottom-up.
It is harder to play these games and swoop in the money.
Now, the establishment tries to do that.
And by the way, they're up every two years.
So you could have just a random mom like Marjorie Taylor Greene run for office.
And the establishment's like, well, we can't handle that one.
Then we got Joe Kent and then we got Sabatini and then we got Ana Paulina.
It can happen in all these different pockets.
And these races do not require nearly as much money in the House at all.
So for a couple hundred thousand dollars, you could take out Eric Cantor like Dave Brack did.
For a couple hundred thousand dollars, Joe Kent can take out Herrera Butler.
For a couple hundred thousand dollars, Gibbs can take out Peter Meyer.
House races are legitimately local referendums.
You meet them, you shake their hands, you look them in the eye, you could flip races very, quickly.
The Senate is totally different.
The Senate, you're talking about multi-million dollar media markets.
And so therefore, one of the Republican establishment strategies is go recruit a bunch of self-funding candidates that can put in a lot of money early into the race to try to get it out.
So for example, the Arizona Republican primary was a $40 million race, if you count all super PACs, $40 million.
Whereas a local Arizona congressional race would be maybe a million to $2 million at the top level.
So because of that, the U.S. Senate has less people, 100, and there's only 50 Republican senators.
And out of those, only about 15 of them are in competitive races.
And only about five of them, the national leadership really focuses on.
So you look at just volume.
The U.S. Senate has less, therefore their money can go farther.
The media markets are more expensive.
So candidates that don't have as much money or can't raise money, they kind of self-select out and go run for the House.
And by definition, then you get a lot of other incumbents that probably aren't very good running for those Senate races.
So the House is this rambunctious circus.
Good.
We love that.
That's why the House is probably going to go Republican.
The Senate is still controlled, top-down, very procedural.
We do things the way the Senate does.
The House can kind of be this totally uncontrolled group.
I love that, and you should too.
But the Senate, the Senate ever becoming a populist body would be the greatest threat to the American Uniparty and to the left.
I'm telling you, the moment the Senate turns all of a sudden and starts representing voters, Republicans would win 65 Senate seats.
But that's a big threat.
You don't get to have procedural control.
Winning means governing, governing.
That means you can't complain all the time.
So I want to be very clear.
I'm still very bullish on the U.S. House of Representatives.
It's too local.
They won't be able to control it.
We have great candidates.
They're working their tail off.
By the way, in House races, effort can overcome money.
In Senate races, effort can make a difference, but it's very hard to overcome a massive funding gap.
I'll give you an example.
If you're running for the Senate in Arizona and Mark Kelly has $38 million and you have $2 million, that's a very hard obstacle to overcome.
Extremely difficult.
And so it's not just conceivable.
It seems as if more and more likely that the Republican establishment in the Senate, especially, is saying, boy, we don't want to play into this populist energy.
It might make Donald Trump stronger.
They don't like Trump.
We might make this movement that we have contempt for more resilient and give them more power.
We are going to just allow this movement to die on the vine.
We're going to starve it of oxygen.
We're going to starve it of resources.
It won't be able to survive by itself.
Charlie, what can we do about it?
Okay, the Republican establishment doesn't want these candidates to win.
What can we do?
The answer is actually quite a lot because we are onto their game now.
We learned the lesson in 16.
They learned the lesson in 16 and in 10, which is when people show up in big numbers with strong messages, grassroots candidates focused on things that actually matter to citizens, things get a little out of control.
And by the way, when they get out of control, that's a very good thing because they're out of control for the Unit Party.
But you know what it means when all of a sudden Washington, D.C. says things are out of control?
It means the people are in control.
When D.C. says things have gotten out of control, that means you've reassumed control of your government.
And they hate that.
And this is a major opportunity, everybody, and we can do something about it.
So here's the good news is that it is August 19th.
Great.
That means we have time to say, okay, the establishment will be comfortable losing minorly with their kind of crony Chamber of Commerce corporatist candidates.
So what are we going to do about it?
Well, this is now where we have to organize, recognize it, admit it, come together with a battle plan.
And we have a secret weapon.
We have one thing that we did not have in the 2010 Tea Party movement.
And it can be a massive and a major game changer.
We have Donald Trump.
We have a leader that can raise a ton of money.
Donald Trump has $100 million in his super PAC that can be deployed to help some of these candidates, and I believe will be deployed.
We could do rallies and get 25,000 people at a moment's notice in Pennsylvania or in Arizona.
And what needs to happen, though, is there needs to be a recognition and a difference and a splintering between the asset allocation and the strategy of the Republican establishment and of legitimate grassroots candidates that are going to represent voters and represent our citizens.
Tucker Carlson seems to agree, play cut 102.
It's entirely possible Mitch McConnell doesn't want to retake the Senate because then you'd have to run things.
And there's one thing Republican leaders dislike.
It's running anything.
Much easier to complain on Fox News.
Now, we must remember back to what Adam Kinzinger said earlier this week with the rejection of Liz Cheney.
He said something that is totally true.
He said, this is not your dad's Republican Party anymore.
You see, if they are able to show the MAGA movement does not do well in the midterms, they will then be able to gallivan around the country and say, I told you so.
Can't nominate candidates like this.
They did this in 2012, by the way, with Todd Aiken and Murdoch running in Missouri and Indiana that both said some foolish stuff about abortion that they should not have said.
But it was also just taken, not out of context.
That's not totally fair because it was just dumb.
But they blew it out of proportion.
They made it the unnecessary focus of the 2012 election of Todd Aiken and Murdoch in Missouri and Indiana.
Two Senate seats we should have won.
And we ended up re-winning them both with Mike Braun and with Josh Hawley.
But what happened in 12, 13, 14, and this is why the 2014 midterm election was not as triumphant as people thought.
We won back the Senate, but it was very much a mechanical and a technical win.
It wasn't a triumph.
Adam Kinzinger says that this is no longer your dad's Republican Party, meaning we no longer are able just to have candidates that agree with our endless wars and open borders and corporate deals.
Play cut 72.
But the bottom line is, I think this is sending a very strong message that this isn't your dad's Republican Party anymore.
This isn't a party that's committed to truth.
This is a party that's committed to conspiracy.
Mark and your prior guest had said something about, you know, people in Congress now don't really believe it.
I don't think they do believe the big lie and the conspiracies.
What I worry about is the next generation of people that have just been elected, they're going to be here next year.
They do believe these conspiracies.
That's very frightening.
Yeah, conspiracies.
It's such a ridiculous thing to say.
What he's saying is that they actually listen to their voters.
What is considered consent of the governed, Adam Kinzinger calls a conspiracy?
So what do we do about this?
We got to recognize it.
We got to admit it.
We got to repeat it.
We got to get our candidates to advertise it.
If you could support these candidates, great.
If you can't, that's okay too.
If you can support these candidates, phenomenal.
If you cannot, I totally understand.
Maybe dedicate some of your time, some of your energy, knock on doors, become a volunteer.
All these things matter.
We're going to be doing that at turning point action.
But it is a broader question.
And this is something that we have to have no mystery about.
We have to have no, let's just say, no delusions of grandeur as if, oh, yeah, the Republican Party is all on the same page.
No, there are two simultaneous things at odds happening right now.
One that is MAGA candidates that are trying their best to get across the finish line.
And the other one is a, we want to lose by less, still be in control, tell you I told you so, protect our corporate donors, and be in power endlessly and relentlessly.
Only one of those can win.
So what do we have to do?
We have to show up in such massive numbers, get people to show up, support the good candidates where we can and how we can.
And then Donald Trump has to come in and get this across the finish line.
But don't expect the Republican establishment to bail us out at this period of time.
It is my personal opinion that they're getting comfortable in their position of, well, we might not win, but at least we're still in power.
Thanks so much for listening, everybody.
Email me your thoughts as always, freedom at charliekirk.com.
Thanks so much.
Talk to you soon.
For more on many of these stories and news you can trust, go to CharlieKirk.com.
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