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Nov. 18, 2021 - The Charlie Kirk Show
45:35
Nancy Pelosi, Dictator of the House | In-Depth with Speaker Newt Gingrich
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Rolling Up Sleeves for Success 00:10:22
Hey, everybody.
On this episode of the Charlie Kirk Show, my exclusive conversation with Speaker Newt Gingrich with his new book, Beyond Biden.
We talk about how Nancy Pelosi is a thug and so much more.
You're going to really enjoy this insightful conversation.
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Hey, everybody, welcome to this episode of the Charlie Kirk Show.
With us today is a legend of the conservative movement and one of the wisest, smartest people, I think, in the entire country.
Speaker Gingrich, who has a new book out that I encourage everyone to purchase.
Beyond Biden is the book, Rebuilding the America We Love.
Mr. Speaker, welcome back to the Charlie Kirk Show.
Tell us a little bit about this book.
Well, first of all, it's always great to be with you, and you do an amazing show.
When I sat down and tried to decide on my next book, I decided not to do an anti-Biden book, which obviously would have been pretty popular, at least among our folks, because I thought Biden himself would prove to be sufficiently anti-Biden.
And that's exactly what's been happening.
But I was concerned about the country.
What are the things that when Republicans get back in charge, they should focus on?
Because it's not enough to just be anti.
We have a real competitor with China, which is, I think, a genuine danger to eliminating our freedom and our independence.
We have great challenges in our inner cities, both from crime and in education.
We have a huge challenge on the border with illegal immigration.
You know, you go down the list.
And so I wanted to write a book that was beyond just being anti-Biden and that really talked about this is the kind of stuff we're going to have to do.
We got to roll our sleeves up if we're going to be successful as a country.
And I absolutely think we have to think in terms of modernizing America.
We have very old bureaucracies that are based on the industrial era.
They don't work very well.
And that includes the Pentagon, which we just saw in Afghanistan.
It includes NASA, which has had a particularly large project that is absurdly overpriced, two of them actually, that are extraordinary over budget and over time.
It includes all the major bureaucracies in Washington and from them, parallel bureaucracies at the state and local level.
So we have a lot to do.
And Beyond Biden is my effort to begin to communicate how big the changes have to be.
Well, and I appreciate it because there is this ongoing debate, and I would love your take on it of how much do we talk about of things that happened, like the 2020 election?
How much do we focus on things that need to be done?
And then how much do we focus on things that are currently happening, such as the Biden regime?
You're making the argument that we need to have a little bit more of a forward-thinking approach, obviously not discounting things that happened previously.
What's the correct balance in that sense?
Well, I think other than stipulating that the 2020 election was rigged, where we have a brilliant book by Hemingway entitled Riggs.
So it's pretty straightforward.
I think we need election reforms.
Overwhelmingly, the American people want you to prove who you are.
They want the votes to be honest and accurate.
And we're seeing in most of the Republican states serious, methodical election reforms to get to honest elections where everybody gets to vote, but we know who they are.
We know they're legally a citizen.
We know they're allowed to do it.
Then I think I would sort of argue for a two-step process.
Inflation is terrible and is a natural consequence of big government socialism.
And therefore, here's what we would do about it.
The border being uncontrolled is a disaster.
And therefore, here's what we would do about it.
So I think it's always, it should always be a one punch at them and then an open hand offering a better future on our side.
And I think if we do that, then when we do win, and I think we're going to win big next year and even bigger in 2024, then we enter office knowing what we're going to do.
That's part of what we did with the contract with America is we had 10 major goals.
Everybody signed up to them.
And the result was when we did win the first majority in 40 years, we're in a position to actually do what we promised.
And I think that's a very, you know, the thing that drives people crazy is when, for example, Biden runs as a unifier and promptly is a divider.
I think people, you know, people would like to know in advance, what are you really going to do and do you mean it?
And so in the book Beyond Biden, you have a couple of different parts.
The first part is we will win again, which I appreciate the optimistic and forward-thinking tone.
Then you say rebuilding the America we love.
And one of the topics I want to zero in on is you say understanding and defeating wokeism and the moral case against wokeism.
Mr. Speaker, I would argue that wokeism gives us, the conservative movement, an opportunity to build a coalition that we have not had since the Soviet Union, where it's like, if we do not defeat this, then almost nothing else matters.
What's your opinion on that?
And then talk a little bit about the existential threat posed by the diversity, equity, inclusion, wokeism regime that seems to run almost every major part of American life.
Well, I think we just had a real demonstration of this in the Youngton campaign in Virginia.
It was when Glenn Younkin went to Loudoun County and met with a thousand people who were angry about the schools.
They were angry about critical race theory, which is essentially racism on the left.
They were angry about being taught false history in the 1619 project that's designed to fundamentally undermine America.
They were angry about the elimination of grades and opportunities for excellence.
And when they came together, all of a sudden a campaign, a normal Republican campaign, might have been just on the economy.
And certainly the old-time establishment Republicans would have said, oh, don't touch these issues.
But I think Glenn realized when they looked at these thousand people that there was an energy and a drive coming in Virginia that was going to change everything.
And by the way, that energy included Latinos, it included Asian Americans, it included African Americans.
There was a real interest from ethnic groups who really care about education because they understand that's the road for their children to rise to a better future.
And they see attacks on, for example, excellence in education as attacks on their children's future.
So I think that we have an opportunity to forge an alliance.
And for example, Governor DeSantis, running against an African-American opponent, got 19% of the black female vote in Florida on the issue of school choice because black mothers wanted their children to have a better future, felt that the unionized bureaucratic government schools weren't succeeding.
And as a result, 19% of them, one out of every five basically, voted against the African-American liberal Democrat in favor of the Republican conservative because he was campaigning for their children to have a better future.
So I do think taking on wokeism in all of its various forms and, you know, pretty simple model.
The purpose of the Defense Department is to win wars.
It's not to be a social rehabilitation agency.
And what they're doing to it is risking the defeat of America by undermining the warfighting capabilities of the American military.
The Danger of Wokeism in Defense 00:10:31
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And I think we're starting to see a consensus amongst even establishment Republicans that this needs to be rooted out and defeated.
So, Mr. Speaker, something I don't quite understand, and Yunkin kind of, I think, stumbled into this, is why Republicans do not continually embrace the sort of very specific, clear, and transparent contract with America that you led with in the 90s.
If there were to be a contract with America today for this next election in 2022, what would it be?
Educational choice, parental rights?
Why is it that Republicans just seem to not be able to get out of their own way when it comes to this?
Well, look, I think there's an old tradition in the Republican Party, particularly among the country club Republicans, that they're better than that, that they don't get their hands dirty with those kind of issues.
And I think part of what Trump did was he broke loose both the basically anti-confrontation Republicans who disliked Trump and became known for Trumpers, and he broke loose the blue-collar workers of every ethnic background.
Remember, Trump in 2020 got a higher percentage of the minority vote than any Republican in 60 years.
And that's because he was willing to take on and talk very bluntly and candidly about people who have radical views and want to profoundly change America.
Now, I think, and this is where I think Glenn Young may be a very important figure in American history.
Young could be a natural sort of establishment Republican.
He's very successful economically.
He was the co-chair of the Carlisle Group, which is the largest investment group in the mid-Atlantic.
But he found that the hunger was to take on the left on their awoke values.
And he was smart enough to respond and realize as a leader that he'd have a lot bigger army if he was prepared to roll up his sleeves and get in the middle of that fight.
And I would say for next year, first of all, for the first time since 1994, I now advocate that we do have a contract with America both next year and again in 2024.
And I would say that education issues have to be at the center of that.
Now, I also would argue that we want to have a balanced budget at the center of it because we did balance the budget for four years when I was speaker.
We can do it again.
And nothing will force dramatic change in government waste and government corruption as rapidly as insisting on a balanced budget.
So I think that's in a way a moral issue also.
And frankly, something on crime and police has to be done.
When you have the largest increase in murders in one year in American history, you know that even in the big cities which are nominally Democrat, there are a lot of people who are scared and who want more police, not less.
They want them better trained, but they want more of them.
And I think, again, Republicans should embrace that kind of position.
And so, Mr. Speaker, you've seen a lot, and I'd love your take on the FBI and Merritt Garland Department of Justice now having special threat tags to go after parents that show up at these school board meetings.
A lot of people please, yes, go ahead.
No, I think, first of all, I think it's scary when the Department of Justice becomes a political arm that is pursuing people for political reasons.
I think that's actually frightening and is a serious step towards a police state in the worst sense.
Second, I think that just the absurdity.
You have lots and lots of Chinese agents penetrating America.
You have a challenge of terrorism.
You have the largest increase in murders in modern times.
And you have 1,400,000 illegal immigrants breaking the law, coming into the U.S. without any COVID test, without any check on their criminal background.
But the FBI is going to worry about parents.
Now, if you want an example of why I think big government socialists are crazy, here is a perfect example, how they could possibly have a meeting and say, you know what we really need to do is shift our resources because of these dangerous parents who sometimes even get angry at the lying people who have been ruining their children's lives.
The idea that that is a, first of all, that's a question for the FBI as opposed to local police maintaining order.
And second, the idea that that outranks the Chinese terrorists, murders, and illegal immigrants tells you that this administration, you know, I think has, I don't think it has a political problem.
I think they have a mental health problem.
Yeah, and that's a question, isn't it?
And I'd love your take on it.
Are they really trying to wage a domestic war on American citizens or are they just so misguided?
They're so incompetent.
Where do you fall on that kind of debate, Mr. Speaker?
I think clearly they despise Americans who work.
You'll notice that their various mandates don't apply to people in welfare.
They don't apply to illegal immigrants, you know, because they're okay.
But now these working Americans, they're dangerous.
They clearly are anti-patriot.
I mean, you know, it's terrific if you kneel when the Pledge of Allegiance or the national anthem is played.
But you have to worry a little bit about what if you actually know the words, the Pledge of Allegiance.
Does this make you a fascist?
And I think that you, you know, there's a Lebanese college professor in Canada named Glad Saad.
It's an unusual name.
We've had him on our show.
He's a writer.
Well, you know what he's like.
He's very funny.
And his point is that leftism is a virus and it gets in your brain and you can't argue with these people because the virus in their brain won't allow them to listen to reason.
And it really moved me when we had him on my podcast and I decided, you know, that the best single explanation of this is that these people are crazy.
And so I was asked yesterday, you know, by somebody, we were in a meeting talk about how you deal with public debate.
And somebody said, well, you know, what do you do when somebody just gets up and says you're a racist?
And I said, well, I laugh and say you must be crazy.
I don't debate them.
I mean, a person who thinks, you know, and particularly when you realize that they think Clarence Thomas can't be black because he's a conservative or the new lieutenant governor of Virginia can't be black because she's a Republican.
And what you're dealing with, of course, is a pathology, not an ideology.
That's right.
And I think immediate dismissal is the only way you can handle with that.
The only way.
And I agree.
So again, the book is beyond Biden.
If people are just kind of tuning in now and want to pick up a copy, I encourage it.
But Mr. Speaker, I agree with you that the Department of Justice targeting parents is scary and dangerous.
Let's say Republicans take back the House and the Senate.
What can start to be done about this?
Especially you look at what they're doing with James O'Keefe and Project Veritas.
We are seeing the weaponization of the Justice Department in a way that I have not seen.
What wisdom do you have to share of actually a roadmap to actually start to fix some of this?
Well, first of all, they have to have investigations and hearings and use subpoena power, and they have to get all the internal documents.
We have a pretty good notion now, for example, that the National School Board Association was actually being coached by the White House in order to write the letter for the Justice Department.
And the Justice Department was already prepared to issue the orders as soon as they got the letter.
No, I think having that laid out, and then frankly, they should move to impeach the Attorney General Garland because he clearly is violating the rule of law.
They should move to replace the head of the FBI, and they should use the power of the purse.
They should say very clearly, if you don't clean this up, we're going to cut your budget in half.
I love that.
And but, Mr. Speaker, do you think that's realistic?
Do you think the next, do you think that the old, the old bulls in the Senate, you know them.
I'm not going to say any names.
You think they're really going to do that?
Or is it going to be a little bit of...
Well, a good number of the old bulls are retiring.
Well, that's good.
You know, nothing against old bulls.
I like Chuck Raskin, but I think the young bulls would do it.
I also think that Republicans are faced with a real crisis.
They're almost certainly going to win.
And they're going to win against a government, which is deeply corrupt.
I mean, one of the things that I think that has to happen from day one is hearings about Hunter Biden.
I totally agree.
And hearings about how he manages to become an artist all of a sudden and get paid absurd amounts of money and who is paying it.
And let's find out how many of them are Chinese, Ukrainian, and Russian.
But the depth of corruption in this administration, I think, exceeds anything that we've ever seen in American history.
And that's saying a lot.
Hunter Biden Hearings and Loans 00:14:40
We've had a couple of cycles where the system was pretty corrupt.
But these guys are, and they're so blatantly arrogant and so willing to lock you up.
And again, the sadness of watching the New York Times side with the police state against Project Veritas, which is totally in the long run, in the disinterest of the New York Times, because they're setting up a stage here where the government could intervene and seize things that historically have been protected.
And I think that's very, very, very dangerous.
We're not going to be a free society if the Pelosi dictatorship in the House and the Department of Justice kind of attitude, which is dictatorial, continues to grow and spread.
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Well, I'm pleased to hear that, Mr. Speaker, because kind of my one of the themes we've been having on this show is inflation is a major crisis, China is, but the domestic police state issue has to be a top priority for House Republicans and Senate Republicans, given the opportunity they have.
So let's talk about that politically.
And then I want to ask you about some other things that are happening in the news.
And again, the book is Beyond Biden.
Everyone go buy a bunch of copies.
They make great Christmas gifts.
And I love the thesis of the book.
There's some great chapters here: the moral case against wokeism, freedom, work, and property, peace, safety, and stability.
But, Mr. Speaker, it seems you said something that made me chuckle where you said the Republicans have a problem.
They're almost certainly going to win.
So let's first start there.
Republicans always capture every opportunity to mess up the inevitable.
Just talk about what you think is coming in the midterms and what do Republicans need to do to sweep this into major victory?
Your thoughts.
Well, look, I think I was very privileged as a young congressman to work with Ronald Reagan in 1979-80 when he was a candidate to help organize the first Capitol Steps event,
which led to us winning control of the Senate and to see a presidential campaign which was ready to govern and which, with the help of the Heritage Foundation, which wrote a book called Mandate for Change, which had 250 experts.
And the people who wrote each chapter ended up being recruited by Reagan to run the part of the government that he wrote about.
So we really had a dramatic positive impact from day one.
Similarly, when we did the contract with America, we got every single member of the House Republicans who were running to sign the contract.
And therefore, we knew the day after the election what we were going to be doing for the first hundred days.
And it gave us a unity and a purpose of real reform.
And I think the Republicans have to do something like that next year because the worst thing that could happen to them would be to win, flounder around, accomplish nothing, and set the stage for them to recover in 26 or in 24.
So I think that we can get this done.
I think it's very hard work.
We have a project that I'm working on called the American Majority Project, not conservative or Republican, the American Majority Project.
Yes.
And I have a simple test, which is to take almost any topic like buying gasoline, buying food, looking at illegal immigrants coming across the border, and simply asking the question, do you think this is working?
And then everybody who's in the it ain't working coalition, which will be much bigger than the Republican Party.
I think then you have a chance to put together the American people and to start rolling up your sleeves and getting things fixed.
So, but, you know, I hope they're listening to you, and they should.
I think you're the best speaker the Republican Party has had.
And especially, you see what you got done in the 90s.
Let me ask you about that.
So I have respect for Kevin McCarthy.
He's a friend of mine.
You know, he has to do a very tough balancing act.
He is unlike Boehner and Ryan, where he does not declare war on the base of the party, which obviously I sympathize with.
What is your public advice to what Speaker McCarthy has to do to balance the different camps?
And what should he do with the Kinzinger-Cheney types that seem to be more kind of Democrat lights and they want to just keep on the carousel of going after Trump?
In the difficult job of being Speaker, what would your wisdom be in that?
You know, I've thought about it a lot because I was Speaker and I've thought about how do you handle certain kinds of problems.
First of all, I think Kevin's done a good job overall.
It's a very hard job.
And he has run a balancing act.
He's faced with a dictator.
And then, and I mean this literally, Nancy Pelosi runs a dictatorship.
She kneecaps people.
She coerces them.
She does things to Republicans that are a violation of 240 years of American history.
And she is extraordinarily destructive of the concept of freedom.
So he's got a different situation than I had.
But I think he's done a good balancing act.
He was very positive in 2000 with a commitment to America.
He recruited brilliantly.
People thought he was going to lose 25 seats.
He won 15.
That's a swing of 40 seats in expert prediction.
He is positioned now, I think, to become a majority.
And my advice, public and private, is really simple.
Focus totally on building the biggest possible majority.
That's one.
Two, announce right now, we will have a committee on committees.
And the committee on committees will review everybody, Democrat and Republican.
And we are going to create a brand new committee with no staff, which will basically be a turkey farm.
And that committee will have no jurisdiction, have no duties.
And we are going to select Republicans who are idiotic and Democrats who are destructive.
And so Waters, for example, will, Maxine Waters will lose her chairmanship and be transferred to the Turkey Committee.
The Turkey Committee will be sized by the number of people who are turkeys.
And there will be a couple of Republican turkeys.
We're going to treat them with great dignity.
They will have a committee.
They won't be able to go home and say that they weren't given a chance.
But we're not going to pretend that somebody who is a total turkey has got to be treated with respect.
And we're going to take every single Democrat and require them to come and appear before the executive committee of the Republican Party if they want to get a committee of any kind.
And if they don't want to come and appear, they will have no committee assignment next year because Pelosi has set the terms.
That's right.
And the terms are majority party gets to totally run over the minority party.
And we're going to take that playbook.
We may not do it the second time we're in charge, but for the very first time we're in charge for 22, for 23 and 24, we are going to let Democrats learn that there is, in fact, payback.
And I think to not do that would be a terrible mistake.
I totally agree.
And they're not even allowing bill markup sessions.
They're not all the precedent has been thrown out.
Can you just elaborate a little bit more on that, Mr. Speaker, on the unprecedented nature of the czar Pelosi?
I'm glad you call her a dictator.
She is.
She's a thug.
She has blackmailed.
So explain that.
Elaborate how she has changed.
We talked about Biden so much.
What is she doing now that has never been done before?
Well, let me start with why I'm so passionate about this.
When I became Republican whip, the Soviet Union still existed.
But under Gorbachev, they'd gone into Glasnost and Perestroika and they were being more open.
And one day we got a call and there were about 20 journalists from the Soviet Union who were coming to visit.
And would I meet with them, tell them about the U.S. House and so forth?
So they showed up.
We talked for a while.
I took them on the floor of the house.
It was not in session.
And I thought, you know, let me give him a real feel for this.
So I picked one of them and got him to stand where the president stands when he says, gives the state of the union.
Then I picked another one from Latvia and I got him to sit in the speaker's chair behind the president.
I pointed out that the speaker is above the president during the state of the union, and so is the president of the Senate, who was the vice president, because the president's there as their guest.
But in that room, he is actually subordinate to these two.
Well, the guy from Latvia comes down out of the chair and he's physically trembling.
And he says to me, you know, all these years from the time Russia occupied us in 1940, those of us in Latvia really knew that America was our friend.
And we never believed any of the propaganda.
And he said, you've allowed me to sit at the center of freedom on the planet.
Now, that was his view of the U.S. House.
It's the center of freedom.
And it's a great tradition coming out of the English common law, coming out of the Magna Carta.
You know, there's 700 years, 800 years now, of tradition.
Nancy Pelosi is a dictator.
She's in the tradition of Cromwell.
She's in the tradition of people who centralize power.
She's a thug.
She brutalizes people.
She runs over them.
She establishes rules that are crazy.
And by the way, you can tell the difference.
I was in the Senate yesterday wandering around by myself without a name tag, without having to be escorted.
You go to the House, they meet with whistleblowers off of Capitol Hill because otherwise the whistleblower is recorded by the Capitol Police as they enter the buildings.
I mean, she has established on the House side of the Hill a dictatorship.
And literally, I'm embarrassed to say this because I'm a creature of the House, but the Senate today is much freer and much more open than the U.S. House.
It's truly humiliating.
Examples.
Why do we have subcommittee and committee hearings?
To draw out information.
Somebody has an idea.
Is it a good idea?
Is it a bad idea?
Well, you bring in people who are for it and people who are against it.
And you have hearings and they go on the record and you ask them questions.
And inevitably, you improve it because there are lots of people in this country who know vastly more than congressmen about any specific topic.
Then you have to vote on it.
And the subcommittee votes on it.
They have amendments.
And some of the amendments pass, some of the amendments fail.
Then you go to the full committee and you do the same thing.
Then you have to go to a rules committee and make the case for why what you're doing is important enough that they should give you a rule to be heard on the House floor and to be voted on.
Then you go to the floor, you make speeches in favor and speeches against, and then you normally have an amending process again to improve the bill.
And then you finally get to final passage.
Now, you've gone through a series of open public things.
One of the things I was proudest of when I became Speaker is we created the Thomas system.
And Bill Archer, the chairman of Ways and Means, got up one day in January, holding a card that he read from and said, I have just filed the Tax Cut Act of 1995.
And that act is available for free on the internet at the Thomas system.
And here's the URL to get the act.
You don't have to have a lobbyist.
You don't have to belong to an association.
You personally can go and read it yourself.
Now, compare that to the secrecy of a multi-trillion dollar bill being introduced one night and voted on the next day by a group of robots who are lockstep because they're terrified of Pelosi.
And you can see that everything we think of as freedom is being crushed by the Pelosi dictatorship.
A Historic Legislative Moment 00:08:59
I think it's truly more frightening than the Justice Department because in the end, if you end up with a Congress which is totally dictatorial, it will then lead to an even more dictatorial government.
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That is so fascinating.
And honestly, Mr. Speaker, I haven't heard that much coverage or chatter about that as much as is war.
And I just want to thank you for that because you're right.
And I've heard this from many members of Congress.
And they say, Charlie, when we get the majority back, we're going to change some things because we are being punished.
We are being ridiculed.
We're being blackmailed in ways that we've never been before.
And what Pelosi's endgame is, I'm not really sure.
And I want to ask you that, Mr. Speaker, because this is something that I've actually been struggling with, and it involves Biden.
And again, the book is called Beyond Biden.
Usually when a president becomes less popular and starts to go down in approval ratings, they kind of pause and they don't continue or they don't accelerate the things that are kind of, let's say, attributable to their non-popularity or unpopularity.
Why do you think that this regime in the Biden White House is almost putting the foot on the gas pedal as they become less popular?
I can't quite figure that out.
I think they think that their defeat is inevitable and that this is their one moment to try to radically change America before they're thrown out and that there's nothing they can do to avoid it.
Because, you know, Bill Clinton was never forgiven by the left for having worked with me.
And it's literally that simple.
And in the spring of 1995, after we had taken control for the first time in 40 years, Clinton's advisors all said to him, you know, stick to the left, do the things that the true faith requires.
And Clinton, who'd been an Arkansas Democrat, was more centrist than most Democrats, and who had been defeated for reelection in 1980 and learned from that that, in fact, you could make people mad enough, they'd throw you out.
And then came back and won again in 82 and served after that.
Clinton said to him, if I do what you want me to do, I'm going to get beat in 1996.
I don't want to get beat.
So I'm going to work with Newt.
The next thing I know, I'm sitting up there.
He's coming in to give the State of the Union.
Funny side story.
He walks in.
You'll notice when the president comes into the State of the Union, they always give the Speaker and the President of the Senate a copy of their speech before they speak.
So Clinton comes in, hands Al Gore a copy of the speech and hands me an envelope.
And I look at Gore and I open the envelope and it says, from William Jefferson Clinton to Speaker Newt Gingrich, you are right.
I resign.
I was staring at that.
I show it to Gore.
We're both standing there laughing.
Clinton comes out and says, oh, I gave you the wrong document.
Here's the speech and takes it back.
Well, that's the speech where he says the era of big government is over.
Now, I have to stand and applaud.
I mean, what am I going to do?
The president of the United States, just even though he's a liberal Democrat, just said something I believe deeply.
The left never forgave him.
They didn't forgive him for welfare reform.
They didn't forgive him for signing a tax cut.
They didn't forgive him for balancing the budget.
The crime bill.
And so the crime bill.
So Biden is sitting there thinking to himself, I'd rather go down as the hero of the left than stay here selling out to all these people and being reviled by my base.
So I think they've made the decision consciously.
And of course, look at the age of Schumer and of Pelosi and of the other two senior leaders in the House Party.
These folks are all at the point in their lives where they better get it done now because they ain't going to get it done 10 years from now.
And so they're going for broke.
And if the polls are hold up the way they are now, they're just going to get annihilated.
I mean, this will be the biggest defeat for the Democratic Party since before Franklin Roosevelt.
You have to go back to the 20s, I think, to see the scale of the defeat that's coming.
And I don't think there's anything the Democrats can do to change that.
In fact, it seems as if they want to still pass the Build Back Better plan.
And so that's my last question is we kind of talked a little about this, what Republicans need to do and what they need to focus on, which is your prediction, you could pair it to 1994 and 2010.
We have some young listeners, Mr. Speaker.
We have 14-year-old listeners.
My last question will be, just remind people what you did in 1994, the profound and historic nature there, and the similarities you see between the two.
Well, in 1994, we had not been the Republicans in the House, had not been in a majority for 40 years.
So people assumed that we would lose and that we'd still be in the minority.
And when we won 53 seats and became a majority, it was a huge shock.
What made it a bigger shock was we did it with a document called the Contract with America, which everybody had signed.
We had a big event on the Capitol steps.
Everybody, all the candidates came.
They all went up and signed it.
So we actually knew in the first 100 days everything we were going to do.
And we worked very hard and we actually got it all done in about 93 days.
But one of the keys was that everything we picked had 70% approval or better.
So we're in a position to know that if you defended what we were talking about, you were inevitably going to have seven or eight out of every 10 people agreeing with you.
Welfare reform would be an example, reforming the House, making the House operate under the same laws as everybody else, balancing the federal budget, cutting taxes to create jobs.
These were all popular issues.
So our candidates had positive things to say, and they were committed to actually doing it.
Now, the thing that's interesting is it created a tidal wave effect.
We've gained the Senate, the House, picked up governorships, picked up state legislative seats.
We had regained the strength that we had not had for a generation.
And despite occasionally losing, we have remained across the whole country stronger than the Democratic Party.
There are more Republican state legislators.
There are more Republican governors.
And, you know, we're tied in the Senate only because we were incredibly stupid in Georgia, or we'd have a majority.
And we're right at the edge of breaking through on the House and having maybe the biggest majority since 1928.
So, you know, I think it was a historic moment.
But I would also say to 14-year-olds who are listening, you have a great, great future.
You look at SpaceX, you look at the likelihood that people who are listening to this podcast are going to, in fact, in the end, be on Mars, be on the moon, have lives of enormous adventure.
We're going to continue to have breakthroughs in healthcare and biology.
People are going to live longer and healthier.
And I'm excited about the next 40 or 50 years.
And that's why I wrote Beyond Biden, because I wanted to communicate: don't just get gloomy and down because these people are idiots.
Don't Get Gloomy About Idiots 00:01:00
Recognize that this is a free country and we have techniques for getting rid of idiots.
We wipe them out in the election and these guys will be gone.
And then you will have heard the last laugh from Kamala Harris, which will be a positive thing for civic culture.
The last cackle.
I can't wait.
That'll be a wonderful name of a column.
The last cackle.
Beyond Biden by Speaker Newt Gingrich.
I love the optimistic tone.
It's terrific.
And I enjoy the conversation so much.
Thank you, Mr. Speaker, and thank you for being generous with your time.
Can't wait to see you guys.
Thank you, Charlie.
Great.
Thank you.
Thank you so much for listening, everybody.
If you want to support our show, you can do so at charliekirk.com/slash support.
And if you want to get involved with Turning PointUSA, go to tpusa.com.
God bless you guys.
Speak to you soon.
For more on many of these stories and news you can trust, go to CharlieKirk.com.
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