How to Complete the Transformation of the GOP with Jeff Webb and Will Chamberlain
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Hey guys, today on the Charlie Kirk show, a conversation with two of my friends, Will Chamberlain and Jeff Webb.
Check out humanevents.com.
And also, Jeff Webb is the author of American Restoration.
We got to get Will a book.
Will's got to write a book and he'll get there.
Email us your questions, freedom at charliekirk.com.
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We go over what did you learn in the last year, what's positive, what's negative, and everything in between.
Buckle up, everybody.
Here we go.
Charlie, what you've done is incredible here.
Maybe Charlie Kirk is on the college campus.
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Charlie Kirk's running the White House, folks.
I want to thank Charlie.
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His spirit, his love of this country.
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Turning point USA.
We will not embrace the ideas that have destroyed countries, destroyed lives, and we are going to fight for freedom on campuses across the country.
That's why we are here.
Hey, everybody.
Welcome to this episode of the Charlie Kirk Show.
I'm sitting in an undisclosed location.
Some would call it a bunker.
Others would call it a conference room with two of my very good friends, Jeff Webb and Will Chamberlain, both of which are now partners, you could say, at humanevents, humanevents.com.
I contribute there weekly.
Some of you email us.
You say, Charlie, where can I find your writings?
Well, every week, humanevents.com.
And there's some very big things coming up for this website.
Jeff, I want to start with you.
Jeff founded Varsity.
Jeff has spoken at a lot of our Turning Point USA events and is a great thinker and has done a lot of exciting things right now in his life and is also doing some exciting things right now.
Jeff, what excites you the most of what you're seeing right now in the pro-American conservative movement?
Well, Charlie, I think, first of all, the resilience is amazing.
I think everybody or many people predicted there was going to be this kind of depressing, almost hangover from the election, and it'd be difficult for people to come back and get excited about the country and the movement.
And, you know, we're seeing exactly the opposite.
I think that it was a very sobering loss.
There's no doubt about it.
And there was a lot of disappointment.
But it's been interesting to see how people have not lost the momentum.
You know, they believe in the movement.
They believe in the things, the America First Agenda, and many of the things that President Trump really brought to light.
And they're not discouraged.
Yeah, they took a breath, paused a little bit, but I think everybody's looking ahead and, frankly, excited.
No doubt that we have a big fight on our hands.
When you lose, when you don't have any of the three branches, it's a big challenge.
And we've already seen it with the, you know, with the recent COVID relief, so-called COVID relief bill, which is a disaster.
But be that as may, we've seen what can happen and why elections matter.
But I think that there's a real commitment to fighting the fight and really to taking the agenda forward.
People really doing whatever they can in their own lives, in their communities, in their states to keep the movement going.
And that's exciting.
Yeah, Jeff, I sense that there's a lot more of an action mindset in the conservative movement right now than I did after Mitt Romney lost to Barack Obama in 2012.
Will, you have been with Human Events since you bought it.
That's right.
And tell us what you are most excited about right now in the pro-American conservative movement.
All right.
What I'm excited about is the fact that the Republican Party has been reoriented to, I think, a much stronger and more popular platform.
And that's largely due to President Trump.
You know, when I started being more politically aware, it was frustrating to watch the Republican Party be the party of foreign wars, be the party of neoliberalism generally, and to not be concerned with populist issues and to be kind of ideologically inflexible.
And now I think we have a party that is much more aligned with American workers, and it's also much more aligned with just generally looking out for their constituents more so than appeasing an ideology.
I think about where we are in terms of how the right thinks about tech censorship.
Two years ago, the right was in a position where you even said something about telling a private company that they needed to stop discriminating against conservatives.
They're like, whoa, it's a private company.
They can do what they want.
That's completely changed in two years.
Non-intervention is now the default foreign policy position, and the Liz Cheneys are marginalized.
And then on, you know, on economic policy in general, it's much more pro-worker, pro-family, and not inflexible about defending corporations.
So I think that puts us in a position to win a lot of votes in coming elections.
Even with all the headwinds of COVID, we only lost, we just barely lost.
We have a close majority, we have a slight, the Democrats have a slight majority in the House.
There's a 50-50 tie in the Senate, and we lost by a few tens of thousands of votes in the presidential election.
We are well positioned coming out of the pandemic and with all the craziness that the left is doing to afford a really popular platform and to take back power in the coming years.
So I think both of your answers I agree with completely, and that's why we get along so well.
And you're right, Will, the Republican Party, and I just kind of go to CPAC and also our Turning Point USA Student Action Summit.
You look at the speakers, especially at our Turning Point USA Student Action Summit.
And I guess I could speak up on behalf of CPAC too.
No one told me what to say.
No one told me what to say at CPAC.
No one told anyone what to say.
And yet, amazingly, with no central choreograph or choreographing or orchestration, everyone was saying the same doctrine.
And so, Jeff, and then I want Will to get your response.
Jeff, you and I first sat down two years ago, and my back was really hurting there.
My back's a little bit better.
I joke around because it's one of the recurring themes on this podcast.
Pro-American, Charlie's back is hurt.
Is in 2019, when we first sat down in January, we said, What are we going to have to do to make populist ideas popular in the Republican Party?
Are we winning that fight?
Have we won?
Is it in the right direction?
And I made a comment to you that Tucker Carlson's running the Republican Party, and you kind of chuckled.
Do you agree with that kind of whole observation?
Well, I think there's no doubt that the populist movement within the party is winning, and it's irreversible.
I mean, as Will was alluding to, it has gained momentum.
You can see it at every step along the way.
Do we still have some vestiges of the old approach where we were, again, for foreign wars and just lower taxes and really didn't talk about the American worker and about our companies and our factories and our future and our schools, the things that really affect everyday Americans every day?
Those have come to the forefront.
And you were talking about CPAC.
It's amazing that people have realized in the short period of time after the election, rather than there being this reflection on, well, President Trump didn't win, so we're going to go a different direction.
Now we're going, which a few of the old, the old line Republicans did, that's not going to happen.
And it's amazing that they even felt that way.
So I think that, you know, I'm just, as we talked about earlier, I'm optimistic about it.
And I think that, again, you go back two years even, and we're a couple of years into the Trump presidency and the force of his own personality.
I mean, people were looking at it like this is a many people, this is going to be just during the term of Donald Trump, or that's four years or eight years.
That's all this is.
It's Trumpism.
It's beyond that.
And we're seeing that now.
We're seeing new leaders.
We're seeing people pick up the torch and move forward at all levels.
So it's exciting.
We have a lot of work to do.
So I want to now get into the challenges and what we're up against.
But Will, I want you to build that out a little bit more.
Because why does it feel that the people and the popular leaders in the conservative movement are articulating the MAGA doctrine?
I did write a book titled That.
And Jeff, what's the name of your book again?
Is it Middle Class Warrior or Middle Class Revival?
American Restoration.
I'm sorry I couldn't remember.
American Restoration, How to Unshackle the Great Middle Class by Jeff Webb.
Will, why does it feel as if there's this massive disconnect between the people who are in charge of the Republican Party and the people that are in the Republican Party?
It feels like leadership.
Kevin McCarthy's probably the least offender of this.
McConnell's the worst offender.
Why is there this kind of almost two different political worlds that we see operating from where if you want to get an applause line at CPAC, you have to embrace populist ideas?
If you went to CPAC and said, and now we are going to deregulate American corporations, people would look around, they'd say, what the hell is this?
Is this the Chamber of Commerce Convention or is this CPAC?
Will talk about that.
So, yeah, you could hear a pin drop at CPAC if you did that.
Just a giant, like, what's going on?
And that would have gotten applause 10 years ago.
I think the problem here is that institutions are slow to change, just generally.
These politicians have their donors.
They have their people that they've worked with for a long time.
They're more fixed in their beliefs.
I mean, Kevin McCarthy, I think, you know, he's trying to keep around Liz Cheney.
Why?
Even though Liz Cheney voted to appeach the president, well, he built relationships with Liz Cheney and her friends over the course of 20 or 30 years and feels an obligation to maintain that.
So those institutions are going to be the slowest part of the movement to reform.
But ultimately, they're politicians.
They're democratically accountable.
And I think you see that, you know, it didn't happen immediately in 2016, but over the course of the Trump presidency and now you see everybody sort of moving in the right direction.
And especially when you have politicians that maybe privately disagreed at the time with, you know, interventionist foreign policy, but felt that they couldn't come out and contradict the Bill Crystals of the world.
Well, that's over.
You know, Bill Crystal is the least popular person if you actually poll Republican voters, maybe next to Mitt Romney.
Those people are horribly unpopular now.
So, you know, that frees up the space for politicians who might have been a little bit more afraid to come out and actually advocate the populist platform that they probably think was right in the first place.
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So now I want to get into the challenges.
And I think both of you, we agreed on the positives.
I want to start that way because if I started with the negatives, people would say, that's enough.
I got enough negatives in my life.
But we have the positives, and I think that the people are with us.
We narrowly lost, even with the shenanigans and the nonsense and the tomfoolery around the actual election and the stated interference from the Democrat Party, the Time magazine piece, Molly Ball.
And so now we're at a place right now where Republicans, conservatives, whatever you call them, people that love their country, if we don't give up, if we remain resilient, your word, I believe we can be successful.
But we must analyze what the biggest challenges are.
And we must not just analyze, but pinpoint and come up with courses of action.
Jeff, what do you think are the greatest potential obstacles to us winning again and restoring the American promise, which is something you and I talked about privately, which I just love that phrase, the American promise.
What is our biggest obstacles for us doing that, legislatively, socially, culturally, or politically?
Well, I think that you have to look the short term and the long term.
I think short term, there's this imminent threat, if you will, from this election legislation that the House is trying to move forward on, which would forever change how we conduct elections in this country.
And to be frank, put the Republicans at a disadvantage, possibly for generations to come.
So that legislation has to be defeated.
And everybody needs to be contacting their senators and really putting pressure on them to vote the right way.
It's scary that between where we are now and really going, you know, going backwards quickly and deeply, you have to rely on two or three moderate, so-called moderate Democrat senators.
But that's where we are.
And people have to understand that this is very serious.
So I think that you look at that in the short term.
I think longer term, well, it's short term as well.
But the power of big tech and the threat to our individual liberties and our freedoms and conservative thought is frightening.
And then I think you get into what's happening in our educational institutions.
I mean, here we are with so many children.
I heard a horror story today about a young woman, a student who has several, has different kinds of emotional problems, trying to get through college, but not even in class.
There's nobody there to help.
And then her father said this is going to affect her the rest of her life.
And so to the extent that we can have that kind of situation taking place with our children and it being acceptable is very disturbing.
But this is just an example of what's happened in our educational system.
So I think over the long haul, it has to be addressed.
It's not going to be easy.
It took a couple of generations to get where we are right now.
I don't have to tell you, Charlie, this is your area, but we have to get started.
And again, I feel the momentum.
I think sometimes you have to get to the darkness before you see the dawn, right?
And I think that the pandemic and the effects of the pandemic and how it's affected the everyday lives of our citizens has given people a determination that things are going to be different and they're going to be better.
I think there's a lot of wisdom there.
And the short term, which ends up being a long-term threat, is HR1, House Resolution 1.
It really is.
And I'm not one to be alarm bells on pieces of legislation.
I think the stimulus is wasteful.
I think it was a mistake.
I don't think it was necessary.
I think it put us in debt, which I want to talk to you about.
It rose up the deficit.
Do I think it was an existential threat to the future of our country?
No, I don't.
And I think that that actually was probably a strategic win for Republicans in the sense that we've actually saved a lot of potential political capital because we really haven't organized on a legislative fight yet in this new presidency.
We really haven't done it.
We've let them sign a bunch of, we've complained about Keystone XL, complained about the border, but I'm talking about an Obamacare style fight where we really vocalize our opposition.
And HR1 is that one.
HR1 is an existential threat where you would register every single person, not citizen, in every state, the Bureau of Prisons database, the DMV, publicly available databases.
Everyone would get a ballot.
You can't challenge it in court.
I mean, you read the specifics of HR1.
It's extraordinary.
So Will, what do you believe are the biggest threats to the movement?
We had a really fun private discussion recently, and I actually, I almost wish it was recorded because it was such a robust conversation where we said we need to change a trajectory of the nation, right?
And it's like almost like turning around a freighter in the ocean.
It takes a little bit of a while, but a two-degree turn can be a 200-mile difference a couple weeks later.
What do you think are the biggest threats and obstacles to our movement?
Right.
So, you know, the biggest threats are always going to be for us right now, the structural ones, and then perhaps ignorance of the big structural problems among Republican congressmen and congresswomen.
So HR1, right?
That's a structural change to the way our government works that would exclude Republicans from power, that would facilitate voter fraud and make it much, much easier than it currently is.
Everything should be going the opposite direction.
You know, election integrity should be like Caesar's wife beyond question.
You know, that's just the integrity beyond question, rather.
And that's really important.
I mean, that's the way it works in most other countries in the world.
France banned mail in voting for this reason.
I mean, because the obvious and transparent integrity of election means that people don't fight over the end result.
But also, it's just if you can't win an election, then it doesn't really matter like how, because the other side is cheating, it doesn't really matter how great your policies are.
So you have to fight on HR1.
We need to be moving in the direction of more integrity, not less.
Another structural issue, as I see it, is the free speech issue and the ability to speak freely on social media.
Because if you don't have the ability to speak freely, then on substance, one side of the debate is going to be underrepresented and the other side is going to be overrepresented, which means you have this inexorable poll leftward.
You also have people just in fear to express themselves generally because the sword of Damocles is hanging over everybody's account.
And I think that it's very, very important to not lose on this free speech issue and to fight back very hard against what the Democrats are trying to do, which is use the threat of antitrust enforcement to coerce them into being more aggressive in terms of censoring free speech.
And then I think the third thing that's a sort of smaller potential pitfall, but it's still there, is that Republican legislators won't grasp that these are the two big issues.
I mean, I saw something today about the House GOP pushing an estate tax repeal.
I mean, I don't, I understand there are compelling arguments for an estate tax repeal, but that's a first world problem and a type of thing that is just like has to be 30th or 40th on the list of GOP concerns.
It's not populist.
It won't impact the majority of our base.
Even if you can make some sort of fairness argument about double taxation, like it's just not the first thing that should be on the agenda.
And so, you know, if Republicans are doing that instead of focusing on, we're going to talk about making sure they don't, you know, stop making sure the elections are fair and that there's as much election integrity as you can.
Stop what the Democrats are doing at the federal level.
Do a lot at the state level.
And then the same thing with social media censorship.
And instead, we're going to be pulling out policy proposals from 2003.
I mean, we could be in real trouble.
I did not know that's what the House GOP introduced.
I'm going to do a podcast on that.
Remind me to do that tomorrow.
That's a great way to win over the iron worker in Western Pennsylvania who has negative $30,000 in credit card debt.
His kid just borrowed another $100,000 to go to Penn State to go learn about North African lesbian poetry.
What matters to him is to make sure that the billionaire can transfer his or her wealth to the next generation.
Like is the goal here that George Soros should have more money to donate to progressive causes and that his son should as well?
I mean, you know, is the billionaire class really on the side of the Republican Party right now?
That's not at all clear to me in general.
And so, you know, perhaps like if they, you know, if these people want an estate tax repeal, they can start, you know, not censoring us on social media.
How about that?
Instead, the Republicans say, oh, wait, all the corporations are taken over by woesters.
Coca-Cola is telling people that all white people are racist.
The vast majority of upper middle class people are donating to BLM Incorporated, or they get massive donations from upper middle class people.
And Bezos and Zuckerberg and the Louis Vuitton guy, they all hate you and your value system, House Republicans.
But the most important thing is an estate tax repeal.
That is going to be the compelling reason to give us back the House in 2022.
It sounds like a Chamber of Commerce created policy item.
Jeff, you have an opinion on the Chamber of Commerce.
Talk about that and just wherever it takes you.
Yeah, so having had the good fortune to build the business from scratch to be something, thank you, something very considerable.
You know, as I look at the landscape, if I was a young man really starting to, are really focusing on trying to start a company right now, it would be a hell of a challenge.
I mean, it's much more difficult.
Can you do it?
Of course you can do it.
But, you know, it's harder.
There are a lot of things in the way.
And then you, you know, I always thought as I was building this company, the Chamber of Commerce, because I related to the local Chamber of Commerce, frankly, in Memphis, Tennessee.
Good people, you know, really behind me.
But then as I began to look at the National Chamber of Commerce and what they stand for and who they help, they are not for the American worker.
They are not for small business.
They are for the big corporations.
They're for the wealthy class.
They're not really about helping kind of everyday Americans.
So I feel very strongly about that.
So people should not be, they shouldn't be misled and they certainly shouldn't contribute to the National Chamber of Commerce.
I think that small business has been particularly hurt during the pandemic, disproportionately hurt.
And we can put on our real cynical hats and say that perhaps the extended lockdowns are intentional because they are hurting the small businesses and the people that work for them.
And it's something that should be unacceptable to all Americans.
I mean, you look at the big companies who are able to stay open.
Look at how some of these major corporations have flourished during the pandemic.
It also makes you wonder, I can't help, but I'm just going to say this will make me some enemies, I think.
But, you know, you look at the targets in the Walmarts of the world, right?
Well, they got to stay open because they had groceries and they had pharmaceuticals, right?
Well, guess what?
They didn't close the furniture section, right?
So, and they didn't close the hardware section.
So what about the local hardware store?
Okay.
Why couldn't they, if Walmart is open?
If you really, if you think this is really a problem, we have certain things, we have to have groceries, drugs, pharmaceuticals, and so on, fine.
You know, put up a barrier between those parts of the store and the rest of the store, if you want to be fair.
If we'd have done that, we might be surprised about how fast things would have been opened.
Jeff, that's a really good point.
In fact, that would have been adequate protection for the small businessman and say, you know what, you can come here to get peppers and carrots, lettuce, and soup, but you just can't come here and go buy something that very well might also be accessible for pick one of those cities up there, Macomb, Quincy, all of them have Walmarts.
And they also have small businesses that almost don't exist anymore.
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I think one of the biggest fears, if I were to contribute to the conversation, is the Republican Party needs to make a very conscious decision, a pivot, outside of just the public speeches they give at CPAC or at Turning Point Student Action Summit, but actually show it in policy that we're not the corporatist party.
We are the party of the people.
That is where we are.
And it will be a blend of traditional conservatism, Teddy Roosevelt, kind of pro-American policy, always trying to say that we don't want to go in the socialist direction.
None of us believe that, obviously.
But that also means we're not going to say that whatever Walmart or Target or Google wants is necessarily good for the country.
You touched on something, though, Will, that now I remember I really want to focus on, which is challenging big tech and what the states can do and what the states are doing.
You tweeted out one tweet that actually was sent to me of yours was that you praised Governor Abbott for what he was doing on the tech companies.
This is also something, Jeff, you and I have talked about.
Will, walk us through what you think the states can do and should the states get into an active posture on this fight against big tech and the corporate oligarchy running our country.
So yeah, I'll take those questions in turn because they're both good ones.
I mean, on substance, you know, it's hard to know exactly what, I mean, the Republicans can do right now because they're not really fully in power.
But there's something very symbolic and simple they can do.
They can stop taking money from Google and Facebook and all the big tech companies.
Like, there's no reason.
They wouldn't take money from George Soros.
They wouldn't take money from Chinese-affiliated companies.
So don't take money from companies that are censoring and harming your consumers, that treat the president of your own party as anathema and a horrible person.
That means, okay, you've decided to be adversarial to our political movement.
We're not taking your money and we're going to treat you that way.
And that's very simple.
So any GOP legislators who are still taking money from Google, they need to stop.
If they can give back the money, they should give it back.
And then make a point that the next time they take money from Google, they better hear about how Google has decided, has put in place a complete policy to prevent conservative censorship going forward.
Else, we're not interested.
Now, and then that sort of translates into what I'm seeing on the state level against big tech.
I'm very, very optimistic because it's not just what DeSantis did in Florida.
I was very optimistic about what Abbott did in Texas and what the Texas legislature is proposing.
They're proposing to say that political viewpoint censorship by the social media companies is going to be a tort.
That if you are an individual user who is wrongly censored, you can walk into court in Texas, say to the judge what happened.
The judge will grant you an injunction.
They will grant you your attorney's fees and they will impose an order on Google or Facebook or Twitter, whoever censored you to say restore the content.
And if they don't, they'll pay a fine.
That is what I've been proposing for a long time because I'm not a big believer in big government, right?
I may be a little more willing to use government to do things, but I don't like big government agencies.
But there's an example of how to protect speech that doesn't require new government agency.
You know, you already have the right to speak freely in a public park or a public university.
And whenever some public university tries to shut down a speaker, no matter how offensive, they lose.
It goes to court.
A judge grants an injunction, and that's the end of it.
We just need to take that body of law and say, okay, Facebook and Twitter, this now applies to you too.
You're like a public park.
You don't need a new agency.
You just need to create a new right of action.
That's what that's called, a new private right of action for American citizens when they're wrongly censored, that they can go to court and get this injunction.
That's what Abbott would do.
Totally, totally agree with what Will's saying.
And, you know, I wrote an article for Human Events on kind of the federalist approach and how we're left, you know, because we don't have any of the three branches of government that we are left to the states to fight the fight.
The good news is, the good news is that in 23 states, we have the governorship in both houses of the legislature.
This can be done, but it's going to take leadership in these states.
They can't just sit and deal with minor issues.
They have to understand that the national issues affect their state and their citizens as well.
And they are our last line of defense right now.
And so I think, as Will was saying, what Governor DeSantis is doing, what Governor Abbott is doing, let's get all of the states, especially where we have the trifecta, and let's get this organized.
Let's get together and let's fight the fight because that's where we can win.
So in closing, I'm going to ask you guys a surprise question.
I'll go to Will first.
What have you learned in the last year?
Lockdowns, 15 days of slow spread, shut everything down, mask, vaccine, BLM, George Floyd, Biden, ballots everywhere.
Lots happened.
A lot has happened.
What did you learn?
I'll start.
And then you guys can go any direction.
It could be political, it could be social, it could be anything.
What I learned in the last year is a deeper point, which is that unfortunately, people want to be taken care of more than they want to be free.
And I never, I always grappled with that, but I thought that there would be more backlash, more pushback against the lockdowns, the erosion of small businesses, the closure of schools.
And it's hard for me to admit this, but it also goes to show that freedom is a value and it's not the natural state of condition.
That if you don't tell people the need to be free and you don't teach them that, then they'll just kind of be in their natural sedentary, sloth, lazy state.
That's what I learned in the last year.
Will, how about you?
Yeah, I mean, interestingly, that's an area where I felt like I was actually a little bit prescient.
I was much more of a hawk on coronavirus.
And it was partially due to my views on the severity of the disease, but also partially because I looked at the polls and I was like, people really want us to lock down.
And I know in our space, that doesn't feel right at all that the people in our circles, but the polling was pretty clear that that was a solid 60-40, 70-30 issue, that people were much more in favor of restrictions than not.
And I was very, very deeply worried about the most important, being on the wrong side of the most important issue that was a 70-30 issue.
And so I don't think that helped the president.
I guess what I learned, though, is it just that I guess maybe I knew this before, but not as obviously.
How hypocritical the left was going to be on violence and rioting.
I never expected that the left would turn on a dime from peaceful protests to calling what happened in the Capitol on January 6th an insurrection and calling for the full force of the security state to be brought down on the protesters, completely in ignorance of the fact that over the summer, violence was just all you know throughout American cities.
And I mean, the way they'd go to try and distinguish, you know, well, it was at night when they attacked the Portland courthouse as opposed to during the daytime in Washington, D.C.
It just demonstrated that there's no underlying principle there other than we should have power and you guys shouldn't.
And it reminded me, I guess, yet again of, okay, well, if that's the way you view things, then we also need to be somewhat ruthless on our own end and then focus on making sure we don't lose these structural issues.
So, Will, I think there's a lot of wisdom there.
And Jeff, how about you?
What did you learn in the last year?
Well, I think one of the things that I'd learned that one of the things that really surprised me is how many people in a very, very important election that really has a lot to do with the direction of our company, our country, will vote based on personality.
That if you really, if you, if you say that the country is pretty much equally divided between the right and the left, and you take the 10% of the people, say from 50% to 40% that voted for the Democrat, and you separate them and you say, here are the policies of this particular party, this candidate, and you line those out.
What you find out is most of them are more aligned with the right, but did not take the time.
Either A, did not take the time to really understand the issues, or they didn't care as much about the issue.
They didn't think that they would be affected, or they let their dislike of President Trump and his personality dominate their decision.
And I think it's a big mistake.
I think we need to really, and look, the media did a great job of making it about Trump's personality.
And they did it for four years, frankly.
And I think it's just, I think it's a shame.
I think people need to be looking at what are the policies, where's that country going?
And frankly, I've already heard from some of my friends on the left, barely on the left, who have been very disappointed in what's happened on the border and have surprised at what's happened in the first few weeks of the Biden presidency.
So we'll see.
But frankly, I was surprised.
I think you're right on that.
And people that are surprised about Joe Biden and what's happening there, it's just we try to predict it.
It's just stunning.
Humanevents.com.
That's the one thing all three of us have in common, and we all love our country.
Will Chamberlain, Jeff Webb, and you guys can check out pieces from all three of us, basically on a weekly basis, and some very exciting things happening soon.
People say all the time, where can I find good news?
Humanevents.com is a good place to start.
Thank you, guys.
Thanks so much for listening, everybody.
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Thanks so much for listening, everybody.
God bless.
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