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July 22, 2021 - The Charlie Kirk Show
38:52
American Marxism with Mark Levin

Charlie welcome friend of the show and true American patriot, The Great One, Mark Levin to The Charlie Kirk Show to discuss his newest book, "American Marxism." The two discuss the roots of Marxism and how it metastasized in Europe before being exported to America only to further evolve away from its materialist roots into gender, race, and climate struggles pitting every group against each other as either oppressor or oppressed. In a way on Mark Levin can, he breaks it down and peels aways the layers to expose the treacherous aims of the radical who want to weaponize American Marxism to destroy the greatest country to ever exist. Support the show: http://www.charliekirk.com/supportSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

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Hey, everybody, today in the Charlie Kirk Show, super important episode.
Stop what you're doing and listen to every word of this.
We sit down for a wide-ranging and I believe very important one-on-one interview with the great one, Mark Levin, to discuss his new book.
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Hey, everybody, welcome to this episode of the Charlie Kirk Show.
I am honored and thrilled to be joined today by Mark Levin, the great one, who is the author of the amazing new book, American Marxism.
Everyone should go pick up 5, 10, or 15 copies.
In fact, at Turning Point USA, we just bought 150 copies for all of our staff and top students.
In fact, we might be getting even more than that because it's such an important book.
Mark, welcome back to our program.
It's always a pleasure.
You're a great patriot, and thank you for that.
Unraveling American Marxism 00:04:03
That's quite a surprise.
I appreciate it.
Well, hopefully more to come, and you deserve it.
So, Mark, first tell us why you wrote this book.
You have a very impressive portfolio of books that almost always seem to diagnose the problems we are facing.
Your last one, The Unfreedom of the Press, was the best book I have ever read as far as to where the news media went wrong.
Why did you decide to write this book, American Marxism?
I'll tell you what's interesting, Charlie.
I didn't decide to write a book called American Marxism.
In fact, the title didn't come to me until about three months before I turned it in, which was three months ago.
So, I guess six months ago.
And I saw what was happening to the country, and I said, I got to break this down.
There's just too much swirling around.
What is going on here with the riots, the way the media covering them, with our school system?
Critical race theory really wasn't known as a popular matter back then, but there it was.
And so people asked me what I do for a hobby.
This is what I do.
So I got as many books as I possibly could.
And I wanted to track down who invented critical theory, who invented critical race theory.
You know who they are.
And then I wanted to learn about them as much as I possibly could, and I have.
And then I wanted to find a way to convey that.
to the American people in a rational and understandable way.
So I did that.
And I did the same with climate change.
Like if the Earth's temperature changes one degree, you know, that's a big deal.
And all of a sudden we're going to have earthquakes and the ocean's going to rise and take over Kansas and those sorts of things.
Well, where's all this coming from?
And the so-called Green New Deal, it's an old red deal.
And so this is part of the degrowth movement of the 1970s that was also born in Europe and exported to the United States.
And this border issue, immigration issue, the radicalization of the border and immigration, things don't just happen.
These aren't just coincidences.
And if somebody runs an organization that has to deal with what goes on in college campuses, you probably know this better than anybody.
And so what I did there is I started to read their books again.
And you have what's called this Chicino movement or Chicano movement.
And what that's all about is the United States of America is an illegitimate country.
That in fact, the illegal aliens are the white European Protestants who came to the Americas and established this colony called America, then the United States.
And the indigenous peoples cannot possibly be illegal aliens.
So regardless of where they come from, North, South America, these are the people who belong in the United States.
Now, you understand you have people in the Biden administration who embrace and spew all these theories, which is why his first couple of weeks in office, he was signing executive orders that literally enshrined every one of these Marxist movements.
And they are Marxist movements.
They're spawned out of Marxist ideology.
And they are Americanized Marxist movements.
They are tailored to this country.
That's why the book's called American Marxism and not Marxism.
And as I saw these common threads, I would say to my wife, Julie, who you know well, and I'd say, this is worse than people realize.
These aren't disparate entities doing disparate things.
Maybe they were originally, but they are having an enormous impact on our society, particularly education.
But look at the whole culture.
And so I just decided to try and take it upon myself to unravel these various movements, explain fundamentally what they are, where they come from, because I believe, and I'm certainly not the only one who believes this, Charlie, that if we don't understand the enemy, and they're the enemy, they're not an adversary, they're not an opponent, they're the enemy.
We want to destroy what we have.
If we don't understand them, we can't defeat them.
Understanding the Enemy 00:16:52
And every military expert, every political campaign that succeeds, every business that's successful understands that if you're going to develop the right strategies and tactics, you need to know what you're dealing with.
So this book is seven chapters, six chapters of scholarship, which I try to explain in fairly understandable terms and try and interpret what these pseudo-scholars are saying on the left.
And then the last chapter is about activism.
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So, Mark, I want to ask you about this idea of critical theory.
You mentioned where did it come from, Herbert Marcuse from the Frankfurt School.
Can you talk about how this was imported from abroad into the American academic system of the people like Michelle Foucault and Jacques Derrida?
You go, you spend a lot of time through the research of this.
And I think it's important for people to understand that this was no accident.
This was imported from abroad, from a communist school of thinkers and scholars that came to America and they found a home.
And then they repackaged Marx's ideas through not the bourgeoisie versus the proletariat, but instead of oppressor and oppressed, and then eventually realized that they could do that through racial terms.
Help explain that for our audience, Mark.
They do it through racial terms.
They do it through gender terms.
They do it through, well, this model of oppressor and oppressed, victim and victimized, remains.
And that's really when you boil down Marxism, that's what it is.
And so you need to have these class struggles.
But we don't have class struggles.
So they have to create class struggles.
You see, here's the problem with Marxism in the United States.
Marx attacked the Industrial Revolution, as you know.
The reason he attacked the Industrial Revolution, because it proved Marxism to be a joke.
It didn't create a proletariat that wanted to rise up and overthrow the country.
It created a massive middle class that loves their country and will go and fight for their country.
And so when this was occurring, you ask yourself the Soviet Union versus the United States, would you rather be a factory worker part of the proletariat in the Soviet Union or in the United States?
And clearly, it would be in the United States, just to use Marx's term, proletariat.
In America, we don't have classes.
We don't have a caste system.
We don't have oppressed and oppressor.
So this has to be constructed and it has to be projected onto society.
And this is what they do in our classrooms.
And this is what Herbert Marcuse did and others along with him.
He was very upset.
You know, he was in Berlin, the rise of Hitlerism and the Third Reich, the rise of communism.
And there was a battle, really, of sorts as the Weimar Republic collapsed.
Well, who was going to take over, the fascists or the communists?
And the fascists took over.
He never got over that.
He couldn't understand.
Here we had a failed society.
The proletariat didn't rise up and embrace communism.
And he fled.
Now, where did he flee to?
He fled to the United States.
And how does he welcome us?
And how does he show gratitude by spending his every moment trying to figure out how to overthrow the United States from within?
He winds up being a professor, Syrian, three different Ivy League schools, tenured.
And he's writing and writing and writing, trying to figure out what the weaknesses are in the American system, how Marxism can work in the American system.
And it's a long story, but I'll cut to the chase here.
Critical theory was his brainchild, pretty much.
And critical theory, the Franklin School, goes something like this.
It's applied to our laws.
And so it became popular in law school.
And what it essentially means is thumbnail sketch is these laws are unjust.
Now, why are the laws unjust?
Because the laws are written by the powerful.
The laws are written by the majority.
The laws are written by the dominant individuals in the society.
So minorities and others cannot get a fair break under the legal system in the United States.
Now, this spread throughout law school.
I was in law school and this spread throughout law school.
And so what happens is a guy by the name of Derek Bell, who Thomas Sowell really ripped very strongly because he knew who he was way back in the day, thought he was an intellectual lightweight.
He was definitely on the fringe.
He applied this to race.
Critical theory, critical race theory.
Understand the word theory.
Theory, not reality, not statistics, not history, theory.
And so, again, to make a long story short, he took this whole notion of dominating law and said dominating culture, dominating society, and that the white population founded this nation, had slavery, instituted the Declaration, instituted the Constitution, created what we're living through today, the white dominant society, the white supremacist society.
And so, in order to have true equity, in order to have true justice, you have to destroy that society.
You have to destroy it.
And notice they always want to destroy us.
That's why they're Marxists.
That's what they are.
Notice they always have classes of people battling each other.
And if you had people of color who like this society, then they have surrendered to the white dominant society.
Their minds have been colonized.
Their minds have been imperialized.
They have been conquered.
They are part of the problem.
So you can be a person who's not white, but you're part of the white dominant society.
And so every aspect of this society is illegitimate.
Every aspect of this society is racist.
Again, notice how they dehumanize people.
I mean, do you walk around saying, gee, I'm white?
I mean, nobody does that.
Walk around saying, gee, I'm a supremacist.
Nobody does that.
Which is why you have the modern era.
You have people like Kendi and Delgado who didn't invent these theories.
They make millions of dollars off of them, just so people know.
What does Kendi think about?
Well, Kendi didn't invent it.
In the book, I tell you who invented it and what they say.
He's made millions off of it.
He says, we're not interested in individual, you know, Klansmen or neo-Nazis.
We're talking about society generally.
Why?
Because the average person out there, when you talk about white supremacy, they think, you know, that's the Klan with the hoods, the neo-Nazis.
And so, no, they're talking about you.
They're not even talking about them.
They say it's worse than them.
It's you.
And so you have these fools who write these books like Delgado who say, even to so-called progressives, a word I despise.
She has her new adaptation of her old book, which isn't doing well, by the way.
You can only, you know, trash yourself so often.
And in her new book, she talks about she particularly despises the progressives.
You go, what?
Yes, because they think they're doing good, but they haven't really come to grips with their whiteness.
In other words, you never can come to grips with your whiteness.
Malcolm X said, basically, it's not the conservatives I worry about.
It's the liberals I worry about.
Because they pretend that they care about us.
They pretend they're doing good things for us, but they're not.
So basically she's regurgitating Malcolm X in 400 pages.
And so this is critical race.
There's much more to it.
I'm just thumbnail skid.
This is critical race theory.
Now, the problem is they don't believe in free speech.
They don't believe in academic freedom.
These are Marxists.
That's the bottom line.
They use race.
They use the climate.
They'll use gender.
They'll use whatever they have to use.
These different Marxist movements spawned from Marxism.
And so.
The problem is they're in our schools now.
And they're backed by the educational bureaucracy, which is a potent, powerful force.
The NEA and the AFT, which are nothing, but if they're not Marxist organizations, appendages of the Democrat Party.
You saw how they hate children all through the pandemic.
They've told governors and legislatures that have passed law to prevent them from teaching critical race theory.
We're going to do it anyway.
They've told parents to screw off.
Who do you think you are?
And so this is something we need to deal with.
And I don't mean to be long-winded.
I'm just picking this one piece of the book because there's a lot of aspects to the book.
And how do we deal with this?
Do we whine about it?
Do we go to school board meetings?
You have one minute to speak.
Okay.
What I say is we need to take some tactics from the left, you know, without the Molotov cocktails and stuff like that, the peaceful tactics from the left.
We need to apply the BDS movement to these school districts.
We need to apply Solinsky to these school districts and these individuals.
We need to apply Cloward and Piven.
And I explained who all that is for people who don't know and more.
We need to use the FOIA laws to get information about these teachers, their contracts, the unions, who's training whom, who's at these seminars, how do you promote teachers?
How do you hire teachers?
We own these damn places and we don't know a damn thing about them.
We need to use litigation.
We have litigation groups all over this country who are chopping at the bit to get involved in these activities.
Or maybe you have a local individual who's a lawyer who's willing to spend some time and help.
Again, it are all these ideas, so I won't be able to get to all of them.
Under the 14th Amendment of the Constitution, there have been some good cases brought.
You don't have a right.
You don't have a right under the federal constitution to force kids to go to these schools unless they can find a way to go to another school and then teach them that they are racist or teach another that they're a victim to turn one against the other.
You have a right to a proper education.
You have a right to equal protection.
And these federal 14th Amendment cases are all worth bringing.
My attitude is we have to become litigious.
We have to overwhelm their system.
We have to use FOIA, hundreds and hundreds of parents and taxpayers in every district, unload it, baby, right onto that school district.
Same with the unions.
What do we do about the teachers' unions?
Well, guess what?
Every one of them have multiple filings in the Internal Revenue Service as a union, as nonprofit entities, and so forth.
When I headed Landmark Legal Foundation, we used to file complaints against the NEA before we went to lunch.
We can do that still.
You have evidence.
You heard what the head of the AFT said.
She's a political hack.
Okay, so what's the tax status?
Challenge their tax status.
Overwhelm the system.
Make them pay legal fees.
Back them against the wall.
Let them know you exist, that they're not going to just get away with this stuff.
And I go through a number of areas, just some of the ideas that I think we should use, because it is time that we galvanize.
It is time that we rally.
You know, some people say we're at the, we're looking into the abyss.
I say in many respects, we're in the abyss, and we have to claw our way out.
So it's time to rally.
And what I'm hoping, Charlie, maybe I'm maybe I'm wrong.
I'm hoping is we've done this throughout our history at different times in our history, one generation standing up and defending the generation behind it.
You see what's happening in our classroom, elementary school classrooms.
You see, everybody sees it now.
And if we're not going to defend our children, we're not going to defend anything.
And so I feel the time is now.
You know, we used to communicate through pamphlets early on in this country.
We're not going to be able to communicate through big media.
We're not going to be able to communicate through big tech.
We have concerted talk radio.
We have podcasts, but the written word is a lasting word.
And so I just decided, boy, is this a long-winded answer.
I just decided that one of the things we need to do is communicate with each other.
We have no savior in the Republican Party.
Nobody's going to stand up and fix this.
We have to fix this.
And so I'm hoping, like the old pamphleteers, that this book, it's obviously not a pamphlet, but can be used in the same way, that the message will get out there, that we will understand exactly what we're dealing with.
I've developed a number of strategy and tactics, and that people in their own neighborhoods, in their own school districts, that they will do the same.
And then we will learn from Charlie Kirk.
And we will network county to county, group to group.
I talk about creating community committees, patriotic community committees, and that from one county to the other, we will figure out what each one of us is doing, because it's not enough to have one school system or one of this or one of that.
We need to be big.
We have numbers.
We have resources, and we need to use them.
Well, I totally agree, Mark.
And it's long past time for people to get into the arena.
This is not a spectator sport.
You know, conservatives think at times it's like watching an NFL football game.
I'm going to buy the jersey.
I'll watch the games and I'll cheer the best.
No, you have to be in the arena.
And that's a unique advantage that we have in the American system.
So, Mark, you and I agree on this, but I get pushback from a lot of people where they say the left means well, that they're not diabolical.
They're not actually trying to deconstruct.
They just have a different way to go about it.
How important is it, Mark, that we identify that we do not have shared purpose, that we actually want two completely different things?
I think that is actually very liberating for a citizen to realize, because then you no longer have to kid yourself or try to convince yourself that you have to try to achieve some sort of false promise of bipartisanship.
If somebody tells you today that they mean well, they're out of their minds.
They're teaching racism.
They're teaching transgenderism to eight-year-olds in elementary school.
They have destroyed academic freedom in our colleges and universities.
Does that mean well?
Look at the border now, the suffering that's going on at the border because the Democrat Party wants to fundamentally change not just the nature of the nation, but that they're embracing this radical ideology that I just mentioned earlier.
Do they mean well?
You're attacking our economic system.
You're attacking the ability for people to put bread on their table, economic growth, opportunity.
When you're going after our energy system, which is the heart and soul of everything you do economically in a country, do they mean well?
They have a funny way of showing it.
When they spend money, massive amounts of money that's going to bankrupt every generation that follows us, and they don't care.
Do they mean well when they prevent little poor kids in minority inner city neighborhoods from going to schools, good schools, school choice where they can actually get an education rather than have to worry about crime?
Do they mean well when they push massive tax increases on successful people and give it to people who really make up their base or people who they are trying to get to vote for them and that sort of thing?
Do they mean well?
No, they don't mean well about any damn thing.
Saving Our Democracy 00:14:56
And so anybody who tells you that, if they're capable of reading, needs to read this.
Once you read this book, you'll know they don't mean well at all.
They are on the move.
They've already devoured many of our institutions and our culture.
And we need to wake up to this.
That's the whole first chapter.
They're here.
They're now.
They're in our face.
Look at them.
Here they are.
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So, Mark, how much of the issue do you think is on our own side, the conservative side?
Because it seems, and I put conservative in quotes, it seems as if we are able to identify the enemy, but if our own ranks are unwilling to fight as hard as necessary, then don't we also have some reorganizing we need to do within the Republican Party or the conservative movement?
You were probably more instrumental than anyone else in the Tea Party movement.
I grew up listening to you on WLS in Chicago late at night when you used to keep the drumbeat going for the Tea Party movement.
And I remember you said, Look, it's going to be the Republicans that are going to stop this thing.
And now we know that to be true.
We know that Senate leadership and kind of the insiders got in the way of it.
Mark, do you think there's a Vichy French problem at times in the Republican Party working with the other side, kind of slowing this down, pandering to the American Marxist movement?
How much blame do you put on the conservatives in air quotes for the kind of situation we're in?
This is a great question.
Series of questions, actually.
Great.
This book bypasses all that.
That is, I'm not here to fix the Republican Party or fix the conservative movement, whatever that means anymore.
I'm reaching out directly to the American people.
You know, when I walk the dogs here, neighbors come up to me and they ask me questions.
Those are the people I'm talking to.
When you're on radio, you're doing your podcast.
You get people who call in.
Those are the people I'm talking to.
I don't talk to Mitch McConnell.
They both despise each other anyway.
I'm not interested in trying to fix the Republican Party.
If we're strong enough and we've a far enough reach and we can influence enough, they will be interested in listening to what we have to say.
If we're scratching and clawing at their doors, telling them they need to fix things.
Let me put it to you this way: Do you think the old bulls, this is just a question everybody?
Do you think the old bulls who run the Republican Senate, the Republican Party and the Senate, do you think they have any idea what's swirling around?
They have no idea what's going on.
They have no idea how to address this.
You've got 11 Republicans out of 50 trying to cut deals with the Democratic Party.
The Democrat Party is a war with our constitutional construct.
Pack the court, pack the Senate, open borders, get rid of the filibuster rule, using reconciliation for amnesty.
Those people don't need to be negotiated with.
They need to be defeated.
They need to be crushed.
We need a movement.
We need a movement of American citizens who love this country.
I don't care if they're moderate Democrats, if they're libertarians, I don't care.
As I say in the first chapter, put our little differences aside.
If you love this country, if you want to keep this country, if you like your liberty, if you believe in individuality, if you believe in faith and family and property rights and unalienable rights, if you love the founding, if you love the Declaration in the Constitution, it's time, baby.
You better step up in one way or another.
You can do it behind your desk with filing complaints.
You can do it in helping organize individuals.
You can do it in a thousand different ways, but you better start doing it because nobody's coming to save us but ourselves.
I want you to think of Thomas Paine.
I want you to think of the first paragraph in the American crisis.
He wrote a lot that's important there.
It wasn't Pollyanna stuff.
It wasn't let's all be positive.
He was saying basically, it's now or never, now or never.
We didn't pick this fight.
We don't want this fight, but it is here.
We'd rather stay home and do something else.
But this is swirling around us.
You see it.
Even the best propagandists on TV can't cover it up anymore.
Your children are confronted with this.
Your kids in colleges and universities, you are confronted with this.
Now, we are adults.
We're their parents and their grandparents.
Now, what the hell are we going to do about it?
We're going to let the greatest country on the face of the earth do what?
Have this elitist mob and their fanatic followers take it from us?
Really?
No, I don't think so.
My father was a World War II vet.
My grandfather fought at Iwo Jima.
My great uncle fought at Guadalcanal.
Is it too hard to walk three miles or go three miles and confront your school board or get behind your computer and file a complaint?
And by the way, these are just a few of the things that are in there.
There's a lot we can do.
There's a lot we can do that doesn't even take that much time.
But we need to spend it.
Whether you're a truck driver, a plumber, an electrician, a lawyer, or a doctor, this is our country.
And these people who want to take it from us, they've contributed nothing to this country.
Bernie Sanders, Chuck Schumer, Pelosi, they've been government hacks their entire life.
They don't have one year of private sector experience among them.
Black lives matter.
What have they contributed to Black lives, let alone to this country at all?
We're allowing the reprobates, the miscreants, the malcontents to dictate how we live.
Look at our streets.
Murders through the roof.
Is that what you want?
No.
So we have to do more than watch TV, listen to radio, even listen to you and me.
We have got to take things into our own hands, civilly and peacefully.
They're the Molotov cocktail crowd.
We're not.
But there's a lot of things we can do, which is the point of the book.
It's American Marxism.
So, Mark, I would argue that we were able to get to American Marxism because we decided there was this quiet war on the founding that you talk about a lot that really started with Woodrow Wilson, but before that, with John Dewey, and it came out of Johns Hopkins University of this idea of German historicism, which is the American founders weren't as enlightened as we are today, that the state will usher in this form of perfection.
And, Mark, if you kind of had the kind of Google trends going back to 1917, all of a sudden there was a new word that was introduced that quite honestly drives me mad.
And I hear even conservatives use it sometimes, which is our democracy.
We are a democracy.
Now, Mark, you more than almost anyone else, you are so precise in calling it a republic.
I think that's actually not just the semantic thing.
I think it actually has weakened our ability to defend this beautiful gift we've been given.
How important is it that we describe what we have as being a republic and not a democracy?
Well, let's think about what you're saying.
First of all, the founder, the framers of the Constitution, rejected democracy.
You have unalienable rights.
In a democracy, people will get to vote over your rights, your property rights, your other rights.
So voting and democracy have their place, but that's not what we want.
That's not what we live in.
A democracy.
A democracy would be more akin to these parliamentary systems that they have, but they're not even a pure democracy.
You want a pure democracy?
Look at the French Revolution, where they had 10 years of terror, where they were chopping off everybody's head.
Eventually, they're chopping off each other's heads.
It was a disaster at the same time with the American Revolution.
There's a big difference between the French and the American Revolution.
The French Revolution, like the Marxist revolutions, have as their purpose to destroy the society.
The American Revolution was not about destroying the American society.
It was about representative government.
It was about things that were being done to the American society from external forces.
So the French Revolution was about destroying that society.
The American Revolution was about defending the society and having representative government.
Now, what does pure democracy get us?
Mob rule.
What does mob rule get us?
The same damn place, centralized power.
And for the Democrat Party, they're rightly named.
They're the Democrat Party.
But they really should be called something else as well.
So what happens with the Democrat Party?
Well, when they win elections, they say they have a mandate.
When they lose elections, they say it's illegitimate.
When they lose elections, they turn to the permanent part of the government to rule over us, the bureaucracy, the courts, and so forth.
When they win elections, they have the permanent part of the government and they say they have a mandate.
They have a mandate to do what?
To destroy our economic system, to destroy our constitutional system.
They don't play in the sandbox anymore.
They're in the middle of the street.
And they expect the rest of us to follow them out to the middle of the street.
The Democrat Party is not the quote-unquote Democrat Party of old, although I would argue in many respects it is.
This is a party that has never embraced Americanism.
This is a party that stood for slavery.
This is a party that tried to break up the Union, as we now know.
The Confederacy.
This is a party that never accepted the end of the Civil War, even up to today.
And they chose as their leader in the Senate a Klansman, a former Klansman.
And yet they sit there and beat their chest about Jim Crow.
They are Jim Crow.
The history of Jim Crow is the Democrat Party.
We're pulling down monuments.
We're burning books.
The only thing that remains from that period of time is the Democrat Party and the name of the Democrat Party.
So it's always supported some form of tyranny.
The tyranny it supports today is a different form of tyranny.
It is Marxism or neo-Marxism.
And people are, what do you mean?
Who are you calling?
Wait a minute.
These ideas of class warfare, these ideas of tax the rich and help the poor and all the rest of it, as opposed to freedom and opportunity and mobility, where do they come from?
Joe Biden's too stupid to figure this out on his own.
Where do they come from?
We know where they come from.
Bernie Sanders is a Democratic socialist.
Are you kidding me?
He used to support the Soviet Union.
He supported Castro.
He supported Chavez and Maduro.
This guy is an old Brooklyn Red.
He has a soapbox.
You know, they used to stand on the corner in raincoats.
Well, there he is.
He's on the floor of the United States Senate.
And he is an icon of the Democratic Party.
The squad.
What the hell is a squad?
These are Marxists that hate the country.
They back Hamas.
They backed the regime in Cuba, as Bernie Sanders calls it.
They want open borders.
Have they ever said anything positive about this country?
Never, ever.
So why do we deny who they are and what they're saying?
Why do we allow them to intimidate us?
What is this?
The Red Scare you, Joseph McCarthy?
It's not the Red Scare.
I'm not Joseph McCarthy, but you do scare the hell out of us, and you're not going to intimidate us.
Last question, Mark.
Again, the book is American Marxism.
Thank you for being so generous with your time.
What gives you hope?
What gives you optimism for the future?
Because you diagnose a lot of the problems and what people can do about it.
What are you seeing that gives you even a glimmer that tomorrow can be brighter?
Well, I do study American history, and this would be the first generation in America that would roll over to this sort of tyranny, whether it's tyranny from without or tyranny from within.
And I cannot believe that the parents and grandparents out there who see what's going on to their children in elementary schools or see what's going on to their children in college campuses.
I cannot believe that red-blooded Americans of all backgrounds and faith that see what's going on on the border for no damn good reason.
I cannot believe that the people who have benefited from capitalism in so many ways, we can go into a grocery store and you have 50 choices of bread and 20 choices of meat and wine from all over the world.
We live better than kings and queens lived 100 or 200 years ago.
I cannot believe that we are going to surrender the greatest nation on the face of the earth to reprobates and malcontents who've contributed not one damn thing to this society.
That's what I believe.
Let me put it to you this way.
Churchill said it best, and I'll paraphrase him.
World War II breaks out.
He's begging the United States to get in.
The United States can't get in.
We're very isolationist at the time.
And then we're attacked at Pearl Harbor.
And some people say to Churchill, but the Americans, they can't fight.
And he said, the Americans can't fight?
Remember, his mother was an American.
He said, maybe you need to read a little bit about the Civil War and then tell me and come back that the Americans can't fight and won't fight.
Oh, they'll fight.
And I have to believe that we Americans are going to fight.
And I won't look over my shoulder and think otherwise.
We have got to be on the move right now.
We've got to organize.
We have to be the biggest force for good and liberty in this country that this country has ever seen, or we're going to lose.
It's that simple.
I agree.
The book is American Marxism.
It's time to fight.
God bless you, Mark, for all you do for our country.
And thank you for coming on our program.
And we have your back, and everyone should buy the book and then do what the book suggests.
We are a movement of action.
No more spectator sport.
God bless you, Mark.
Charlie, you're a great patriot.
Thanks for everything you do.
And God bless you and your audience.
Thanks so much for listening, everybody.
Email us your questions, freedom at charliekirk.com.
If you want to support our podcast, go to carlykirk.com slash.
God bless you guys.
For more on many of these stories and news you can trust, go to CharlieKirk.com.
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