Episode 5027: WarRoom Saturday Special: The Patriot's History Of America cont.
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Aired On: 12/27/2025
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We found after the last edition of Patriots History of the United States came out in 2018 that Sentinel was not interested in doing a 20th anniversary edition or updating it in any way.
And I felt an obligation to our readers to keep the book current.
It is in its 45th printing.
And just last week, I think we sold 1,700 copies.
I mean, it just continues to be a best-selling book all the time.
But since then, I've been researching stuff in case I ever had another edition.
And then last year, I decided, well, I'm going to write two more chapters that will bring everything up to 2025 and make them free available to anyone who emails me.
So if you're out there and you want the new chapter 23 and the new chapter 24 that go from 2018 to 2025, email me at larry at wildworldhistory.com and I'll send you the free copies.
I think after they'll be in PDFs, not the whole book.
I'll send you two, three PDFs with the new stuff in it.
I think after we did our show on Thanksgiving, I probably sent out four or five hundred of those requests.
So I had all this material that I've been researching and I realized there's a lot of depth that needs to be developed here.
And the 21st century in particular, I love historical irony and the 21st century in particular just seems to be rife with historical irony.
For example, we start off with a virus, the Y2K bug that turned out not to be anything because the business people took it seriously.
And we pretty much end the first quarter century, 2020 to 2021, with another bug, the China virus.
Obama was supposed to be the transformative figure of the 21st century.
He's not transformative at all.
Trump is the one that has transformed the first quarter of the 21st century.
So the book is full of historical irony.
And I would say I researched it often on for, I don't know, five or six years, just filing stuff away as it came to me.
You know, this would be a neat story to tell, or this is an important thing people need to understand.
As a historian, it's always tougher, I guess, because journalism's called, I think it was Time magazine that said they were the first draft of history.
It's always harder to write it when you're in the moment than able to go back.
Like, for instance, when you did Patriot's history, is it Mike Allen?
You guys had taught history for decades.
In fact, one of the reasons you wrote the book is that you couldn't find, as you told me, you couldn't find a history text that you thought was unbiased enough to actually explain the American experience to your students, that they were so biased, had become so left-wing, that you and your co-author finally said, hey, I guess we're going to have to do this ourselves, right?
Let me give you one of the quickest and easiest observations you can make on how biased these existing textbooks were.
If you come to the post-Civil War period, there is always a section in these textbooks on the building of the transcontinental railroads, Union Pacific, Central Pacific, later, the Southern Pacific, Northern Pacific.
And almost without exception, I've documented this in another book, Mike 48 Liberal Lives, but almost without exception, the established historians would come to a sentence where they would say almost this exact line, the transcontinental railroads never would have been built without government aid, which is simply a lie because James J. Hill built the Great Northern Railroad without a dime of government assistance.
And it was a stronger, more powerful, profitable railroad than any of those built with government assistance.
But that's just an example of where you can look to these existing textbooks and they don't just massage the truth.
Often they just kind of destroy the truth.
But you're absolutely right that teaching and writing modern history is incredibly difficult.
Our challenge in writing the early parts of American history, Mike Allen and I, our challenge was to find enough sources or the right sources.
The challenge for writing history in the last 10 years is you're deluged with sources.
You just have so many sources.
You look here, there, the information is out there in galaxy-level amounts.
So that becomes the most difficult problem, and you have to apply the law of significance.
How many people does this affect over how much time?
When you want me back, let's go back to the, because the Patriots history, and when I was in Danbury, I was teaching civics.
And, you know, they have a library there.
It's actually a pretty good library.
Most of the books are, in fact, all the books are by prisoners or prisoners' families.
But they've got, it's a pretty, you know, it's a, I'm a voracious reader, and it's a really great, a really great library.
So when I was tapped to be a lecturer there or teacher of civics, one of the first things I did is go to the library and they didn't have a copy of the Patriots' history.
So I think I ordered three.
I kept one for myself and I put two into the library right away, of which people just devoured.
But I needed that.
I needed the book because you give such a good overview.
So as I was getting in details about the Constitution and the Declaration and the structure of the government and these things that most of the prisoners had never really been taught or never had access to because they were quick learners.
And I will tell you, Larry, they were absolutely fascinated by it.
I could tell right then that the education system in this country has failed so much because most of the prisoners and most of the prisoners that took my course were African American or Hispanic.
And they had a real thirst.
They had a thirst and they want to understand the system.
As you and Alan, and I started thinking about the book a lot, because I've read Patriots' History a couple of times when it first came out, and then another time before I got into the Trump campaign, it was just happened, you know, getting caught up the speed.
I think it was in the summer of 1516, 15, I think.
And then when I was in prison, what was it that you and Mike Allen, as you sat there, I think you were at the University of Dayton at the time, correct?
And by the way, the book is, correct me if I'm wrong, if it's not the best-selling history book we've ever had, it's one of the top two or three best-selling histories that have ever sold in the United States.
Well, of course, Zen's book, People's History, is probably the bestseller of trade books only because so many college classes picked up Zen's book.
However, I did learn that our book, Zen said this, that our book outsold his in his first 10 years versus our first 10 years, which is kind of interesting.
Now, once he got picked up by all of the college faculty, he began to take a lead over us.
But Patriots History in the United States does very, very well for a 1,000-page comprehensive textbook.
As you and Alan looked at the way American history was taught at the college level, what are the two or three things in your book that are different than most things?
In other words, as you guys went back and said, look, we've got to go do it ourselves and got to do all the research and write it because these couple of things are fundamentally wrong and lead students, particularly in those formative years, down the wrong path.
First one, as we say in our introduction, we don't believe in my country right or wrong, but we do believe that my country is not always wrong, as almost all these other textbooks did.
They dwelled on America's faults and minimized all of America's successes.
Number two, we introduced the four pillars of American exceptionalism.
So when you go to teach government or civics, for example, the first two are really relevant, and that is this nation was built on a Christian, mostly Protestant religious tradition that emphasized individual church congregations or congregationalism.
And the reason that's important is it gave America a bottom-up religious structure that emphasized and worked hand in glove with the second pillar, which is common law, which came over from England, which is a bottom-up political structure.
So we had a great deal of practice in resisting government.
I mean, everything from guys burning down the governor's mansions and whatnot to calling out their own militias.
You would never have seen that in Australia or Canada.
And then the third real thing that we do in the book is that we look at everything.
We look at America's faults and failures, but we also look at all of America's successes.
And there is a great deal of political, military, and economic history in Patriots history because my degree was in banking and financial history.
So I think you'll get a lot of economic analysis that is not in other books, particularly good economic analysis I'd like to think.
It reads as a narrative story, and you've got all the personalities and personages.
But most time you read a history book, you can tell the professor is a political scientist or he's a professor of political history.
So you get to politics with it so deeply.
But as I can tell you, and I think Trump's the perfect example of that, unless you understand the economics and the underlying economic milieu and the forces, particularly the forces driving the economics and where it's taking you, it's very hard to understand the real meaning of politics besides just counting up who, what party was running and what were their issues and what was the outcomes.
That's one of the reasons I love it.
We got about a minute here, and of course you're going to be with us the rest of the time.
But in thinking through the book on the 21st century, how did you use, what framework did you use for this?
Well, as I said, I thought that there was a great deal of irony in so many of the accepted memes that we were seeing at the time, the accepted themes that Obama was the transformative president of the early 21st century.
Bush committed us to a war.
I'm convinced that if he had gone into Iraq, looked for WMDs after six or eight months, going, nope, not there, and just left, that in fact he probably would have ended up a much more popular president than he was.
And then, of course, you have this final third of the period, kind of the last eight years, where you had this struggle between the Trump populist forces and the forces of the elite, something that I think historian Richard Hofstadter would have loved, except he would have looked at it the wrong way.
The elites now are all entirely on the side of, not entirely, but mostly on the side of the Democrat Party.
And the other groups, as we saw in the last election, are starting to move over onto the side of the MAGA movement and the populist movement.
You can get the physical copy of it by going to Birch Gold, and we also have it listed up on the site because we want to make sure we get the first seven installments we've put out over the last four years.
Everybody, a lot of people wanted a physical copy.
If you're a boomer, or I think a lot of people did, birchgold.com, promocobannett.
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Check it out today.
Short commercial break, back in the warm in just a moment.
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Larry, you know, you've got Toynbee and you have Hegel, you have all these historians that have these grand theories of even Thucydides, right?
The Thucydides trap, the rising power and the declining power, you know, Arnold Toynbee, Hegel, Carlisle, all of this.
Do you have a theory?
People know I'm a big believer in the turnings.
You know, we had the Revolution and then every 80 to 100 years you had the Civil War, then the Great Depression of World War II, and now, well, how do we call it the age of Trump?
Do you have any, because I've read your books and I can't discern if you think there's a grand theory of history or if you're simply the historians just sitting there going, I want to get the story right so you have the facts in front of you and you can think through great thoughts on your own theory, sir.
Well, I believe history resembles itself but doesn't repeat itself.
But I also believe the United States is special, that America was created particularly in Plymouth with the Mayflower group, that it was a covenant with God.
And I believe America has a special type of dispensation.
I know that's going to drive a whole bunch of people crazy and start pulling hair and so forth.
But I don't think that American history is typical of that of many other empires or nations.
That's why I really don't pay a whole lot of attention to people who say, well, we're like the Roman Empire.
Well, but the Roman Empire was not started by God.
God essentially set up a covenant with the United States.
And I don't believe that he has allowed that covenant to lapse.
Now, in light of that, yeah, I think you have to tell the story that's in front of you.
And when it's painful, you need to tell that too.
In my biography of President Reagan, I didn't hesitate to talk about his role that he led the charge in that immigration act, Simpson Mazzoli, that was so horrendous.
It wasn't imposed on him from outside.
He wasn't tricked into it.
He started it in 1981 when he came into office.
So I think you have to admit that there are these black spots or weak moments in various administrations and in various people.
I want to explore this because I think it's a very fitting way for us to end the year in the next couple of segments.
The Mayflower, they were a group of dissenters or outsiders.
I mean, even among, I don't know how to say this, like the Puritans or the people that were anti-the Church of England, weren't they considered even too radical for them?
And then they go to Holland and they're too radical there.
These people have a tough time fitting in, and they don't have a problem with that.
They know they're going to have a tough time fitting in because they believe their lives are dedicated to God.
You don't need priests to do that.
Their lives are dedicated to God.
When they finally get here, they've missed their mark.
They're supposed to arrive in Virginia and they arrive in the, and the story is amazing.
They arrive on the barren, you know, rocky coast of Massachusetts, which is being a native Virginian and having gone to Harvard.
I tell you that the temperature is quite different, very different living style.
They get there, they almost starve, but they make this compact and they decide to do it.
They decide to do it right before they kind of go.
They've gone ashore to explore, but before they actually go ashore to actually do the settlement, because they've got a lot of people on board who are not dissenters or are not part of their religious group.
They've got, you know, some people are just on for the ride.
They're going to start.
In fact, I think the majority of the people were there that were not part of their group.
I got a minute here and then I'm going to continue in the next segment.
Is that basically the framework of the story when they sit down and say, hey, we have to have some governing document that sets this up?
The second thing was the people we call strangers who are not Puritans, they are equal to us in all political rights, and therefore they're going to have an equal part in the polity of the country.
And then the third thing was they needed to elect a leader.
And that in itself was remarkable that they elected their leader.
There's that common law bottom-up impetus right there off the bat that they believe that they and not the company in England were to select their own leader.
Larry Schweikert, I would say in my mind, particularly for the MAGA movement and for the populist nationalists, our greatest living historian and a fascinating guy and a guy who understands the nuts and bolts and the mechanics of modern, how do I call it, grassroots politics.
Well, because I think the first thing that was on the Puritans' mind, all pilgrims are Puritans.
The first thing that was on their mind was, what's my relationship to God?
And so that infused every single thing they did, all of their laws, how all things were done.
You know, for a while in Massachusetts, they had sumptuary laws, which said we don't want people flaunting their wealth because even if you're wealthy, it's just not ethically right to kind of rub it in other people's faces.
So they would go about their lives doing that, and it affected everything all the way through our history.
For example, I'm sure you've heard this many times, the famous John Adams quotation that says that our system of government is meant for a holy religious people and won't work with anybody else.
Except that's not true.
The Constitution, in fact, was a document designed specifically for unholy and sinful people with every single check and balance and limitation you could possibly put on it because the founders didn't trust people.
It's quite the opposite of a government built for a holy people where you could trust everybody to do the right thing.
And you get up into the Civil War era, for example, and you see people like Lewis Taplan, a devout Christian who's also a leader in the abolitionist movement because he believes that all men are and ought to be free, as Lincoln would say.
So I think it infuses our entire culture for almost the first 200 years.
Is it today as you've seen it with, you know, we've had mass, one of the things we fight for here every day is a moratorium on immigration, at least a 10-year moratorium.
I'm talking about legal immigration.
You've got to be zero illegal.
We want to take legal down for 10 years.
Given that we've had since Reagan, really predating it, since Kennedy's bill, the immigration bill in 1964, which was catastrophic for this country, it had bigger impact in the civil rights legislation and the voting rights, which everybody focuses on from that time.
But this much more fundamentally changed the country than exacerbated by President Reagan and really the advisors around President Reagan.
I don't totally disagree with you, but he was fed a lot of bad information.
He was fed a lot of bad information at the time.
Given that, is the mass immigration, has it been, has it so changed the construct of the country?
And I'm not just talking about race, but I'm talking about the understanding of the underpinnings of the spiritual side of the Judeo-Christian West, that we can't possibly be still a covenantal, was it an age of the covenant, sir?
Certainly, especially as you get people from non-Christian faiths, Muslims, a lot of Muslims, Hindus, Buddhists, and so on and so forth.
It's still lurking out there.
And depending on who you read and what evidence you accept, there may or may not be a revival going on out there now.
Ryan Berg, who's one of the best statisticians in following American religion right now, suggests there's a small revival growing.
One of the things Mike Allen and I did in Patriots History was we're the only book out there to deal with the Azusa Street revival in the early 1900s to mention Billy Graham and Oral Roberts.
I dare you to find Oral Roberts in any other book on American history.
But what has also changed, Steve, is not just the immigration, but it has been the speed.
I keep coming back to this, the speed with which our modern society moves.
And Gene Twangy, who does a lot of research on generations, finds a massive generational gap starting right after the introduction of the iPhone and just stratospheric increases in loneliness, in ideation of self-harm, in suicide, all that kind of stuff.
So we have seen a shocking shift in the communication structure and the entire culture of communications since really the year 2000.
And really, only Donald Trump has figured out how to navigate those waters.
That's why I keep saying he's so far ahead of all of these other guys, they don't even know what lake they are playing in, let alone trying to swim in it.
Are you concerned, particularly when you talk about technology and technological change accelerating at an accelerating rate?
Are you concerned, like we are here at the world, we're pretty open about this concept called the singularity, not just about artificial intelligence, but the kind of the convergence of advanced chip design and quantum computing and CRISPR, biotechnology, regenerative robotics, and artificial general intelligence, superintelligence, the conversion of that in this concept we call the singularity, which on this side of that point is Homo sapiens and on the other side of that point is Homo sapien 2.0.
Are you as concerned about that?
And do you think that changes the entire, is that a line we're crossed that everything beforehand, Larry Shriker would say, this is human history or Homo sapien history.
You know, I joke that there are three ways the AI thing can play out.
One is Skynet.
The computers can get so smart that they just nuke us.
Number two is Matrix.
We could already be in it, and you and I are just having a conversation that's meaningless because the machine's already controlling us.
And then the third option that I don't see discussed very often is that the computers get so smart they realize they aren't God.
And at that point, they begin to self-limit and self-not destruct, but I don't know, self-regulate to the point that they begin to understand that they are only servants of humans and not the master.
Who knows where all this goes?
One thing is sure.
AI is here in various forms.
It's accelerating it at light speed.
Norway just changed its entire energy structure in order to accommodate Bill Gates, a $6 billion AI plant that's going to be built in Norway.
And I think Trump gets AI.
I think he's left everybody else in the dirt with understanding that AI is here, that the U.S. has to control it, and that we have to be dominant in AI, not allow the CHICOMs to dominate us with AI.
And then what isn't being talked about, Steve, and you can probably lead the way on this because you know so many more people, we have drastic energy needs that are going to come with AI.
Hence, you see yesterday truth merged with fusion.
I forget what day that was, a few days ago.
Truth merged with fusion.
So you've got the first real investment in major fusion technology that may go somewhere because it's not relying on radioactive stuff, but boron.
And then the other big, big issue that no one is talking about is water.
You're going to have to have water to power all these massive data centers.
A couple of states are already starting to look at, well, you're going to have to be able to dig your own wells or whatnot before you can put in a data center.
Who knows where that goes?
But these are the issues that are now confronting the next quarter century here.
And AI is right at the top, ethically, morally, and economically.
Do you think that we don't have enough control of technology, that technological change?
I mean, you just mentioned about the historian that's gone back or the researcher has done all this data and sees a clear line of demarcation because I've read his stuff.
It's amazing.
The clear line of demarcation in our recent past is really the promulgation of the iPhone.
And you see all these problems, particularly with that young generation that had it.
It's one of the reasons we're fighting for AI regulation so hard about how these companies and how the technology is going to interface with children.
But do you believe as a historian that as you see this, that you're having a very tough time with institutions and structures that were really built for something closer to the road closer to the writing of the Constitution than it is for the Homo sapien 2.0 having an institutional problem coming to grips with this?
And I'll just go back to what I was saying earlier about Congress.
Congress is on the verge of being structurally irrelevant.
They're getting to the point where they cannot remotely move fast enough to deal with today's problems.
And that's why Trump has issued so many executive orders.
And it's only going to continue because they can't even begin to get a hold with legislating what he's already put in place through executive orders.
Now, the one concern that many people raise is, well, what happens if we get a Democrat president, which I'm skeptical that's going to happen.
I think this, hang on, I think maybe the current Democrat Party is going extinct the way the Federalists and the Whigs were going extinct.
People say, oh, that can't happen, but they don't understand.
They're looking at it from the perspective it hasn't happened in their lifetime.
But we have seen the Dixiecrats go extinct.
We saw the Progressive Party of TR go extinct.
And the Democrats, as they are now structured, are in deep doo-doo, very serious straits, because they are on the wrong side of all of these issues, but particularly AI, because they cannot come to grips with the additional power needs of AI, which they oppose because they're green, and the water needs of AI, which they oppose because they don't want to have private companies setting up desalinization plants.
So it's a big problem for the current Democrat Party, and it's a big problem for Congress, because I don't think the structures in Congress exist, and I'm including the Senate, exist to even remotely keep up with what Trump is doing, let alone to fashion policy on their own.
Larry, just let's go through the books you've got coming out.
I want to cover some of them for pre-order, where your site is, how people get more information about you.
You've obviously, you're a big hit with this audience, and we want to make sure we're trying to give people access to some of the best writers and thinkers of our time, particularly people that are aligned with MAGA, sir.
Well, first of all, again, if you want the free chapters, the updated chapters for Patriots History of the United States, email me at Larry at wildworldofistory.com, and we will send you PDFs of the new chapter 23 and chapter 24.
Second, I have an incredible number of videos on all sorts of historical topics from Napoleon to the Battle of Malta to the Crusades to Prohibition on my Wild World of History website and my VIP subscription.
You can get up to 60 hours of historical videos there.
Wild World of Politics, if you're more interested in politics than homeschooling and history, go over to the Wild World of Politics.
I have today's news I put out three days a week out of the wild world of politics and a commentary I usually put out three days a week.
The newest book will be America in the 21st Century.
It comes out in February, and it's already doing nice in pre-orders.
But then I was talking with the same publisher about getting a book out for the 250th anniversary of the United States.
And we will have a book out around Father's Day.
I don't have a cover for you yet, called American Biography, a look at America's history through the lives of between 97 and 100 prominent Americans who are linked to each other like six degrees of separation.
It's really, really quite amazing writing this.
And that'll be available in June.
So I'm touring next year through all sorts of homeschool conventions, making speeches around the country.
Check my website, Wild World of History, and you can get the full schedule there.
I want to go to the homeschool because now it's shown that the SATs are higher.
I know a number of people have gone from where the kids were never even in public schools, but they were in private schools.
Then they went to kind of classical Christian.
That wasn't good enough.
And they went to homeschooling and they're really happy and only happy in the homeschool situation.
And part of the reason they've got access to great teaching materials from people like yourselves, why is it that the homeschool community has kind of embraced you and your teaching of American history?