The Future of Trumpism, McConnell, and the GOP—By the Numbers with Rich Barris
Charlie is joined by the pollster he proudly & regularly calls "smarter than Nate Silver," Rich Barris—known as the People's Pundit online, who dives deep into the data from the 2020 election and offers a post-op of the Georgia runoff loss. He and Charlie unpack what that means for the future of the GOP and how the party could be destined for the ash heap of history if it goes down a path of open borders, amnesty, and more. Should our movement embrace Trump? What can we learn from shifting demographics? Will the GOP become the party of Hispanics—reclaiming that mantle from the open-border Democrats? Answers to all of that and so much more with one of the brightest minds in the conservative movement.Support the show: http://www.charliekirk.com/supportSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
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Hey everybody, on this episode of the Charlie Kirk Show, we do a deep dive analysis of the 2020 election, Georgia, the future of the Republican Party with data expert, smart guy, Richard Barris.
He's smarter than Nate Silver, and I really like him.
He's a really good guy.
We dive into polling.
We dive into demographic trends.
Should the Republican Party become a party of amnesty and open borders or one of the rule of law?
You guys are going to really enjoy this conversation brought to you thanks to all of you that support us at charliekirk.com slash support.
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Richard Barris is here.
Buckle up, everybody.
Here we go.
Charlie, what you've done is incredible here.
Maybe Charlie Kirk is on the college campuses.
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Charlie Kirk's running the White House, folks.
I want to thank Charlie.
He's an incredible guy.
His spirit, his love of this country, he's done an amazing job building one of the most powerful youth organizations ever created, Turning Point USA.
We will not embrace the ideas that have destroyed countries, destroyed lives, and we are going to fight for freedom on campuses across the country.
That's why we are here.
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Hey, everybody, welcome to this episode of the Charlie Kirk Show.
With us today is Richard Barris, who is smarter than Nate Silver and better looking.
And he is the people's pundit.
I think I got that right.
Richard, welcome back to the Charlie Kirk Show.
You did indeed.
Thanks, Charlie.
Thanks for having me back.
It's good to be here.
I'm glad you finally admitted you're smarter than Nate Silver, because that is something I've been waiting to have you here because you're not sure what you said, agreed to.
I'm kidding.
You're very smart.
You were on top of the election.
Your predictions were right.
And your analysis of data is spot on.
I want to start with one thing that's been bothering me.
How did we lose Georgia?
Yeah.
So Georgia, there's no doubt.
Even the census data does show.
And I'm putting all of the funny business aside.
And we were just talking about this.
It doesn't mean you should throw some of the post-mortems out when you can read into what happened in Georgia.
So a lot of money thrown in a district like Georgia 7, typically a Republican district.
But over time, these areas have gotten more educated, more professional class, and that doesn't work toward to Republicans' favor.
That's not even the case with just the era of Trump.
That's going to be the case moving forward.
And then also, too, there were some working men, for instance, in the state, which went to Trump heavily last time, that kind of decided maybe Joe Biden would be for the work.
I know some people are going to say this is crazy, but in hindsight, there were men, working men, who thought Joe Biden would be a pro-worker, moderate Democrat.
And that's just, I mean, of course, we know that's not true, but think back to the campaign, Charlie, and you can see why some people believed it.
Yeah.
And so in Georgia, was there a turnout problem?
Were there certain parts of Georgia that did not turn out as robustly as we needed them to?
All the shenanigans and tomfoolery and nonsense aside, I'm not saying that that is something we shouldn't focus on.
Let's just talk about what we know.
Were there precincts and districts and counties where profiled Trump supporters, meaning more likely to be a Trump supporter than not, did not show up?
Yeah, particularly in the runoffs.
We saw this.
That's what I mean in particular.
The runoffs.
Yes.
Yeah, there was a red flag.
I mean, just being waved over the period of weeks, we polled that race several times.
And Loeffler, both Loeffler and Purdue were hurting with the Republican Trump voter.
And they're not really Republicans.
We have to remember this moving forward.
They are Trump voters and they're in the central part of the state and in the southern part of the state, along even in the coastline.
This was an ancestral Democratic working area that turned to Trump heavily and kept the state more competitive than we may have thought it to be in the past.
And then in the northern area of the state, the more Mitt Romney kind of Republican, they turned on Purdue and Loeffler anyway.
So the focus really should have been defending the president.
And, you know, make we told them to make the recall, all the recount all about the recall and to basically blend those two into one.
They rejected it.
They thought that Trump actually weighed down Purdue.
They arrogantly went in there thinking Purdue was going to carry this thing by a few points.
And it was very clear there was a closer race in the central part of the state than there should have been, but it was not because of voter preference.
It was because Republican voters were telling us, you know what?
I'm not a Republican.
They have to earn my vote and they're not earning it.
And that's what happened.
It's very clear.
That's well said.
And I completely agree.
And I think the president was at a point where he didn't really, I don't want to say he didn't care, but it wasn't his primary focus.
And he didn't feel like the senators wanted him there.
He didn't feel like he wanted, you know what I mean?
It just kind of became, all right, I'll help.
I'll go through the motions.
They're going to win anyway.
And Ossif and Warnock, they turned out their base.
Yeah, it's a great, that's a great point.
And in and around the metro area, they got it out.
And I'm looking at these results as they were coming in, and Republicans should understand this.
Those were both very winnable races.
Democrats did a great job for a runoff getting their base out, but Republicans lost because they did a very poor job.
They could have taken both of those races over time.
As those results were coming in, we could see three points running behind here, four points running behind here.
All of that builds up.
Georgia is massive.
There are a lot of counties in Georgia.
And when you're talking about a few points off of each county, even smaller areas, that really starts to rack up.
And you can't, you need that.
You need all of it to counteract good showings in the areas we were just talking about.
And then Gwynnett, DeKalb, these are professional class areas, guys, the tech areas.
And they're going to get turnout there.
It's so frustrating because if those two Senate seats would have been won, a lot of the legislative agenda with Joe Biden would have been derailed.
Trump would have had a lot of power over the party.
He still does, but it's a completely different set of circumstances.
And we wouldn't have to be dealing with Chuck Schumer.
So Fabrizio and Lee, the president's own pollsters, came out with this very long report.
I did an entire show on this.
Some of our listeners didn't like that because they say, why aren't you focusing on just all the nonsense and the fraud?
I say, look, you can talk about two things at the same time.
And I think some of this polling data is really interesting.
And I want to walk through you with this.
So can you talk about some of the big takeaways from this, from the president's pollster around what happened in November?
What are some of the lessons?
What are some of the takeaways?
And then let's get into some of the specifics.
Yeah, first off, you can walk and chew gum at the same time.
There is nothing wrong with looking at post-mortem data and learning, living and learning and moving forward.
And I think there's a couple of things that I would dispute on how they came at this, Charlie.
But like grouping together states, some things about certain states that the president held are true and they're not in Florida.
So you can't infer what happened in Georgia necessarily with another state like that.
So I do take issue with a little bit on how they did that.
And then also the fact that exit polling has a lot of problems and it's more problematic and has had a longer track record of issues than even traditional polling.
And couple that with all the mail-in voting, it's very hard to be an exit pollster today.
But that being said, there are some conclusions that they drew in that report that we even saw in Pennsylvania, that we saw in Michigan moving forward.
Trump, there was, again, and probably looking deeper, and they don't mention this in the report, but highlighting the men that were working class.
Trump, there were more of them in the electorate this time than there were in 16.
And Trump did not win them by as large of a margin as he did against Hillary Clinton in 2016.
So that's problematic.
When you influence, when the electorate gets bloated like that and you don't carry that group by the same number, you're going to suffer for it.
I think looking deeper into it, when it comes specifically to those working men and based on the investigations we've done, I see union all over this, Charlie.
I really do.
And when we polled Joe Biden's approval rating a couple of weeks ago during you want to call it his honeymoon period, he was above water with working union members.
Now he's underwater again.
So I feel like there was a push.
We know this to be true.
There was a push to get men, union men, to get behind the Democrat again because they knew what happened in 2016.
And I think they were largely successful in some very key areas.
Pennsylvania, Michigan, down the line, those were areas Trump needed to rack that up and basically stomp Biden with that group.
And a slippage of a few points here and there.
One was 12, if you read the report.
That's bad.
That's not good.
You can't afford it.
So the report says that the president lost ground with almost every age group in both state groupings, but he lost most with voters 18 to 29.
Not a huge surprise there.
But then also 65 plus.
Worst was the double digit erosion, though, that he suffered with white college educated voters across the board.
How could we explain that?
Yeah, I think there, again, the electorate was larger.
So it's possible that these were people that did not vote some of that anyway.
At least we have to think as a possibility that that represents at least part of that.
But when you look at the age group specifically, in 2016, Trump won every single age group in Iowa.
He didn't really erode that much.
That was the difference between a point, you know, eight and a half, nine and a half points, the difference there.
Ohio, another state.
That's one of the issues why I do take issue with him grouping all of these states together because what's true in Pennsylvania is not true about Iowa and Ohio.
You have to look more individual, more granular at this stuff, and they really lump it together.
It does a disservice to the overall conclusions we should be drawing.
But generally, in Michigan, no doubt.
And then in Pennsylvania, amazingly, he does somewhat better in a county like Bucks County, even with the mail-in vote.
He does not slide the way we actually anticipated him to slide, but it's even worse in the other southeastern counties where there are those white educated voters.
I would say this, Charlie, I don't think they're coming back.
With or without Trump, those voters are not coming back in droves because we have different experiences that shape our political opinions.
And over time, you want to call it the education system, whatever you want to call it.
They're making these white educated voters more liberal than they used to be.
And then there are also suburbs that aren't as white as they used to be.
So all of this is getting compounded.
And those areas are getting, Republicans are getting weaker and weaker.
Without Donald Trump, I don't foresee these people coming back in droves.
But it is also true that these people voted for Barack Obama as well in 08.
It's important to remember this.
They turned against him when the policy started to hurt them.
And sometimes that's really what it takes.
Pointing out where in their real lives, their everyday lives, what they voted for hurt them.
And then they'll turn on them.
These aren't rigidly Democratic party people, a lot of them.
They just, you know, their social circles identify with them more.
There's a big social desirability bias in their social circles.
So that's their natural lien.
But it doesn't mean they can't flip back.
I just don't see it.
I don't see this repudiation of Donald Trump by the Liz Cheneys of the world and others who are advocating for the party to do that.
I don't see a move like that making up ground with these voters.
All that will do is isolate the new voters that Donald Trump did bring in, which will leave them as a grossly minority party.
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And so I agree.
I don't think that the white suburban voters are coming back anytime soon.
And they're able to be liberal because they have so much wealth and luxury and abundance around them.
They think that is the norm.
Therefore, they think that redistributed economics makes so much sense because they know nothing but abundance and they've been filled with bad ideas at the universities.
So they have the lifestyle that affords them to be liberal.
That transitions nicely, Richard, to something I want to talk to you about, which is the people that don't have the lifestyle to be liberal.
They're actually becoming more conservative.
I'm talking about Hispanics.
I'm talking about white working class voters.
We know about white working class voters.
Trump dipped a little bit there, probably because of the virus, probably because of that.
But I want to focus on something positive, a huge opening for the Republican Party as kind of the smug, arrogant, college-educated, suburban, just kind of archetype, right?
The people that not exactly are my favorite type of political commentators.
They just are very nasty, very, you know what I'm talking about?
Late 20s, early 30s, went to Brown, went to St. Olaf, went to Dartmouth, went to Berkeley, and they have a good job, right?
A six-figure job at a corporation, but they know nothing except woke left-wing deconstructionism.
They think that is the, and they think their incomes are always going to keep going up forever.
They're really, really getting pushed to the left and the liberal side.
Let them go make a mess of that, right?
They're going to have a miserable life.
The opportunity, though, is all of a sudden that's opening nicely.
And this is what we see in the data: how much better Trump did with Hispanics.
How does that work?
Yeah, you know, I was trying to be nice before, but you did nail it.
So these are insulated people.
They don't live with the consequences of their own actions and their own policy decisions until it's a severe one.
And then they have a wake-up moment.
And that's when they'll typically swing back and forth.
The positive here for Trumpers and Republicans, if they're smart enough to see this, is that the groups that Donald Trump did better with are growing groups.
The white change in vote preference, they're not expanding.
So the professional class isn't getting bigger demographically.
They're just changing their voter preference.
If you want to be on the mid to long term winning side, you want to appeal to the groups who are growing in this country.
And Donald Trump did that.
That is the reason Texas went to Donald Trump is not because of what they call the Anglo voter.
The western Texas and southern Texas working Mexican, both male and female.
They wide in the state of Texas.
That's exactly right.
And in Florida, the southern Cuban Venezuelan and Guatemalan Hispanic denied Joe Biden a victory in the state of Florida.
Overwhelmingly, by the way, another four years of Trumpism and Miami-Dade could be a 52% plus Republican county.
Think about that, folks.
So, yeah, I think what it really comes down to, and I've been in, I don't even know now how many I've been counting, but we've been everywhere talking to voters since the election, and really particularly Trump voters who voted Republican.
There's millions of them that may disappear back into the interior without Donald Trump.
And we're trying to find out what it is that made them a Trump supporter, even though their demographic or the archetype doesn't fit.
And it really comes down when it, when we're talking about those voters specifically, Charlie, it comes down to life experience again.
Either they themselves, their parents, their grandparents, smell the false promise of liberalism a mile away or leftism.
Let's just call it that.
And they don't care about a man's personality.
They understand what can happen if America goes down the same road that their country went down.
They really get that.
And when we polled these people too in Florida, South Florida, a lot of the media were really superficial about their analysis of how Southern Florida was going to vote.
People didn't just agree or like Donald Trump.
They agreed with him on every single issue.
They just smelled the false promise of leftism.
I don't know what else to call it because one gentleman put it to me that way and it's been sticking with me.
So we know what free health care means.
We know what this means.
We know what they say it's going to promise us, but what we get in the end.
And a white woman who works for CNN, who went to, like you said, Brown, who whatever it may be, Duke, you know, some Ivory League, they don't have, they have the luxury of making these bad decisions and making these bad policy choices, while these other voters see it as, you know, this, your vote could be life and death.
I mean, it could be freedom or tyranny, and you have to take that more seriously.
So they, it's, it's really incredible.
And now at the same time, a lot of these people didn't particularly like the Republican Party before Donald Trump.
And there's a real, there, there is a real danger that they could, they could lose them again.
The gains that we saw in West Texas, the gains that we saw, even in Arizona, by the way, and Nevada, which get overlooked because you lost those two states, Florida, South Florida.
They could reverse.
I mean, the Republicans should not just make the mistake of thinking these voters are going to be Republican and are going to rush to the ballot box for them.
They're going to have to fight to keep them.
And we lost Arizona because of Paradise Valley and Scottsdale and East Valley voters and Chandler, Gilbert, and that area, not because of the Hispanic vote, because of Mexican-Americans.
And so I want to really zero in on this.
From my conversation with Hispanic voters, they're not as convinced about free markets or tax cuts.
This is something that the Chamber of Commerce and their establishment Republicans, they're so wrong on this.
They, they actually, they're very pro-law enforcement.
A lot of Hispanics go into law enforcement.
They hate crime.
This is something that they don't understand.
The Republicans don't.
They cannot stand chaos in the streets.
They don't like, they've saw it in Nicaragua.
They saw it in Guatemala.
They've seen it in Mexico.
So any party that stands with law enforcement, it gets the attention of a Hispanic voter.
It really does because they know what happens when crime goes unchecked, when Honduras has one of the highest murder per capita rates in all of Central America or in the world.
And so when the Democrats were attacking law enforcement, they didn't like that.
They also didn't like the hyper-racialization of American politics.
They didn't care for the BLM incorporated nonsense that spread our country for a couple of months.
If you notice, just from a purely just, if you look at the pictures of those rallies, it's a bunch of white upper middle class activists and black activists.
There weren't a lot of Hispanic activists that participated in the BLM incorporated riots or nonsense.
I think that's also an interesting takeaway.
And they're also very pro-life.
They are very socially conservative and they don't like the direction the Democrats have taken on faith, family, religion, and social values.
Do you agree with that assessment?
And if so, how should the Republicans react to that in trying to win over these voters in the next cycle?
Yeah, I do agree with that.
And some of the social service or the social safety net, I would say, you know, social security, they don't like the Paul Ryan angle.
They can't do it, right?
And they believe, well, you know, I'm a citizen.
I work hard.
If I fall on hard times, that should be there for me.
And that's the thing.
And that's a mentality that has been built into, and there's nothing wrong with it.
It's just a fact in Central American and South American government.
It's just they do not believe the government should not offer money if you need it.
So don't try and convince them.
They've come to expect it.
Yes.
Yeah, that's right.
They've come to, to them, that is a legitimate role of government, and it doesn't even have to be one that's abused.
And then also to immigration, the flip side of that issue, but most media people will talk about it.
Hispanics absolutely love unfettered immigration.
West Texas, Southern Texas, those working Mexicans do not love unfeathered illegal immigration.
It's completely different.
And they are very socially conservative.
And I think, Charlie, you did hit on something.
So when they see chaos in the streets and really just civil unrest, it bothers them a lot.
It's almost seen as a precursor to the potential more instability that can make its way through government.
Yes.
Yeah.
They get nervous if they live to see that and their parents did.
Yes, they've seen it.
They see when all of a sudden all the systems fall apart.
Please continue.
Yeah, that's it.
It's really like a domino effect.
So if all this civil unrest and then what follows after that, regime instability and the loss of credibility, and it's just a precursor for worse things to follow.
They want everything calm so they could just work and do their thing and move on.
And I think there's something to be said about the fighting, right?
And a lot of times the more traditional Republican will mock some of the Trump voters who say, well, buddy fights, buddy fights.
There is something about them liking somebody who fights back.
So I think that's innately human, though.
Nobody wants to follow anybody who doesn't have the courage of their own convictions, or at least enough to fight for what they believe in.
And I think they just are more willing to point that.
They're more honest and are willing to point that out.
Again, this is a group that's growing.
So it's, you know, four or eight years ago, Republicans would get criticized for being the party of white people.
And you would say, you know, a lot of times they would return by saying it's good to be the party of the majority, right?
But in the end, this group is the growing group.
Even African Americans are not growing at the rates that these are, even though they participate in elections at higher rates.
There is a lot of working Hispanic muscle to flex in the electorate.
I can't stress that enough.
There are a lot of people who aren't even registered folks and they're out there and they're ready to go and greet and meet and persuade.
And you just got to earn it.
You got to earn it.
So the potential there is infinitely higher.
I would say that the ceiling to build a large tent is infinitely larger, higher with that group of people than it is to race back to the white liberal and Georgia seven and try to earn back their vote.
I just don't, I don't see it.
It's not only a matter of sheer numbers, but it's a matter of who is really persuadable because of their life experience.
And those, they're not even close.
So I agree with you with the white liberals, but there is some evidence to show, Richard, and I'd like you to add some context to this, that there were split ticket voters.
There were Biden Republican congressional voters, right?
There were people in the suburbs that voted for Joe Biden, but then voted for maybe Maria Elvira Salazar.
That's not the best example.
Maybe Marionette Miller-Meeks in Iowa or Mike Garcia or Burgess Owens.
Can you talk about how there is some potential in some of these suburban districts of more of the boomer category?
So the boomers, I think, are looking for reasons to go vote for Republicans.
I think that the 29 to 35-year-old recent college graduate who think they have the whole world figured out, I don't see a lot of movement in that demo.
I just don't.
But the 40 to 55-year-old voter that couldn't do Trump, but they voted for a Republican senator and they voted for a Republican House member, there's some movement there.
But then also, there's a lot of opportunity in the new retirees, the people that are moving to Florida, the people that are moving to Arizona, the people that are moving to Texas for retirement, and they didn't like Trump.
They didn't like the virus response, but the data shows that they did try to give Kevin McCarthy the speakership and only lost by 32,000 votes.
Can you talk a little bit about that, about how there were actually more gains for Republicans down the ballot than actually caught the eye initially?
Yeah, so it's the pandemic.
So at first, we weren't, we didn't have enough to really declare where that came from.
But overwhelmingly, Charlie, that was the pandemic with that group, 45 and above specifically.
And the reason why we're pretty much convinced now that that's a safe bet.
That's what it was.
Aside from the pre-election polling data, which really did show if you were to overlap those voters with their top issue, it was coronavirus.
And then who did you trust more to handle that issue?
It was Biden with more than 70%.
So that already gave us a pretty, you know, pretty good indicator that had a big impact on those people changing their votes.
But now, what's kind of solidifying this for us is Biden's approval numbers and what people are telling us.
So we did get above 50 in the little honeymoon phase.
I don't know where some of these media polls are coming from.
He was largely 47, 48% president.
We're just too polarized for unless it was an Obama kind of figure, we're not going to get anyone at 60 or plus.
It's just not going to happen.
Media polls that are doing that are either full of it or they're subject to any kind of bias, like a response bias or a social bias.
We have him generally in the high 40s.
Biggest was 52, his highest was 52 and after he started to slip.
And the reason is, uh, some of that is working.
Unions are not happy with some of the direction he's taking.
But it's also a suburban, 45 and above, particularly a woman, and what they're telling us is, look, this guy promised to do a better job and now he's talking about, uh, you know, this is going to be a miserable winter and there's not a lot I can do about it.
And one woman, specifically i'm thinking about her.
She told us he had two months.
All of the media polls showed he was going to win.
So you, you really should have been preparing for victory and what you were going to do, making all of these promises that you were going to get a handle on Covid, and they haven't done anything.
Let's be honest, you know and i'm listening to her chuckling because her vote was a Covet vote I mean, she probably would have voted for Donald Trump had Covet not come around.
I think it's pretty clear.
But she's in that at-risk category.
They take it more seriously and they were, you know, thinking maybe Biden's a moderate and the media hypes up how badly Donald Trump handled this virus.
Maybe there wouldn't have been 400 000 dead.
Uh, so there people have to understand there's a group of people out there who did believe this and now they're.
They're having some remorse.
It's voter remorse, but the pandemic is that category.
I would.
I would definitely separate them from that political class working younger political class voter in the suburb.
There's just little room to get any of them on board, but there is room in the suburbs for for those people and actually we saw some of them in rural areas too.
No doubt about it.
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So so let's say you are now.
You've just been hired by Kevin Mccarthy to take back the house.
What issues are you running on specifically?
Who are you targeting?
How are you messaging it?
Let's pretend you just got tapped as the chief strategy political savant.
What do you do?
Yeah, so first, there's really two things you have to do, right?
So you have to hammer Joe Biden on coronavirus, fair or not.
Let's say he starts even doing a better job.
That shouldn't matter.
That really, it's irrelevant.
Like it was irrelevant.
Yeah, I mean, it's, I don't understand why they think like that really has no weight on whether or not you hammer somebody on an issue.
It didn't have any weight on Donald Trump.
We found out the CDC was the problem for testing in the beginning, not the administration.
That did not matter, and they made that issue stick.
And then also, the way the Democrats are moving on the issues will dictate that.
But generally speaking, your second job is holding on to those Trump voters because healthcare, unless they do something really stupid, is going to be a difficult issue to overtake Democrats on.
If they try to make a run towards single payer, a real run, then you may even have an opening there with some of those suburban voters that have good insurance and they don't want a single payer system.
But for the most part, you have to, your main job is focusing on keeping those Trump voters.
And again, I don't know if the party's the right party to do that right now, Charlie.
I'm not sure.
We'll see.
I think the Republicans have to have an internal fight before they can figure out what direction they need to go in.
I'm not talking about a new party.
I'm saying they have to find out who they are because you can't talk about trade and war the way Donald Trump did if half your members don't believe that is true, right?
So if you're a free trading Republican, you'll do more to hurt the cause for the congressional candidate in Michigan 3 or Michigan 8, which are two districts they absolutely, there's no reason they should not hold and take this time around.
Texas 15, we were just talking about those working Mexicans in Texas 15.
That is a district they didn't give any, they didn't pay any mind to barely the resources needed.
They could have flipped that district.
So if you have a California Republican who won his district by two or three points talking about free trade and supporting actions in Syria, that's another one, Charlie.
Joe Biden is all over the map already.
Anti-war, anti-war, anti-war.
Our pre-election polling really did show that Joe Biden was kind of splitting that anti-war vote in Michigan.
That's ridiculous.
I didn't realize.
I'll be honest, that's a failure of the Trump campaign.
They did not talk about it enough.
They should have gone on the endless war tour for a week in October.
I'm telling you, it is a winning issue.
He had more, you know, and this really upsets me.
I get animated about this.
In the three debates we had, the one presidential and the two presidential, and I thought Trump canceling one of the debates was a mistake.
He needed it.
Anyway, the three that we had, you know that he never mentioned the Abraham Accords once with Israel and the peace deal?
Not once.
I mean, what is more popular to sell to the American people than peace?
It's like a dream.
And I brought that up and the response basically was that, yeah, they don't.
And the response basically was to blame the debate commission, which I can understand because they got rid of the second foreign policy.
You can talk about rights.
You bring up what you want to bring up, especially when you are the president.
You will answer the question the way you feel like answering it.
You know, I'm not going to be distracted by that ridiculous question.
Why don't we tell the American people how I brokered three peace deals in a week?
I mean, that is what in the opening debate, if Trump just would, if the president would have just repeated, I got peace in the Middle East.
This guy sent billions to Iran.
You might not like my style, but I get stuff done.
Peace is popular.
We're ending the wars.
I'm telling you, you want to move that 18 to 29 demo?
They are a very anti-war demo.
And just so everyone's clear, when I talk to younger voters, the stereotype they have of Trump is a warmonger.
He's the first president not to start new wars.
Eric Weinstein, a liberal, you probably know of him.
He's on YouTube a lot.
He does a lot of the intellectual dark web thing.
He even said Trump's greatest accomplishment is no new wars.
He said it.
He's a progressive card-carrying liberal.
And I heard him say that.
I said, man, we could have done a whole swing voter campaign on that.
And that would have made a difference.
It really would have.
I'm telling you, because Joe Biden's.
New Hampshire, too.
Totally.
New Hampshire, too.
It got away from them in New Hampshire.
Coronavirus really sealed the deal in New Hampshire.
We had Trump a little bit ahead in New Hampshire before coronavirus just started drumming him.
But also in New Hampshire, voters actually picked Biden when we asked him, who do you trust more to keep you out of a new war?
Biden had a pretty large lead.
By large, I mean about 11 points.
That's ridiculous.
I don't know how, again, it's a failure.
New Hampshire, George W. Bush carried in 2000, basically stating that we can't be the policemen of the world.
And then he went in a different direction is a good way to put it after 9-11 and he lost it.
Kerry took it from him because of the war in Iraq.
And Republicans never got it back.
It was very close in 16 with Donald Trump because people did have that distinction.
And then in 2020, they just let that get away from them.
I mean, I just, and I know new wars.
I know what people are going to say.
They say all social media and media.
I agree with all that.
But I also know I saw a lot of Trump advertising.
I did not see one advertisement ever talking about the Israel peace accords, ever talking about ending the war.
So don't give me that.
I mean, that should have been a primary focus.
Peace, believe it or not, is popular.
Okay, in closing here, Richard, what is the Democrat, what is the biggest threat that we have to face from the Democrats in a year that we should take back the House?
What is our biggest threat?
Yeah, if they hold on to the House, what will the story be written?
They're going to try to make permanent what we saw in November.
And I really cannot stress this enough.
They are going to try to, and normally, for those who don't really understand, states control their own elections, and the federal government really does not have a role in elections.
Now, that being said, the federal government is the bread and butter of the Democratic Party.
All the solutions to their problems or the problems of the country is a government-centered solution, a federal solution.
So they want to make, if not through some kind of legislation federally, they want to pressure, use their power to pressure officials back home.
If this becomes how we conduct elections moving forward, Charlie, we're in deep trouble.
I mean, that's it.
It's going to be very difficult to get a grip on this because there are certain things that happened last time.
I just don't believe are possible unless it, if it was a normal election cycle.
And they're going to use their allies to do it.
I smell union all over the place.
And if they continue down this road, it's forget about all the other issues.
If you have a difficult time winning or beating the institution itself, then you can't make any progress on individual policies.
And if you're a gun rights person, I think you really, at this point, you need to be worried about that.
There's all sorts of crazy ideas floating around.
And if they get it through the House, then they're going to put pressure on the Senate to do so.
And you'll see moderate Republicans cave on some of these ideas, especially if it gets through the House with a pretty large or a large enough margin.
So, I mean, there's almost nothing, Charlie, that you can't worry about if they continue to keep this majority.
It's an HR1.
They're trying to pass it right now.
It's Richard Barris for People's Pundits Daily.
How could people check out what you're doing?
Yeah, they can follow me on locals now, peoplespundant.locals.com.
I'm still on Twitter for the time being at peoples underscore pundit.
And of course, on YouTube, Inside the Numbers, which is People's Pundit Dailies YouTube channel, we do that show still on YouTube.
So everybody can follow me over there.
Awesome.
Richard, thank you for joining us.
Keep up the great work.
Talk to you soon.
All the best, my friend.
All the best.
Thanks.
Talk to you soon.
Thanks so much for listening, everybody.
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God bless.
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