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Oct. 11, 2018 - Sargon of Akkad - Carl Benjamin
50:50
Bannonism： The Revolt of the Little Guy
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Time Text
Shall I use the formal DARF?
Yeah, exactly.
Exactly.
Mr. Vader.
They do think of you like that, though, don't they?
Hopefully they should.
Oh, yeah.
Okay, I'll start the recording.
Right, okay.
I guess I'll talk to Matt, Cameron.
Hello, everyone.
I'm interviewing Steve Bannon.
This is a little more posh than your normal, yeah.
Now we're here at Brown's Hotel.
We are?
The populist hangout.
It really is.
It may fair.
I'm feeling the working class roots.
Yeah, yeah, yeah, yeah.
I don't want to say you stuck out like a sore thumb when I walked through the lobby, but you and your colleagues stuck out a sore thumb.
I'm glad that we had to.
I'm glad that management had you guys, they were giving you the hairy eyeball when I walked in, like, who are those guys?
They absolutely were.
So let's talk about the world as you view it, because I think one of the troubles that I've noticed, I've watched a lot of your interviews with the regular press, and one of the things I've noticed is they don't seem to be able to understand your point of view at all.
And so they take an either diversionary tactic or an ultimately confrontational tactic to you.
And it's really unproductive conversations.
And I seem like fighting with you during the thing.
Well, they're trying to not just justify their own position.
They're trying to justify their own position in the apparatus.
You can't have the devil on and not try to, I mean, look how Errol Morris is getting lit up for the filming mate.
American Dharma, that they're not talking about the quality of the, oh great.
Let's just walk into the shot.
That's my production staff.
I'm not going to edit any of this out, LeBron.
They feel his obligation.
Errol Morris made a film.
The film is what it is, but on virtually none of the reviews from film reviewers, it hasn't gone to the general public yet.
They're eviscerating the guy without talking about the film itself.
Nine times out of ten, they're sitting there saying, hey, you had the devil for 16 hours or 20 hours.
Why is the devil still alive?
So they kind of missed the point of all of this, I think.
Okay, I like the way you're framing that, yourself as the devil, because in their worldview, I think that's really accurate.
Because, I mean, I don't want to just say it's effectively nationalists versus globalists, but ultimately that is the schism, isn't it?
Yeah.
I don't think that's too simplistic.
I think the, look, the world in the post-world, you know, the post-World War II, this kind of liberal, what they call the liberal rules-based order, which I kind of say has now become a fetish, is something that's just kind of built on this momentum.
And you have a certain group of what I call the Party of Davos, which is this scientific, managerial, engineering, financial, cultural elite that kind of, and I use Davos as the headquarters of the World Economic Forum because Davos Man is kind of the, you know, kind of the height of globalization, the end product of those times.
There's definitely a shift.
Le Pen said it best, I think.
Our age is determined politically, I think, by those who look at the nation-state as something to be overcome, and others Others that look at the nation-state as a jew to be polished and to be nurtured.
And I think in a very basic, simplistic way, that's where we are today.
See, that already is a, I wouldn't call myself a European normally, but when talking to an American, I effectively am.
And just to suggest that nationalism is a positive force in Europe is, I mean, people have echoes of jack boots when you say that.
Well, you've got to remember when I first started this project, you know, after the Tea Party, I had a lot of people who are good friends of mine, who are in the conservative movement, the grassroots conservative movement, a lot of the people that are on talk radio, a lot of the people that, when Andrew Breitbart died, when I took over Breitbart, I became the executive chairman, and Larry Solov was the CEO.
There were many, I was using this phrase nine to ten years ago at Teabrew, populist nationalists, the populist nationalist movement.
And I had many people come to me and say, you've got to drop nationalism.
Got to drop nationalism.
It's Americanism.
I said, no, it's not.
It's nationalism.
And over here in Europe, a lot of people have said, don't use nationalism.
I would say the same thing.
It's the N-word.
What you've got to use is sovereignty.
It's got to be the sovereignty movement.
So look, was the Chinese say that, you know, those things that can't be named, was, I think, the Dow Der Jing, right?
Those things?
I don't know.
Yeah, it's the things that can't be named.
So look, we can call it whatever it is.
It's Americanism or it's sovereignty or whatever.
But it's basically looking at the nation state.
It's more than patriotism.
It's looking at the nation-state as an organizational entity kind of from the Treaty of Westphalia.
This is why I think it's so important to follow these kind of global world leaders.
When Chairman Xi came to Davos in the week of Trump's inaugural, so you had Xi giving the speech in Davos that was all lauded and this is the greatest thing ever.
He reinforced globalism and all these other kind of movements that the progressive left love.
And Trump has a throwdown a couple days later on his American Carnage speech.
But what he really, the key to that speech, I think he says, now begins the hour of action, right?
Now begins the hour of action.
We had enough talk.
The permanent political class has had their say.
Now we're going to actually take action.
If you look at, I think it was about a month later or a couple of months later around the 19th Party Congress that they took the Chinese regime was taking Xi's speech and saying Chairman Xi's thought, because now they've raised his thought to the level of Mao Zedong or Deng Xiaoping or really to Mao.
They said his thought is the most important political thought and thinking in 300 years, globalization.
Well, 300 years ago, it was with the Treaty of Westphalia.
The nation-state's under siege.
Whether we call it sovereignty, whether you call it Americanism, whether you call it patriotism, the nation-state as a building block and a unit of organization is under siege.
And what they want to do is take away the nation-state in the process of taking away your citizenship.
Once they've stripped you of your citizenship, central governments in the business of denigrating your citizenship.
Central banks are in the business of denigrating your currency.
I think your version is worse in the central technocratic apparatus is in the business of taking away your digital personhood.
And you're completely right about that.
I mean, the attacks on citizenship are happening everywhere.
I mean, mass immigration itself, to say that anyone in the world can come to your country and have citizenship for barely any requirement.
I mean, that's an attack on my influence over my own government by producing extra voters who are going to be diluting the influence of my vote.
I mean, there are already millions of people in the country.
Look, the geniuses, this is what I say about Trump.
I mean, because every day on the campaign and in the White House, he's ridiculed what I call the morning Joe set.
The geniuses in the Council of Foreign Relations, the Brooking Institute, the people that write for Foreign Affairs magazine and foreign policy, all these geniuses, right?
Because he's just some barbarian, right?
So the geniuses, and I say, hey, Trump didn't create the situation in Korea or in Afghanistan or in Venezuela, right?
Or, you know, all these high or in the South China Sea or in the Persian Gulf.
Donald Trump didn't create any of those.
That's all created by the geniuses that are out there in Ukraine.
These are all by the geniuses.
Then you pull the camera back and you look at the, we have massive problems in Latin America, Central America, and in sub-Saharan Africa, okay, in the Middle East.
Massive problems.
You know, one of the things people should understand about the populist nationalist movement is not that we're not empathetic to these people.
This is horrific.
One of the things they're trying to do in the United States about the zero tolerance policy, the same thing I think Salvini is trying to do there, number one, what we've turned this into in this economic implosion of these areas is that it is these cartels that have turned human trafficking now into the biggest cash business in the world.
I heard the other day, the number may be wrong, but I heard that the countries or the gangs that are funneling people up through sub-Saharan Africa, it's a $40 billion a year business in cash.
The drug cartels, this I do know, the drug cartels have already made up, that human trafficking is much more, has higher margins and much more productive than drug trafficking.
So it is these situations, this economic implosion that have created these economic migrants, is not by, it's not the working people in Austria or in Hungary or in Midlands, England.
They didn't create it.
The geniuses of the party at Davos, this rules-based international order that they've run for 70 years, was allowed, that created it.
And now they're looking for, and I think this is the unfairness of it, working class people in Italy can't solve that problem.
And they're looking for them to pay for it as well.
Not just in money either.
One thing that drives me crazy is the opposition to people's opposition to immigration.
It's only natural that the people living in a specific area, like the Midlands and England or wherever, they're going to oppose the mass influx of people not from this area.
I mean, why shouldn't they?
It's kind of human nature.
Well, yeah, of course.
But according to the, you know, I had one of the women from BBC interview me because, you know, I'd like doing mainstream media with the toughest interviewers.
And at the end, it was a tough interview, but I thought a fair interview.
But her head literally blew up and she was asking me questions about, we were in Budapest, and she started asking me questions about Orban.
And, you know, and I said, look, I'm not just a big supporter, but I think he's a particularly historic and heroic figure.
And she was going, but he goes against European values of inclusivity and all that, but they go through the mantra.
So it's, and they can't see the other side.
They can't see that.
And they automatically smear the working class people in Italy as nativists and xenophobes and racists.
These people are not that.
What they want, they have a culture, a society, and something that's been passed down for them, you know, for many millennia, and they want to pass it on.
It's kind of like Burke's dictum, right?
You know, Burke was, we owe as much to the past as we owe to the future because we're agents for a certain period of time.
And we have those institutions, cultures, and civilizations passed down.
It's incumbent upon us to pass it down to future generations.
But we have an obligation to all those generations that came before us.
And it's a high moral obligation.
I think that's what people feel.
See, I'm really glad you brought this up because I wanted to ask you the purpose of the populist nationalism movement.
Because, I mean, I'm looking at it.
I mean, I suppose I would count myself as part of it.
I would, I'm definitely, I mean, for me, I, I'm.
Counting out of Sargon.
I get my own idea.
I know, right?
I might secretly be a globalist.
But no, the way I say it is it's for the little person, you know, the small person who just goes and gets up and does their job.
They're a decent part of society.
They do what they're supposed to do.
They pay their taxes.
Then they come home and they're told that if they don't agree with some guy who has a villa in the south of France and who likes to have free trade, free movement all across Europe without a visa, then he's a bad person.
And I don't agree that they're instinctively bad people.
Look, I come from, I'm not some big political theorist.
I'm pretty straightforward at what's in front of me as far as what action at stake.
I come from a very blue-collar family.
I come from the most average family in the United States.
We're a family of little guys, right?
And it's a happy family.
It's a big family.
And it's just, it's the basic common working people.
My dad was a blue-collar worker, et cetera.
And in that unit, though, everything's provided for.
They didn't really need government's help.
They serve in the military.
They pay their taxes.
They coach little league.
It's that underpinnings of civic society that they underpin.
And it's the same in Italy and in France and in Brazil and in Pakistan.
My dad's name, Marty Bannon.
I keep saying there are Marty Bannon throughout the globe.
I've met him, right?
And it's that kind of that little guy, it's not the old days, like out of the room, out of the deal.
It's out of the room on the menu, okay?
The little guy, the basic blue-collar and lower-middle-class person, does not have political representation or hasn't, whether you're in Kansas or whether you're in, you know, you're in Tuscany or whether you're in areas of Austria or Germany or Brazil or Pakistan or any you picket, right?
This kind of globalist elitism, you know, which feels more comfortable.
People, you know, from Shanghai and Paris and Los Angeles and Silicon Valley and London, you know, in the Hamptons, they speak a certain language, they read certain magazines.
And I'm a huge believer.
I love The Economist and I love The Financial Times because no thy enemy.
But that's what they're more affluent in that than they are in local things.
And so to me, this whole movement, the populism is very simple.
It's just, it's anti-elite, but it's pushing decisions down as subsidiarity to the degree possible.
And nationalism is just, it's beyond a love of country.
It's understanding.
It's understanding that the nation state is a basic building block of society.
Now, I think you had, it was one of your videos from a couple of months ago where when I went to a couple of these speeches and some of the snowflakes went to full meltdown, they say he's a fascist.
And you go, actually, he's not a fascist because the fascist worships the state.
There couldn't be, the difference in right-wing populism and left-wing populism is pretty straightforward.
The Corbyn and Bernie Sanders populism wants more state intervention, wants more state involvement in every aspect of your life.
Right-wing populism, and this is why I said at CPAC, the very first time I spoke publicly, when I said Trump's got three prongs to his program, economic nationalism, American First National Security, and the third is the deconstruction of the administrative state.
What Trump and what right-wing populists are trying to do is deconstruct the state.
We're not anarchists and we're not libertarians.
We understand there's got to be some sort of regulations, trade deals, armed forces, the police, all that.
We buy into that.
However, what right-wing populism is, is basically a piece of the action for the little guy.
He gets a better high-paying job at a better wage.
He doesn't have to compete against the world for that, right?
They've got to compete in an economic entity, but he's not flooded either in his home country or because of bad trade deals with the rest of the world.
So it's a piece of the action as far as a better paying, a job that's got better pay and benefits.
And number two, the beginnings of the access to capital, entrepreneurism.
So that's the fundamental difference.
And no fascist wants to deconstruct the administrative state.
What the fascists want to do is, and this is what I hope some of the lefties look, here's what they want state-controlled capitalism with the administrative state.
Once they've got that, they then have Italy.
And that's not what's being built today.
They should look, that is what's coming about, particularly in the United States, with big overreaching government in bed with the Facebooks, the Twitters, this kind of what I call the technocratic thing.
You have state capitalism, right, combined with big government.
And that's where you really lead to fascism.
That's why I've been a guy that from day one has said, hey, we have to go to these tech companies.
We have to drop down the data into public trust.
And people go, oh my God, Ben wants to create another bureaucracy.
I don't know what it would be, but it has to be created into a public trust.
I don't think a bureaucracy, but some sort of board or whatever that reviews this and people are able to monetize it because we have to break up these big tech companies.
And I think that's the absolute opposite end of fascism.
That's why I think the Antifa movement is actually the brown shirts for a coming fascist movement because what they want is pure thought, right?
They want big brother thought and their partners with this state intervention.
I said this at Bloomberg today.
The millennial generation, for people and the audience out there that thinks the populist nationalists, because all you hear all the time from the media is that it's nothing but a bunch of old angry white guys, right?
And Bannon's the oldest and angriest.
Or he's not the oldest, but he's the angriest.
A bunch of old, angry white guys.
I got news for you.
The populist nationalist movement is at the beginning of the top of the first.
And I cite Italy.
When I went to Italy, nobody was covering it.
The mainstream media say the Italians haven't had government there.
And you see 5-star, which is not a conservative.
You see 5-star and you see the League.
And what I saw is young people on Facebook Live coming to rallies.
These were Trump-like rallies with the intensity.
Hearing the Five-Star movement, which is talking about anti-corruption, anti-crony capitalism.
Now they did talk about a guaranteed income and some other things.
And you had the League talking about, let's go to a flat tax.
And I think the amazing thing about the experiment in Italy, you're seeing, and guess what?
The first budget didn't quite, you know, wasn't quite what the overlords in Brussels wanted.
But you saw the first one was kind of a combination of the guaranteed income and the flat tax.
Maybe it's going to be rejiggered, but at least you're seeing there a government that's unity of North and South, left and right, and populists and nationalists.
And so I think it's a fantastic experience.
I think the millennials, who are nothing more than, right now the millennial generation, I refer to them as 18th century Russian serfs.
And I said, no, because you don't own anything.
And you're not going to own anything.
The scam, you have to understand, when we had the financial collapse in 2008, to bail themselves out, here's what the elites did.
They just printed money.
And the money went to, specifically, to bail out so they didn't have an economic collapse.
And I'm not arguing some of this shouldn't have been done because it was such a debacle.
But they bailed out anybody that owns assets, i.e. like real estate, right?
Stocks, bonds, and intellectual property.
And so, and to give you an example, the balance sheet of the Federal Reserve of the United States on the day of the financial collapse, September 18th, 2008, you can pinpoint it to a second, the balance sheet of the Federal Reserve is about $880 billion.
When Donald Trump takes the oath of office, you know, nine years later, on January 20th, 2017, the balance sheet of the Federal Reserve is $4.5 trillion.
Now what they did is, and the same thing happened with the Bank of England, in the ECB, in the Bank of Japan.
What they did is just open up the spigots and flooded the zone with liquidity.
And so asset holders rose, so we didn't have a deflationary thing.
And what happened is that the little guy, now for zero interest rates, any millennial that tries to do what we've done from time immemorial in the Judeo-Christian West, which is be a responsible householder, take care of your business and put a little aside to save, you're a sucker.
Because savings get zero.
Why do they get zero?
They get zero because we have negative interest rates to finance these big governments.
That what they've done is made credit more available.
So you're just like a little hamster.
You're like a little hamster on a wheel.
You got the student debt.
You got the credit card.
Now you don't own anything.
You don't own any assets.
The housing crisis, nobody in London can own anything anymore.
No millennial.
San Francisco housing crisis.
So you're on the wheel.
You can't get into the game.
And plus you get zero on your savings.
There's no way to get off the wheel.
And that's why there's a report that came out the other day.
At the same time of life, the millennial generation is 20% down as far as income goes.
And if you look in the United States and in the United Kingdom where they flooded the zone with both illegal and legal immigration to essentially compete, this is the capitalist.
I got it.
I went to Harvard Business School and I worked at Goldman Sachs.
I can do the math.
Okay, it's pretty straightforward.
What they want is higher operating income, higher operating margins because they get higher valuations.
The way to get higher margins is you got to be more efficient.
You got to do your raw materials better.
But principally, you got to take care of your labor cost.
And the way to do that is let's just open it up to the world.
So in tech jobs, particularly, people in the United States, the United Kingdom, got to compete against the entire world for labor.
That's why millennials can't get ahead.
I think in the United States, the labor expansion or inflation is like 4 million people a year on both visas and legal immigration, and it's virtually coming in, you know, high-value-added jobs.
And so the millennials, the millennials, and this blows their heads up, the millennials are going to be the backbone of the populist nationalist movement because they're rational.
They're going to sit there and go, you know what?
Somebody's saying that we've got to protect our country and we've got to look at the economic interests of our country and my citizenship means something.
I think I'm going to start listening to the Salvinis.
I think I'm going to start listening to the DeMayos.
I think I'm going to start listening to the Orebonds.
I think I'm going to start listening to people that have my interests.
So people that run around in the mainstream media and think that because you've indoctrinated these kids to be snowflakes and to be world citizens of the world and they're dancing around Central Park and MSNBC, don't think as they learn more, as they start to understand more, as they see their own lived experience, which they're a better fed, better dressed, in better shape, and more information than any generation in history.
But you're an 18th century Russian serf.
It's amazing the golden chains, isn't it?
And at the same time, they sit there arguing mass immigration is a good thing.
And then they rail against capitalism.
You're kind of making a road for your own bank with your own advocacy.
I'd like to have some capital.
Here's what's talking about.
The financial crisis is the railhead of what drove the population.
I know other people say it maybe came beforehand with the culture.
Yes.
But the initiating event, what they call in the film, the initiating event was the 2008 financial collapse.
And there you see what we have.
We have socialism for the very wealthy and the very poor.
And what I mean by socialism, as soon as they come, it's a debacle and they're imploding.
The state comes in and basically mitigates the risk.
So they have limited, they have almost no downside and unlimited upside.
Ladies and gentlemen, if you're an asset holder, you've had the greatest 10-year run in human history.
This is not some mystery.
It's not something from Gnosticism.
This is because they made a conscious decision to open up the spigots, flood the zone with liquidity, essentially create money.
Now, here's the big thing that they never tell you.
That's what I said today, Bloomberg, and their kind of heads were blown up.
The way we got out of the last financial crisis, and the reason the world's over-leveraged with hundreds of trillions of dollars of debt is they create this money, okay?
The other thing that got us out of this crisis was the economic miracle of China.
Well, guess what?
The Chinese economic miracle is another Ponzi scheme.
These people are all into Ponzi schemes.
The great and good of the party of Davos, it's all a conjob, okay?
The Chinese thing is built on a house of sand, and that's about to collapse.
Because here's why.
The Chinese just printed money, too.
In R ⁇ B, I think they created $45 trillion worth of R ⁇ B. That's why you got One Belt, One Road.
You get the stuff that the East India Company, you know, predatory capitalism.
They're going to sub-Saharan Africa.
It's all because they printed R ⁇ B.
And so that, the air is coming out of that as rapidly as Donald Trump engages and said, hey, guess what?
You may have deindustrialized Western Europe and you may have de-industrialized the upper and west of the United States, but on my watch, I'm fully engaged in your economic warfare.
It's over.
In two years, you start to see the beginnings of the collapse in this Chinese miracle.
That's only going to exacerbate the over-leverage we've done with these geniuses that bailed themselves out.
They didn't bail out the little guy.
Little guy, not in the room, you're on the menu, okay?
I agree.
And the little guy got it.
So, you know, look, I had the great opportunity to work at Goldman Sachs.
I had the great opportunity to be at the Pentagon.
You know, I've seen all the geniuses of McKinsey.
I was in the M ⁇ A department at Goldman Sachs, Mergers and Acquisitions, when it was the elite of the elite.
I've seen all the McKinsey guys that got recruited by BCG coming out of Harvard.
I saw all of it.
You gave me the choice between being governed by the first 100 guys that show up at a Trump rally in a red ball cap, or the first 100 people that show up at a UKIP rally for Niger Farage, or the first 100 people that showed up at the Brothers of Italy thing with Giorgi Maloney.
You give me a chance to be governed by the first 100 people when I talked at Front Nationale at Le Pen.
Give me the first hundred of any of those versus the first hundred that show up at the party of fucking Davos, a Davos man with his little badge.
Give me the choice.
I'll take those any day of the week.
They have more common sense, more decency, more understanding of human nature.
They're just good people.
Okay, so we've seen what the geniuses do.
And your audience will understand one other thing.
This is why I keep saying the accusation they did today at Bloomberg.
The accusation of anti-Semitism, of nativism, of xenophobia, when they go to those accusations, you got them.
And here's why.
And that's why I say where the accusation is a badge of honor, because they can't debate the merits.
There is no defense of what they've done, of how they've bailed themselves out.
Okay?
And so they don't want to talk about it.
They don't want to talk about the facts.
What they want to do is talk about, is talk about something else.
And so they kind of make it.
Yeah, they would think about it.
You're a racist, you're a xenophobe, Orban, Salvini, Trump.
It's all the same, right?
It's all they do.
Yeah, you're Bolsonari down in Brazil.
They're all, you're fascists, everything like that.
So look, you have to power through that.
When they start making those accusations, just remember, you're getting close to the sunlit uplands, right?
Because that's the last line of defense they've got.
And I tell people, it's not for everybody.
Guess what?
They are going to rip your face off.
If you're a precious flower, you're going to be in the long run, you know, the wrong line of work.
You just got to say, hey, you know, eventually I'll power through this, and then maybe one day I'll get an interview with Sargon.
Set the record straight.
Set the record straight.
I was worried I wouldn't be able to keep you talking.
I'm worried about it.
Yeah, exactly.
I'm on a roll.
Can I get another red bolt?
That's what I need right now.
I need to get one more jacked up.
We're not lit enough.
So I was going to start with the question, do you see yourself as a revolutionary figure?
But obviously you do.
No, I don't.
Oh, come on.
Seriously, I'm just another Schmendrick.
No, I'm not afraid of it.
I'm not a revolution.
There is a revolution.
This is a global inflection point.
There's definitely a revolution going on.
It's a revolution of the little guy.
The little man and woman that has been, here's the power that the little person has.
You're the backbone of civic society.
When I came over here a couple of months ago and I said Tommy Robinson is that kind of backbone.
Oh my God, they literally melted down.
It's true.
I said, hey, correct me if I'm wrong.
It was the Tommy Robinsons of the world that stormed the beaches in Normandy.
They were the guys at Dunkirk.
They're the guys at Elamine, right?
They're the same.
Tommy Robinson throw a stick and he hit 100 Tommy Robinsons in the Bannon family, right?
Hammerheads, right?
I mean, the salt of the earth, right?
It's called salt of the earth for a reason.
And I just think that those type of people.
Now, do I agree with everything that Tommy Robinson has to say?
No.
I'm sure he doesn't agree with everything I have to say.
But they are the backbone of the United Kingdom and the backbone of what's provided the freedom for the United Kingdom.
And so that's what those little folks, when they finally had a belly full of it, and they've had a belly full of it now, because you can go around to Italy, you can go around to Hungary, you can go into Germany, you can go to France, you can sit here in the United Kingdom.
People are saying, I'm not going to do this anymore.
I'm not going to take this.
I have some sort of obligation to fight this now.
So what I pass down, you know, in generations, my grandchildren can look back and say, hey, at this point in time, at this inflection point, that you took a stand.
So that's why I think it's so, to me, it's such a great time to be.
And people said, like today, the Bloomberg, you know, I had the interview afterwards, and the young woman asked me, well, it's so divisive and people so I said, hey, it's called history.
There's times in history, it just happens.
History is not all a group hug, right?
There are oftentimes that are two conflicting ways.
I've said this, the reason we're in this dogfight in the House races in the United States is for one reason.
The Time's Up movement, the resistance, and Tom Stiers, Next Generation, and the whole Net Roots nation, they've done what the Tea Party did back in 2010.
They have been out ringing doorbells, knocking on doors, and handing out literature for months and months and months.
And you know why?
They're rational people.
They got something that the Republican Party didn't get early on.
They realized that Donald Trump is a transformative president and historical figure, that he's going to be in their lives 30 years from now.
So unless they stop Donald Trump, and the easiest way to stop him is take the House of Representatives and impeach him.
Not going to be removed from office, but let's strip the bark off this program right now.
It's purely rational.
That's why in the muggy summer of June, July, and August, they're in Iowa ringing doorbells.
And guess what?
We're in October, and some of those districts are now, they're winning by 10 and 12 points.
I disagree 100% with their ideology.
I admire their grit.
Oh, the tactical as anything.
And it's exactly like, it's exactly like the Tea Party did, and that has to be countered.
But they understand something that the Republican establishment, a lot of moderate Republicans didn't get.
Trump is a historic figure, and they understand unless they stop him.
He's already because of the reformation of the court, not just the Supreme Court, with the Federalist Society and with Leonard Leo and Mitch McConnell, who did an amazing job to keep those 140 federal judges.
He is going to be in their personal lives 40 years from now.
When I say that, they literally go through meltdown.
But they know that.
Trump has triggered them, okay?
Trump, Trump, Trump, and this is what I'm saying.
For the populist nationalist movement coming from here, you've got the Times Up movement.
The Time's Up movement, if the populist nationalist movement is like the American Revolution, and what I mean by that, it's a debate over who makes decisions and where they're made, the center of gravity.
The Time's Up movement is like the French Revolution.
There, It's about a basic questioning of the power dynamics of society and the structure of that social construct.
It is in the French Revolution, they want to take the church and everything that medieval society is built on and flip it, okay?
This is the time's up movement.
I have no earthy idea where it ends up.
What I can tell you, it is a direct assault on the patriarchy.
I'm not here to defend the patriarchy.
It's 5,000 years of recorded history, whether it's Chinese society, the Hindu society, Islamic society, the Judeo-Christian West, everything else, African society.
It's all essentially built on a patriarchy.
Of course.
That's under assault.
The very first opening round of this is going to be November 6th, 2018 in the United States.
We're going to see what they've got.
And quite frankly, right now, it looks like they've got a lot.
Well, let's talk about Kavanaugh then, because not so much, you know, the allegations, some nonsense.
But it seemed like the apex of the Me Too movement.
And they failed.
And I think that's a really important thing.
I don't know.
Let me go back about these allegations.
Clearly, what has come out with Matt Lauer and these people over time is pretty horrific, right?
And what's horrific is that, like in the Matt Lauer situation, where he went out, it's about power dynamics.
There, he went after interns and production assistants and secretaries, people who have, particularly in New York City, we have tens of thousands of people who women believe could take those jobs.
You're in a very tough buy.
The Me Too thing is very different.
In that regard, I do think the victims have to be heard.
The victims don't have to be believed, but they at least have to be heard because there's clearly something that's been going on in corporations, these other things, that needs to come to light.
Yeah, let me just make myself a little more clear.
Yeah, because I probably should have been.
I don't have hundreds of thousands of your subscribers leave your network now.
No, no, no, no.
So you agree with the time's up movement?
Oh, no, no.
You know what?
Me too.
Me too.
There is no doubt that Me Too was a necessary force.
Because there's no doubt that people like the Harvey Weinsteins of the world were running terrible operations, especially.
They're sexual predators, man.
Absolutely.
People look the other way in Hollywood.
Exactly because it was convenient and everyone was getting paid and no one had to think about the victims.
There is no doubt that the Me Too was an absolutely necessary movement.
But I think that it's gone way past its remit now.
And I think it's, I mean, you know, nailing a bunch of well, I mean, the Kavanaugh thing, I mean, that seemed like a totally unjust allegation to me.
Well, the FBI, I think it was good that they took the additional time.
I don't like the way Flake did it, but I think to take additional time for the FBI to go through there and to look at what the allegations were to come back and give a report that people that are pretty reasonable people and people have strong legal backgrounds, they voted.
So I think it's, look, would you?
What was surprising is that somebody, when your staff secretary at the White House, I believe has a higher than a top secret security clearance, to know that the FBI vetted everything then and the subsequent things, but particularly for the type of clearance that he had, hadn't come of the stuff.
You know, you question it, but look, it was fully vetted on national TV.
You had her present her case.
You had him present his case.
Then you had an additional week or 10 days, whatever it was, of FBI, whatever the investigation was.
And they came back.
People read the information.
It hasn't been brought out to the public, to my knowledge, but people who are fiduciaries read the information and then voted and are prepared to live with that vote.
So I think it was done.
It clearly, I think what was shocking, it triggered something like a mini French Revolution.
I mean, you had Ted Cruz and his wife, you know, accosted in a restaurant.
And then the story is he told later, they were chased down the alley.
If they had had a guillotine out there, you know, I'm not doing the over and under.
I'm not doing the over and under on if they have been beheaded or not.
But it's, you know, this is a mob, and if the protesters take offense to this, I'm sorry.
It was a mob that was essentially out of control.
Well, that's what I want to say.
And I think that that's given traction up until Nikki Haley resigned.
I think it was given a little traction to the Trump side.
Well, that's what I'm going to talk about, because the left-wing mob are on the hashtag believe women.
They think if a woman says something, you have to accept that allegation uncritically and take all action as if the person that has been had an allegation laid against them is guilty by default.
And I think the most important thing about the Kavanaugh case is the fact that in the end, it was voted that no, we're not just going to simply believe on the basis of no substance.
So you're probably forgetting heard from believed.
Yes, yes, absolutely.
I mean, of course.
I think it's a reasonable thing.
Absolutely.
And I think anyone who has an allegation should be heard, obviously.
But also, we need to have corroborating evidence.
We can't just assume that the person being accused is guilty.
But the problem with this is that the left-wing mob has become utterly radicalized at this point.
I mean, I watched loads of videos of people interviewing protesters, and they were just saying Kavanaugh's a rapist.
He's raped other people.
That's not even an allegation against his name.
No one's even suggesting that.
Not one of these people and but at this point, I do think people suggest it.
I'm not so sure it's been terrified.
I mean, you had people come out of the board where Evanotti had a client that said that she had been raped.
Oh, was this the anonymous one?
No, she actually came.
No, she can't.
Yes, she came out, and I think she was interviewing MSMEC, and I think even MSNBC was a rape.
And the Democrats all week have been dumping on Evanetti to say, you just threw somebody out there that, and I think it's the Democrats.
So remember, it's not Steve Bannon saying this, but I think the Democrats are on him saying she wasn't credible.
She didn't have any backup.
She couldn't corroborate the information.
And so I think that that, and they're blaming him for losing the Kavanaugh vote.
But that's a situation where you had allegations that came up.
There wasn't any kind of substance to back it up, and it kind of went to the side.
But no, I think he was accused of a lot of this stuff.
Well, yeah, well, yeah, I suppose he was.
But the thing is, it's very clearly two radically different and conflicting worldviews that are coming to a head.
And I mean, it feels like some kind of social civil war, like a bourgeois civil war.
I mean, like with Maxine Waters, we have to harass Trump administration officials in restaurants.
I mean, that is beyond the pale, is it not?
Look, Hillary Clinton, you know, my beloved Hillary Clinton, she said the other day that you don't have to be civil with people.
I mean, if that's not a dog whistle about let's go attack some people, right?
And I think Lindsey Graham or somebody said somebody's going to end up getting killed here.
But she, you know, Hillary Clinton, who is running for president, let's make sure we understand this.
She walked through her theory of the case on Rachel Madow.
She then took the same theory of the case to the Atlantic Ideas Forum, go online, watch both of them.
She's got a theory of the case on Trump.
She's trying to push it.
The other day when she said this thing about uncivil, I think it was the other part of the same interview where she said, you know, the allegations about Bill are there because he was federally investigated.
Well, that's actually not true.
There's Juanita Broderick and a whole raft of others.
You know, where Anita Broderick, he raped, right?
She's a witness of that.
Why should she not be heard?
Why should Hillary Clinton, who is the enforcer on these women, these women have stories?
The reason I know that, I brought those women to St. Louis.
You're right.
And so I'm a believer that these people should be heard.
They should be heard.
They should be heard on Bill Clinton.
They were throwing out what essentially was locker room talk about Trump.
And people say, well, what about Trump?
I said, listen, the Gloria Arbor people, I think 32 of them are somehow in some sort of legal process.
And that'll work its way through the legal process.
They'll have their shot at this.
So it's look, these things are clearly disturbing.
I think it has triggered a lot of people.
You know, I do believe that some of this has been building up for a while on issues other than just the Time's Up movement, but I think you're seeing that come out.
And look, it's a, for conservatives, you just can't dismiss it.
It's a powerful, powerful political force.
They're not going away.
They're not going away.
And there's, and one reset, they shouldn't go away.
Some of the stuff, this stuff has to be addressed.
You're going to have to address some of the stuff.
You know, I'm proud of being the father of daughters that are self-empowered young women.
My oldest daughter is a graduate of West Point and served with the 101st Airborne in Iraq.
And so I know how to at least, her mother did the vast majority of the work.
But for what I did is to nudge her forward to be an independent woman that can stand on her own two feet.
And I've heard a lot of conservatives over time saying, well, there's not a role in combat for women, et cetera.
Well, when more young men start signing up, maybe there won't be.
But the United States military need our young women to serve, particularly in a lot of the Muslim countries where these people are where the women are interfaced with the female population and get information.
And so I think it's, look, it's clearly an issue.
And for those who love following politics, understand that that side is highly inspired and really motivated.
And they've done, you know, you've got to tip your hat to them.
And I realized that they were a mob, or parts of them were a mob in D.C., but there are many more that are not a mob.
And what those people are doing is what they're doing in the way in a digital era, particularly where people don't feel like they're connected anymore to the civic society they were.
Obama showed us in 08, which is one of the things I tried to model after, was that in the digital world, the analog is even more important.
The most important thing in a campaign is somebody knocking on a door, understanding where the candidates are about, giving people information, making a human contact, and showing your enthusiasm for that candidate.
It's still the single most powerful thing we have.
And in the Times Up movement, they've got it in spades.
Yeah, and this is genuinely something I think people underestimate.
So, like, are you prepared to give up your time on a Thursday afternoon to go out in the rain and then hold coats on a door?
Exactly.
That's a good question.
Because they are.
They absolutely are.
There was a conference call of some grassroots people I was talking to.
I think it was on the 27th of July, as I remember.
I think it was a Saturday.
And I made the case that on this conference call, it was a Saturday afternoon, that in the 1st District of Iowa, you have a congressman named Bloom who is one of the key guys in the House Freedom Caucus.
And he has a young female prosecutor running against him.
And I'd had a report from there that they had hundreds of people from the Times Up, the Resistance and others, walking that district, ringing doorbells on a Saturday.
I think it was, I forget, it was like 90-degree heat.
And I said this in July.
And I said, these house races are going to be won in July and August.
It turns out the other day, a guy, Bloom, won a couple of re-elects and is a very key guy and a highly respected congressman in the Freedom Caucus, which is the hardest core of the Trump base.
The other day, the NRCC political reported that they cut the money off to him because he's like 10 or 12 points down, 10 or 12 points down.
That is pure old-fashioned hustle.
That was grit and determination.
And if people sit there and think that you're going to raise, have a bunch of donors stroke you big checks and put up 30-second spots and that that's going to turn it around, you're sadly mistaken.
This will get down to who has, and listen, that's what democracy is about.
Like I said, I disagree 100% with what they stand for, but I admire the grit.
And this is a lesson, should be a lesson for everybody, that if you want to win in modern politics, you've got to get engaged.
Everybody's got to be engaged, and you're going to have to knock on a door.
Yep.
So that's what I've been telling people for a long time.
And that's why I use the example of the young social justice warrior who is holding coats.
Yes.
Nobody wants to do those kinds of jobs.
But they know that to achieve their goal, they've got to go through the grunt work.
100%.
And people want to be superstars overnight.
It's like, no, that's not where the change really occurs.
Right.
Again, I mean, I guess, last thing, Brexit, what's your opinion?
How do you think it's going?
Well, look, Brexit and let's pull the camera back for a second.
Brexit and 2016 are inextricably linked.
It has to deal with at its core base the exporting of Chinese overcapacity and Chinese deflation.
But what it was basically is a personification, I would say, of the deindustrialization of the Western democracies.
And that's why, you know, it's inextricably linked.
Sorry to interrupt.
One of the I went to an anti-Brexit protest.
Yeah.
Or it might have been an anti-Trump protest.
But the thing is, it was really hard to tell the difference.
Yes, exactly.
And there were people there who were saying, oh, no, Brexit and Trump are exactly the same thing.
And I agree.
They completely are.
They are the left-behind little people who are saying, actually, we're voters.
There are loads of us.
Yes.
And you can't stop us.
Now, here's what happens.
I think for your audience, you've got to remember, is I've talked about getting involved in elections.
When you beat the existing order, in this case, the globalists, the party of Davos, in an election, they're not going to sit there and pat you on the head and go, what a brilliant idea.
Let's get the UK out of the EU.
Let's have Trump be the president and flip up the world.
They're not going to sit there and pat you in and say, this is amazing and toss you the keys and say, have at it, and we'll try again in a couple of years.
No.
Immediately, immediately, they have their own resistance, right?
What I call the nullification project.
The nullification project, and you saw it, when Theresa May came to the White House, I think it was in March of 2017, President Trump, and this has been publicly reported, say two things on Brexit.
When you negotiate, overshoot your target.
In other words, there's going to be enough that pulls you apart that be more demanding.
The other thing was get on with it.
That if this thing starts to go past six months, and so here's what's happened in both the United States and you're seeing in Italy with the same thing, it's always the same.
What they're trying to do is wait you out.
In Brexit, here's what they intended to do, to sit there and ropa-doped you.
And then even when Theresa May made all these compromises, she went over there, it just got banged around last week.
A couple weeks ago, they said, hey, we reviewed it.
How about this?
No.
She can't surrender to them.
Even surrender to them.
And it was so brutal the way they did it that, and what they're trying to do, and I've said this for a long time.
I think what they're trying to do is get into the fall of 2017 and say, hey, what we need here, or 2018 now, what we need here is a longer time.
So we need, let's give it another year.
We'll continue to negotiate.
You'll go through, I mean, in the movement, in our thing we're doing in Europe, we've actually kept the United Kingdom guys out because, hey, you're out of the European Parliament next year.
No need to, you know, we get, the movement will be bigger over time.
We'll come back and get you guys.
But right now we have worked to you guys are out.
I think the city of London, the corporatists have ropodoped this, have made everything.
And they said today in Bloomberg, well, you know, when you really look at it, people really didn't know what they were voting for.
Democracy works for the globalists when they're winning elections.
As soon as they stop winning elections, oh my God, Orban's an illiberal Democrat.
Salvini's a fascist.
Trump's a fascist.
Brexit, they didn't know what they were voting for, right?
It's always the same thing.
So what they want to do is have a do-over.
Yeah, of course.
They have a do-over with Trump's.
Remember, in Trump's situation, same thing.
The resistance has been, the nullification project has been overwhelming.
To wit, they send a letter, right?
They send a letter and says his own administration, the establishment Republicans, which lays out in the letter, are every day fighting his own program, hoping he gets out of office and he hasn't done too much damage to what they want to do.
No, the nullification project, they're not going to pat you on the head and say, great job, glad you won the election.
Here are the keys, go do what you want.
No, they're going to fight you every day in a rearguard action.
That's what's happened on Brexit.
What they're going to propose on Brexit, and you see it right now, hard Brexit, right?
Hard Brexit, which is like the equivalent of Prince Henry the Navigator in his map.
It's a world and over the world, right?
You fall down.
And so what they're trying to do is terrorize people with a misinformation campaign.
It's been incredible.
It's incredible.
It's pure propaganda.
Or what they're going to come back and say, instead of the hard Brexit, instead of going over to where there be dragons, right, instead of doing that, what we're going to do is we're either going to extend it or let's vote again.
And Sorcerer's got his money in.
That's why I love the people of the United Kingdom.
It seems to me they've kind of hunkered down and said, hey, let's just figure this thing out.
Let's muddle through, as the Brits would say, and figure out what this is.
But you can see this coming.
Same thing with Trump.
That's why on November 6th, they actually do have a do-over.
We have a midterm election, and this is really a referendum on Trump.
If they win the House of Representatives, they will move to accept the Mueller report.
Mueller will deliver his report late November, early December.
If the Republicans win, it'll be a doorstop.
If the Democrats win, the very first thing they do after they vote themselves in, and people say, well, Nancy Pelosi won't do that.
She's an institutionalist.
Well, then she won't be the Speaker of the House.
They will have a Speaker of the House because people are not walking.
Time's up movement's not knocking on doors in Iowa in 90-degree heat in August to work with Donald Trump on prison reform in January.
They're there to stop the bullet train, okay?
And they're going to accept the report, hold hearings, and then try to field strip him.
But I think on Brexit, the British people, I think, just got to keep their, you know, just got to keep their head down.
You had a vote, right?
It was the most important vote in modern British history.
Everybody knew what the voter was about.
You couldn't spend any more money.
Everybody knew what the vote was.
There's no hiding the football.
It was the most crystal clear thing in the Conservatives.
It was in their own project.
Crystal clear.
In every house, they had something published with we're going to leave.
It will mean a clean break from the European Union.
It was all there in black and white.
David Cameron said it repeatedly.
And I mean, at the moment, Hard Brexit is actually the most popular position on Brexit.
And I'm just sat there going, that's brilliant.
That's exactly what I want.
I would say in the hard Brexit, look, there's always going to be some things that come up.
The British are fantastic about.
They're very pragmatic.
You guys will figure it out.
Don't believe it's not Prince Henry the Navigator.
It's not a flat earth.
And they're not dragons over the thing.
That's what they're trying to show you.
I saw the other day, even in the Financial Times, they had the banks that do all the clearing for the derivative securities.
They're all in the city.
And they're going, oh, my God, we just figured out if we do the Brexit, all those jobs got to move to Frankfurt or Paris.
And it could be tens of thousands of guys.
They'll figure it out.
They're not going to move tens of thousands of people.
I actually saw an article by someone in Frankfurt who manages these things.
I'll have to find out.
But he was saying we don't have the infrastructure for any of that.
You know, Frankfurt is actually quite a small city.
The city of London is a, the city of London rivals almost Wall Street, right?
Virtually it's not going away.
Yeah, I agree.
And plus, there's a difference in living in London and living in Frankfurt.
So that's a slight difference.
That's why the city of London will always thrive.
Okay, well, I'll tell you what, I'll end it there.
Listen, thanks for watching.
Is there anything else you'd like to do?
No, thank you.
Look, I think it's.
I'm glad that you had me on.
I'm glad to start to meet your audience.
And next time I'm back in the UK, we'll sort out.
I may have to tell the management of the hotel what to expect.
Or bring a better crew.
I mean, the crew is upgrade, upgrade, upgrade.
No, I'm just kidding.
The guys are terrific in the way you put this up so quickly.
Now I realize why you look much better on camera than you do in real life because you got the lighting.
You're lighting perfectly lit.
You know, Trump's very big on lighting.
I see Sargon is too.
All right, well, Darth Bannon, thank you.
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