Aug. 27, 2025 - Bannon's War Room
48:35
Participants
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| Speaker | Time | Text |
|---|---|---|
| This is the primal scream of a dying regime. | ||
|
unidentified
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Pray for our enemies because we're going medieval on these people. | |
| Here's not got a free shot. | ||
| All these networks lying about the people. | ||
| The people have had a belly full of it. | ||
| I know you're going to like hearing that. | ||
| I know you're trying to do everything in the world to stop that, but you're not going to stop it. | ||
| It's going to happen. | ||
| And where do people like that go to share the big lie? | ||
| MAGA Media. | ||
| I wish in my soul, I wish that any of these people had a conscience. | ||
| Ask yourself, what is my task and what is my purpose? | ||
| If that answer is to save my country, this country will be saved. | ||
| War Room. | ||
| Here's your host, Stephen K. Bannon. | ||
| It's Wednesday, 27 August in the year of our Lord, 2025. | ||
| Thanks for joining us, Monday. | ||
| We're pretty jammed. | ||
|
unidentified
|
We're going to be talking about institutions today since it seems to be a firestorm over this situation with our central bank, the Federal Reserve, President Trump, one of the governors. | |
| Also, Scott Bessant, our former contributor here on TV this morning, talking about the Fed and the restructuring of the Fed. | ||
| We'll get to all that even more, the institutions. | ||
| We're going to break down some of the moments out of the cabinet meeting yesterday. | ||
| Caroline Redd's going to join me for the first hour. | ||
|
unidentified
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Also, we got Nate Morris, who's kind of running against the McConnell legacy in Kentucky, will join us in the first hour. | |
| The second hour, the Washington Monthly has put out a really amazing, you see these college guys all the time, they put out a totally different type of college guy in a special edition college guide. | ||
|
unidentified
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We're going to have the team to put it together on in the second hour. | |
| I think it's kind of a populist guide to colleges about how to get the most bang for the bucket. | ||
|
unidentified
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Anyways, very fascinating. | |
| We'll have those on. | ||
|
unidentified
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Edward of Bolsonaro will join us, John Solomon on the second hour. | |
| So we've got a lot to get through today. | ||
| I want to thank Caroline. | ||
|
unidentified
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I'll bring her up in a moment. | |
| I want to start with Natalie Allison over at the Washington Post. | ||
| Fascinating piece that came out yesterday, really on the coalition, as we keep talking about it. | ||
|
unidentified
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And this gets to the redistricting and the big fight in 2026. | |
| The Democrats have hinted to this morning, I think, something that's quite fascinating. | ||
|
unidentified
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I'll ask Caroline about this later. | |
| They're actually thinking of having a mini convention in the summer prior to the 2026 midterm. | ||
| And so you see the firestorm out in California. | ||
| We'll have more on that later in the show. | ||
| What's happening in Texas and also now it looks like the plan on the redistricting taking much more, becoming more real. | ||
|
unidentified
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As we talk about Florida's releasing maps, guys in Ohio are talking about two seats, so we'll get to all that. | |
| Part of this is about coalition, building a coalition and coalition government and building a coalition like we talk about FDR and the folks did back after the Great Depression in 1932 that essentially governed the country, even through the Reagan Revolution, really till Newt Gingrich came along, but governed the country, I don't know, for 80 years. | ||
|
unidentified
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Natalie Allison joins us about the, what is it, the six factions that compose this fractious movement that President Trump's got to hold together. | |
| Natalie, can you just break it down for our audience? | ||
|
unidentified
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What are the, let's start at the top, the 60,000 foot, what are the big groups? | |
| And then we'll talk about the interconnectivity or maybe the lack of interconnectivity of some of the tasks and purposes of your different groups as you break it down, ma'am. | ||
| Yeah, well, thanks for having me on, Steve. | ||
| It's good to be here talking to the War Room posse. | ||
|
unidentified
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You were remiss, though, to mention the latest institution that seems like Trump is brought to heal, that being Cracker Barrel. | |
| So I hope that you'll reserve some time on your show to talk about that today. | ||
| But let's get into this story. | ||
| Basically, you know, this is something that at the post we had been kicking around for a while, this idea of explaining for readers, and these are, you know, the Washington Post readers are not necessarily people who are spending a lot of time taking in conservative media or necessarily all really familiar with what the makeup of today's Republican Party is. | ||
| So we thought it would be a service to our readers to just explain who these groups are, these subgroups within the Republican Party. | ||
| You hear about Republican infighting. | ||
| We saw that a lot with Elon being on the stage so frequently. | ||
|
unidentified
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You know, when Trump, right before inauguration, was getting ready to re-enter office, there was the big fight over the H-1B visas. | |
| And so, like, our readers have taken in a lot of content about Republican infighting, but we were trying to break down who exactly these groups are. | ||
|
unidentified
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And so, of course, we started with the MAGA populace, and you're a figurehead for that group. | |
| And when people think about Trump supporters, this is the group of people they are thinking of. | ||
| This is the group of people who were with Trump from the beginning in many cases in 2016. | ||
| Lots of other subgroups within the Republican Party have come around to Trump or now tolerate Trump, have figured out, you know, what kind of bargain they're going to make with themselves and each other to be okay with Trump. | ||
| But the populace were the ones who were originally there for him. | ||
| And that's the core of Trump's base right now. | ||
|
unidentified
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So we mentioned people like you, like Marjorie Taylor Greene, like JD Vance, who, of course, is trying to project himself as a key populist figure going into 2028. | |
| He, of course, has leaned into his working class roots as he's told his story on the national political stage. | ||
|
unidentified
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But this is a group of people that, you know, are more likely to support tariffs. | |
| And these are the people who are more likely to oppose high-skilled immigration being okayed and are upset that Trump has suggested that we're going to carve out exceptions for hotel workers and farm workers. | ||
| These are the people who stand out for hours waiting to see Trump at a rally. | ||
| So that's the first group. | ||
|
unidentified
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And do you want to go into the others? | |
| Do you want to talk about the big picture of these factions? | ||
|
unidentified
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Yeah, no, no, no. | |
| Let's go to the second because I think you lay it out, particularly for your readers who don't watch War Room or maybe not go to the Jack Pesobic podcast or Real America's Voice or read some of the blogs that are right-wing. | ||
| I think what's fascinating is that you lay out the case of kind of the populace, right? | ||
| And you're saying most of your readers think that's all the Trump thing is. | ||
| I want to go through the other groups because you realize as you go through it, as you describe it, which I think is quite accurate, there's certain aspects of the Venn diagram that does not overlap, right? | ||
| And that would get to be the coalition of how you keep it together, particularly as you get into the legislation and you get into policies and executive orders and all that. | ||
|
unidentified
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So why don't you go so the populist kind of nationalists are what people think is the core group you've laid out. | |
| Then take us through the other five factions of this fractious coalition. | ||
|
unidentified
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Yeah, and to be clear, so there are groups that don't overlap, and there are groups that do overlap. | |
| You know, it's imperfect to put everyone in a very clean box. | ||
|
unidentified
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JD Vance, for example, is someone who is also really associated with the tech right. | |
| We'll get into that group later. | ||
| Lindsey Graham, we know, is somebody who is through and through a traditional Republican, but has really been a key ally for the religious right in introducing anti-abortion legislation. | ||
|
unidentified
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So let's get that out of the way, too. | |
| But the next group is what we would call the traditional Republicans. | ||
| This is the Jon Thune, Lindsey Graham, Glenn Yunken types, the people who are the old Chamber of Commerce type of Republicans that were pre-Trump, really, they were the dominant force in the party, of course, for many years. | ||
|
unidentified
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And a lot of MAGA people, you know, you guys like to say sometimes, not you necessarily, but people like to say that they're irrelevant and that this wing of the party is dead. | |
| We can see that they're still getting a number of things done that they want. | ||
| They, you know, obviously have been very opposed to the rise of pro-labor sentiment in the Republican Party, and they've tried to shut that down, and they've had some success with that. | ||
| This is obviously where many of the donors for many years in the party have lived, and we're seeing that changing to some extent. | ||
| But by and large, this is still a really relevant group. | ||
| Thune being the leader of the Senate, of course, demonstrates that. | ||
| The next group we'll get into is sort of the old Tea Party fiscal hawk, libertarian street group. | ||
| We list Ted Cruz, Ron DeSantis, Ron Paul as examples of that. | ||
| So, you know, some of these people have different interests. | ||
| People like Ron Paul are more on the libertarian side of that. | ||
|
unidentified
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But these are the people who really care more than anything about small government, fiscal responsibility, cutting the deficit, cutting the debt. | |
| And a number of these people, Ron Paul and Thomas Massey, of course, included, have really come under fire from President Trump for not going along with everything the president wants in his agenda. | ||
| And you see Thomas Massey speaking out, not just on fiscal matters, but of course, with the flag-burning order that Trump is signing. | ||
|
unidentified
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And of course, he also has been very outspoken, along with a number of the MAGA populists about Epstein. | |
| But a lot of squeaky wheels in this group. | ||
| And Ron DeSantis, before he became the governor of Florida, he sort of tried to make a name for himself in Congress as someone in the Tea Party, as a founding member of the House Freedom Caucus. | ||
| Another group that is sort of another one of these traditional last several decades Republican groups is the religious right. | ||
|
unidentified
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And they had their big moment in Trump's first term. | |
| Trump gave them a lot of credit for helping get him elected, getting evangelicals on board with Trump when a lot of others in the party weren't. | ||
| But right now, they're not quite as relevant. | ||
| They're still getting what they need to from Trump. | ||
|
unidentified
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They unsuccessfully tried to keep the party platform really anti-abortion and calling for a national abortion ban and a human life amendment. | |
| And they didn't succeed with that last year. | ||
| And people like Tony Perkins and Marjorie Danenfelder tried to get Trump to embrace calling for a national abortion ban and other Republicans in the Republican primary last year to do that. | ||
|
unidentified
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And they didn't have much luck there. | |
| And so their influence certainly seems to have waned in some ways, but they're still having a lot of success. | ||
| Obviously, the Dobbs decision was a huge victory for them and really what they had been working for for many years. | ||
| And so in a lot of ways, they have what they need right now. | ||
|
unidentified
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The tech right, this is one of, so this is one of the two sort of newer factions of the Republican Party that's complicating things. | |
| Elon, of course, was a big part of that, and it's a little murky what exactly his role will be with the Republican Party specifically going into 2028. | ||
| But people like Mark Andreessen, people like David Sachs, who are these big names in Silicon Valley, obviously numbers-wise in Silicon Valley, it's still largely for the Democrats. | ||
| But these people have been very outspoken in favor of Trump and in favor of Trump embracing things like crypto and digital currency and calling on less intense regulation on AI and more freedom to innovate in AI in a way that others in the party have been very reluctant to do. | ||
|
unidentified
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They've, of course, clashed with the number of the populist over the issue of high-skill immigration and whether the country should be letting in These students and these workers from other countries to come in on these high school visas. | |
| And then the last category we have, like the tech right, sort of newer to this Trump coalition, particularly in 2024. | ||
| The tech right, you know, we've seen that percolating for some years, but in 2024 specifically, we saw a number of these former Democrats associated with Bobby Kennedy and then people like Tulsi Gabbard who said that they were part of the Maha movement. | ||
| They were brought into Trump's movement because they were really impressed with Kennedy endorsing Trump and becoming part of his coalition. | ||
| They joined. | ||
| And we saw people like who were doing it because they were fed up with vaccine requirements and they wanted to get chemicals out of food and things like that. | ||
| But then we saw other people, other Democrats, people like Dave Portnoy and people like Joe Rogan, who aren't necessarily signing up to be part of this movement long term, but said, you know, Trump's the better bet. | ||
| I was a Democrat for a while, but like this is just common sense. | ||
| And so the question remains of what happens with these people in the midterms in 2028. | ||
| You know, can they be held into this coalition when really they only showed up for Trump? | ||
| Allison, can you hang on? | ||
|
unidentified
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We're going to take a short commercial break. | |
| I want to hold you through because I think this is quite fascinating. | ||
|
unidentified
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And it's a fascinating way to break it down. | |
| And now you see one thing I add to people when I talk about the 1932 coalition of FDR. | ||
| He was around for 14 years. | ||
| That coalition had very liberal professors at Harvard with kind of what I call cracker Southern Democrats who, you know, a lot of them were KKK. | ||
| You had it with big city mayors in like Chicago, et cetera. | ||
| You had the Western farmers. | ||
|
unidentified
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You had Wall Street operators, the Wall Street financiers. | |
| It was a fascinating, it was engagement. | ||
| There was a this group also had what we would call neocons of people that were interventionist, particularly interventionists in what they saw as the storms arising in Europe. | ||
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unidentified
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That coalition, and one of the reasons it stuck together, they had an extraordinary guy, whether you like his politics or not, an extraordinary leader that could tie that together. | |
| But he was around for 14 years or 13 years as the leader of it. | ||
| And they were keeping good order and discipline the entire time when guys like Father Coughlin and some of these guys, Huey Long, got out of line, the populist in the 1930s when they didn't think they needed him anymore. | ||
| They got rid of them. | ||
| So quite fascinating. | ||
| The question is going to be, particularly in that core group of number two, three, four, and five, the traditional Republicans, the old Tea Party or Limited Government, where I call the Limerick government, Republicans, the traditional religious right, and the tech right, the new tech bros. | ||
| Are they in shock of President Trump? | ||
| And I think you saw it yesterday in the cabinet meeting, then the actions, what we're going to talk about, Caroline Run for a lot of the rest of the show, the seizure of these institutions, taking investments in Intel, 10% of Intel, actually, you know, militarizing the police in Washington, D.C., now Chicago, New York. | ||
| Are they going to stick around for that? | ||
| Sure commercial brain, Allison. | ||
| Voice family, are you on Getter yet? | ||
| No. | ||
| What are you waiting for? | ||
| It's free. | ||
|
unidentified
|
It's uncensored, and it's where all the biggest voices in conservative media are speaking out. | |
| Download the Getter app right now. | ||
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| You want to know what Steve Bannon's thinking? | ||
| Go to Getter. | ||
| That's right. | ||
|
unidentified
|
You can follow all of your favorites. | |
| Steve Bannon, Charlie Hurt, Jack the Soviets, and so many more. | ||
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| And it's easy to use because I'm an idiot. | ||
|
unidentified
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I'm a moron and I can use this thing very easily. | |
| Natalie Allison for the Washington Post. | ||
| So, Natalie, I'm going to take your number two block is traditional Republicans, the neoliberal neocons. | ||
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unidentified
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Your number three block is the limited government Republicans, right? | |
| Which I used to call Tiny Towns Ted Cruz DeSantis. | ||
| Your next one is the traditional religious right, the evangelicals, and then you've got the tech bros. | ||
| Okay, so that's for, let's leave the Democrats aside. | ||
| Given what President Trump's done, and folks, this is where we get to the rest of the show. | ||
| Given what he's done over the last couple of weeks, and what I mean by that is breaking the mold of any really previous administration and talking about an assertive kind of right. | ||
| And what I mean by that is like in the Intel situation, Lutnick was very open about this in the cabinet. | ||
| This is not a one-off deal. | ||
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unidentified
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That I think right now, particularly in the defense industry and maybe the tech industry around that, they're looking at taking stakes in these companies, either for government contracts or for potential lending they have to. | |
| So it's direct, and that gets into picking winners and losers and national champions. | ||
| So that's number one. | ||
| Number two, he's going after, as I say in this town, the CIA, the Federal Reserve, and CENTCOM, the three most powerful institutions. | ||
| He's directly challenging the independence of the Federal Reserve by going after the governors and obviously the chairman, but he's trying to restructure the Federal Reserve and bring it under direct control of the White House. | ||
| He's also trying to do that at the Justice Department, right? | ||
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unidentified
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And number three, I think the other big one, he's using what's happening with the federal control of Washington. | |
| It's even stepping up over the last 24 hours, right? | ||
|
unidentified
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Of saying they're going to stay longer than 30 days, guys are going to have guns. | |
| They're looking at both Chicago, New York City, and Los Angeles. | ||
| Given that, how do you think, as you've done your analysis, can you actually hold this coalition together since so many of those traditional, that four other group Republicans, that's anathema to how they think, their ideologies, and how they've come up as people in their different lanes, how they've come up and really been raised as political figures from the beginning of time for them, ma'am. | ||
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unidentified
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Well, you know, the question of holding it together in the midterms is, I think, maybe a different question than the one of can it be held together in the next presidential election? | |
| And that would come down to who's on the ballot. | ||
| And you obviously are someone who has your theories about who is or isn't going to wind up on the ballot. | ||
| But, you know, in terms of holding the coalition together, no, like we're on year 10 of Republican, traditional Republican sensibilities being offended by Trump. | ||
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unidentified
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And, you know, I don't think they're going to sit out the election because Trump is getting a stake in Intel or because he's keeping the National Guard in D.C. longer or because he's going after the Fed or because he's going after more of these law firms and universities. | |
| We've experienced that flurry of action from him for months and everyone has sort of accepted it now. | ||
| And they're biding their time and we're not seeing this uprising within the traditional wing of the Republican Party like we saw in Trump 1 still happening at this point in his first term. | ||
| We're just not seeing that. | ||
| And there's no incentive for these people to push back on it because it doesn't matter. | ||
| They're going to get steamrolled. | ||
| It's not going to go anywhere. | ||
| And so no, I think the coalition holds together in terms of those groups, the traditional Republicans, the Tea Party types, religious right, the people who are going to be voting for a Republican on the ballot no matter what. | ||
| Now, the bigger question, and I think when you have done a really good job of posing ahead of the midterms, is what happens to the MAGA populist? | ||
| Are they going to show up in the midterms? | ||
| And that's the bigger question, I think. | ||
| But these other groups, these more traditional aspects of the Republican Party, the religious right, the Tea Party types, the traditional Republicans. | ||
|
unidentified
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Yeah, I mean, they're going to show up in the midterms. | |
| Now, what happens in 2028? | ||
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unidentified
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Well, who's on the ballot? | |
| Natalie, what kind of response did you get? | ||
| Like I said, most of the readers of the Washington Post don't follow the clips or watch War Room or any of the other blogs or podcasts like ourselves. | ||
| What was the response when you laid this out? | ||
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unidentified
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What response? | |
| Did it get a lot of traction? | ||
| And number two, did you get any feedback? | ||
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unidentified
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Yeah, so it was our most read story on the website for most of yesterday. | |
| People were really eating it up. | ||
| People were subscribing to the Washington Post to read what was in the story because I think people really do want to understand Trump's political movement. | ||
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unidentified
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People have a better idea of it than they did four years ago, but it still is a mystery to maybe half of America who understand that he's popular enough and understand that he brought in groups and voters that the Republican Party has not been able to bring in for a long time. | |
| He became the first Republican since W to win the national popular vote. | ||
|
unidentified
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So people get that, but people, I think, want to know what exactly are these groups of people who are making up the Republican Party? | |
| And what about Trump is it that's bringing them in? | ||
| Because they all have a different idea of what it means to be a Trump reporter. | ||
|
unidentified
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In terms of feedback, yeah, I mean, it was really fascinating. | |
| I was getting emails from readers saying they learned something from this, and this is really informative. | ||
|
unidentified
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And so I think people are just really curious and they're still trying to grasp on how Trump has done it and what it means for the Republican Party in the coming elections, given this is in many ways a pretty fragile alliance. | |
| Natalie, what's your social media? | ||
| How do people follow you and how do they follow your reporting over at the Washington Post? | ||
| Yeah, so I am on ex-Natalie, N-A-T-A-L-I-E underscore Allison. | ||
| And I'm on the Washington Post, WashingtonPost.com. | ||
| You can search my name there and find my stories. | ||
| I'm covering the White House, but I also have spent the last several years covering the MAGA movement, the unsuccessful attempt Republicans took to bring Trump down in the Republican primary and just where the Republican Party is going from here. | ||
| So I'd love to connect with anybody if you have thoughts on what you're reading in the post and what you'd like to see more coverage of. | ||
| She's got the MAGA beat over at the White House for the Washington Post. | ||
| Natalie Allison, thank you so much. | ||
| Brilliant article, and thank you for joining us this morning. | ||
| Appreciate it. | ||
|
unidentified
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Thanks, Steve. | |
| Caroline Wren, observations on this breakdown? | ||
|
unidentified
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Because it's gotten a lot of, and I think it shows you, particularly for the audience, how we talk about this stuff every day and the war and policy and we're deep into this. | |
| But you have to realize that I think right now, people are coming to the conclusion that Trump's just not a passing fad, that it was, we call it the age of Trump, not the era of Trump. | ||
| And so when the Washington Post does something like this, it shows you people are curious because they understand Trump and Trumpism is not going to go away. | ||
| And they're trying to understand what that means in their perspective for the country, their own personal position, whether in power and or monetarily, et cetera. | ||
| So what are your thoughts on this? | ||
| Well, I couldn't read the article because I would rather die than pay money to the Washington Post to read their opinions on, frankly, anything. | ||
| So I can use it if I find a copy for, you know, to help with fire or things like that. | ||
| But just listening to the analysis, I mean, what Trump is famous for and why I love him is that he listens to a wide range of voices and then he makes a decision himself. | ||
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unidentified
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And we obviously have many factions in the MAGA movement, and those factions publicly fight over the future of the party and of our country. | |
| But what I love about this Trump administration is they allow these fights to happen. | ||
| They listen to dissenting voices. | ||
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unidentified
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They take them into account. | |
| For example, I think we should be very, very loud in our opposition to the recent decision by the Trump administration to allow 600,000 Chinese spies back into our universities. | ||
| I know I plan to be very vocal in my opposition to that. | ||
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unidentified
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I think the war room is going to be very vocal. | |
| And the goal is that we hope that we can convince President Trump and his administration to reverse course on that. | ||
| And they do. | ||
| He listens to the base. | ||
| He listens. | ||
| And oftentimes, they will kind of test the boundaries, put out a policy like that, and see how loud the opposition is, which is why it is so important to have groups like the war room to be loud and they will hopefully listen to this feedback. | ||
| And this is a far cry different from the Democrat Party. | ||
| The Democrat Party allows no dissenting voices. | ||
| I mean, they literally canceled their primary in 2024 to anoint Kamala Harris. | ||
| They changed the primary rules to make sure Biden could win. | ||
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unidentified
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And remember, they stole the primary from Bernie Sanders in 2020. | |
| And so, as a result of that, I mean, they are the weakest that they have been since I would argue 1984. | ||
| Now, as far as the factions she laid out, there is one faction that I think is going to define the future of the MAGA movement and what we do about them, and that is big tech. | ||
| Big tech is at odds with every single other faction that she laid out. | ||
| For example, the religious faction. | ||
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unidentified
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Big tech, these guys are atheists. | |
| They believe in no religion. | ||
| They have no spiritual guy. | ||
| They're guided by money and power. | ||
| And so that's going to be a natural fight that happens there. | ||
| Then you could also have the libertarians who she laid out, the Rand Pauls. | ||
| Well, big tech lives and breathes off of government handouts. | ||
| And so they are obviously going to be at odds there. | ||
| And then with the populist movement, I mean, big tech represents everything we are against. | ||
| And by the way, this is not a faction or a coalition. | ||
| You're talking about a handful of billionaires in Silicon Valley that have a way too much influence over our government, over our economy, over the world economy. | ||
| And this is going to be the fight. | ||
| The fight for the heart of the MAGA movement, the fight for the heart of our country is coming. | ||
| And it is against one faction she laid out, and that is big tech. | ||
| Caroline, stick around. | ||
| Well, you're going to be with me for hopefully first time, maybe even a little longer. | ||
| Caroline Ren. | ||
| Caroline, you're back off of your audition for Below Decks. | ||
| We're now, you're back and you're working again. | ||
| I know I thought we had to get you today from the Aegean Sea or something on the remote off of Albania. | ||
|
unidentified
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I keep hearing Albania is the new hotspot or Croatia is the new hotspot there. | |
| So anyway, welcome back. | ||
| We do have Caroline Randall. | ||
| She's back at work. | ||
| Finally. | ||
| We're going to take a short commercial break. | ||
| Nate Morris is going to address. | ||
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unidentified
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I think Nate's actually going to be in the war room. | |
| We're going to talk more about this, this coming fight, maybe even how you hold this coalition together. | ||
|
unidentified
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Short commercial break. | |
| Back in the warm in just a moment. | ||
| Here's your host, Stephen K. Vance. | ||
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| You get the ultimate guide. | ||
| This is totally free, also. | ||
| Ultimate guide on investing in gold and precious metals in the age of Trump. | ||
|
unidentified
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Particularly given the financial turbulence, President Trump is in direct confrontation now with the central bank. | |
| Sarah Hedge got a great piece up, but actually who owns these central banks? | ||
| Remember, we've had a huge problem with the Federal Reserve from the get-go. | ||
|
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Andrew Jackson, remember, the centerpiece of his populist administration was to take down the bank of the United States. | |
| So populists always hate these central banks, the people that run them and what they do with it. | ||
| So make sure you understand why gold has been a hedge against times of financial turbulence for 5,000 years. | ||
| You get this free guide. | ||
|
unidentified
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You can talk to Philip Patrick and the team, birchgold.com. | |
| Promo code Bannon for End of the Dollar Empire, but you can get your brief guide to investing by texting Bannon at 989898 to it today. | ||
| Caroline, here's the thing: there's almost a thousand, the engine room tells almost a thousand comments on the Washington Post story. | ||
| It is in the war, even some of the comments, hey, we know this stuff. | ||
| Yes, this is because the power of the war in posse is that you are the most informed part of a political movement really in history. | ||
|
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The level of detail you know about capital markets, the economy, national security, geopolitics, before they didn't think blue-collar middle-class audiences had any interest in that. | |
| You guys understand it. | ||
| Think about it. | ||
| The Washington Post is supposedly the paper of record for politics, the paper of record of the imperial capital. | ||
| And this article, which you think maybe is pretty rudimentary, is kind of a flat, it's a real, it's a revelatory for the people that are opposed against us. | ||
| Caroline Wren, your thoughts? | ||
| I got Nate Morris. | ||
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We're going to get to Nate here in a moment because he's fighting the fight in the trenches every day against the McConnell machine out in Kentucky. | |
| Your thoughts, ma'am? | ||
| Well, the Washington Compost. | ||
| I think I just, I can't take too seriously what these reporters who just sit in Washington, D.C., New York City, and Los Angeles, and they lecture to us about where they think the movement is going. | ||
| Like these people have absolutely no idea. | ||
| They talk to other political consultants who give their different opinions. | ||
| I mean, yes, of course, obviously every movement has a section of factions of the religious right. | ||
| These to me were obvious things, but I do think we should be having these discussions, though, on how do these factions come together and what are we all working towards? | ||
| And again, I believe that all the factions that she lays out, you know, in the segment before I came on, the unifying part of all of them should be the threat of big tech. | ||
| I mean, I understand that AI is coming, but what nobody is doing on either party is talking to the American people and explaining that, hey, millions of jobs in the heart of our country are about to go away, be wiped out. | ||
| It is happening right now. | ||
| And the future of, I think, both political parties is going to be defined by this. | ||
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And frankly, Steve, you've been one of the only people willing to talk about it. | |
| And Natalie mentioned in her segment, she said, you know, a good example of the breaking factions is Joe Rogan and Dave Portnoy, who are kind of online podcast folks. | ||
| Personally, I am concerned about Tim Dylan. | ||
| And for those of you, if you don't, if you listen to Tim Dylan, he's a comedian who's also fairly political. | ||
| He wasn't that political before, but became a vocal Trump supporter. | ||
| Over the last year, he, I think, is laying out some very real concerns that Trump supporters should have, even of our own administration. | ||
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And they are all centralized around the threat of big tech, the amount of power that we're giving to Palantir. | |
| And then he also talks about Israel being a big concern. | ||
| Look, even myself, I was an unapologetic supporter of Israel. | ||
| In fact, I was recruited on campus by APAC to visit on one of their indoctrination trips that people have talked about here. | ||
| I went on that. | ||
| I then went to Israel, I think, probably 10 times over the last 15 years. | ||
| And it wasn't until the last year on your show and voices like Tucker Carlson and Tim Dylan that made me completely rethink why do I have this unwavering support of Israel? | ||
| This is kind of bizarre and is not America first. | ||
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This is why the factions fighting and having these public discussions and debates is so important. | |
| I have completely moved on my opinions on that issue, but that is because of really strong debates that have happened in our party and that we allow it to happen. | ||
| So, you know, I think that we are still unified behind Trump. | ||
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I think all these factions, 98% of things we agree on, but big tech, they are the ones that we need to unify against. | |
| Caroline, hang on. | ||
| You're going to be with me riding shotgun here for a while. | ||
| Nate Morris, Nate, you're running in a very tough primary against really one of the most, when they break down these groups, really group number two, the number two power group, what they call the traditional Republicans, is really the party of Mitch McConnell. | ||
| This is where he's helped build this neoliberal neocon. | ||
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They still have tremendous power in Washington, D.C., and particularly in the United States Senate, where they kind of run the deal. | |
| Tell us about your campaign. | ||
| Are you getting any traction? | ||
| Because, you know, as the MAGA movement and the populist nationalist right despise Mitch McConnell, he has built up a tremendous political machine in Kentucky, and he's got a lot of acolytes there, sir. | ||
| Yeah, Steve, as you know, I got in this race because I saw two career politicians and two people in the race that were solely loyal to Mitch McConnell, and they would be a repeat of Mitch McConnell. | ||
| And I said, we cannot have this. | ||
| And Steve, I've never run for office before. | ||
| I'm not a career politician. | ||
| I'm a business guy. | ||
| I built a business, took it public. | ||
| And I said, I got to get in this race because we do not have an America first candidate. | ||
| And we'd get more of the same with these two guys that are running. | ||
| And Steve, as you know, Mitch is pulling out every stop he can. | ||
| We just learned about a week or so ago that my two opponents were actually colluding together to create a super PAC to take us out. | ||
| And guess who was funding it, Steve? | ||
| It was Mitch McConnell. | ||
| Mitch McConnell was going to drive all this money to come after us because we are the first candidate to contrast his record and to show all the things that he's done to President Trump, from blaming him for January 6th to doing all the stuff behind the scenes that he's done, all the money that he's pumped into Ukraine. | ||
|
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We are fighting against all this. | |
| And Steve, what I'm so excited about is when I travel Kentucky, the grassroots, we are fired up. | ||
| And we are excited about taking back this seat and giving it to the people once and for all. | ||
| Mitch McConnell's been there for 40 years and he's trying to live another 40 through one of his two puppets and we can't let that happen in Kentucky. | ||
| And that's what this campaign's all about, Steve. | ||
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This is what I think, if you can help explain to the audience, the disconnect. | |
| And this actually gets back to this article in the Post, because I would argue what Natalie lays out is there is still a power structure that we really haven't moved that far off the dime with in the rise of President Trump, and we're burning daylight to do it. | ||
| In Kentucky, you've got one of the most powerful MAGA movements of people that support President Trump, you know, just die-hard Trump supporters. | ||
| You've also got Mitch McConnell, which you said on his policies are diametrically opposed. | ||
| Plus, he personally, the vindictiveness that Mitch McConnell's had against the president is legendary inside the Capitol. | ||
| And half of those stories aren't even known to the public, but it's just been vicious of Mitch McConnell leading. | ||
| This is one of the reasons we detest him. | ||
|
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But how does that get translated in when you got a political machine? | |
| And particularly, it's a national campaign because this is Mitch McConnell's legacy. | ||
| All he's got is the legacy that he had from the Senate. | ||
|
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He's got every donor, every big donor, all the corporatists. | |
| He's got all the globalists. | ||
| They're going to sit there and just fight you to the end over that legacy. | ||
| So how, what's your battle plan of how you beat these guys when they have the advantage of a political apparatus and the money? | ||
| Well, Steve, there's only one way to handle Mitch McConnell's machine, and that's absolute brute force. | ||
| And that's why we've been so aggressive in this campaign. | ||
| Steve, as you know, we went up on air several weeks ago, and I think the people of Kentucky are so excited about a choice, finally, that we can get away from these two puppets that Mitch was trying to jam into Kentucky so his cronies, his lobbyists, could get a second life after his term is up. | ||
| And that's what this candidacy is all about. | ||
| And Steve, we're going to need every bit of the grassroots to fight it because they're throwing all kinds of money. | ||
| They're colluding on the super PAC, as I told you about, and they're not going to go quietly. | ||
| And we are rupturing the establishment. | ||
| And Steve, we are going to disassemble Mitch McConnell's establishment brick by brick in this campaign and finally showcase that we can have a candidate that stands with President Trump, that stands with the America First agenda, and is not there just to hold power for the next 40 years like Mitch McConnell and his puppets would do. | ||
| But it's going to be a dogfight, Steve. | ||
| And the only way to handle it is to get very, very aggressive. | ||
| And we know they're going to come at us. | ||
| I mean, Mitch McConnell's already starting to attack me. | ||
| I mean, he's called every activist, every donor, every person in Kentucky that has an impact on this race to say, stay away from this campaign. | ||
| And the grassroots are not going to have it. | ||
| And our people are not going to have it because they know that this is the only way we're going to bring changes. | ||
| We've got to fight it. | ||
| And I'm willing to fight for every Kentuckian to bring something new and to bring a breath of fresh air and to get rid of these Mitch puppets once and for all. | ||
|
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Where do people go? | |
| People that want to find out more about you, more about where you stand on this, and particularly how they can assist, because this primary will be the, this and Texas will be the two national primaries for the Republican Party, Cornyn versus our guy, our great Attorney General Paxon down there for the Senate and what's happening in Kentucky. | ||
| So where do people go to find out more about you? | ||
| Social media, the website, the campaign, because right now people got to get on top of this because we're burning daylight and this is a big one. | ||
| If you're a Trump supporter and you've been offended by how Mitch McConnell has been so viciously, not just dismissive of the president, but behind the scenes, just knifed him every opportunity. | ||
| And then you take the policies, right, these out-of-control policies, everything's for the big corporations, the entire Ukraine fiasco that we finally defeated McConnell on. | ||
| That's when he had to step down for leadership. | ||
| If you're a MAGA supporter throughout the nation, this is your race. | ||
| The Texas race and this race are, and the reason Texas is big, because Cornyn is one of Mitch McConnell's guys, right, in Paxson's grassroots. | ||
| So this is where the grassroots are going to have two great shots, and you're not going to have a better shot than right here in Kentucky. | ||
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So where do they go, Nate? | |
| Where do people go to find everything? | ||
| And if they want to sign up, if they want to support you, if they want to come out and see, you know, go to a rally, if they want to have financial support, where do they go? | ||
|
unidentified
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Sure. | |
| Thank you, Steve. | ||
| As you know, this is a fight against the Uniparty, the deep state. | ||
|
unidentified
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Come and see me at NateMorris.com. | |
| Come be part of this movement. | ||
|
unidentified
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We need all the help we can get. | |
| Get involved in this campaign. | ||
| Contribute to this campaign. | ||
| Find us on X at Nate Morris. | ||
| But we are going to finally, as President Trump said, rid the stench of Mitch out of Kentucky once and for all. | ||
| And we're going to do it right here with you guys on Election Day. | ||
| So thank you so much, Steve, for having me on. | ||
| Anytime you get an open invitation, people are fascinated by this race, fascinated by you. | ||
| They understand you've got a tough hill to climb. | ||
|
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But as we say in the war room, these are fights that matter, right? | |
| This is a fight that matters. | ||
| Nate Morris, thank you so much for dropping by the war room today. | ||
| Thank you, Steve. | ||
| Caroline, we got a minute. | ||
| Tell the audience, a guy like Nate Morris, when you take on Mitch McConnell in that apparatus, how tough a fight is that, ma'am? | ||
|
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Well, it's a very tough fight, and this comes back to the money always. | |
| And Senate Leadership Fund was the super PAC that Mitch McConnell and Stephen Lawless ran. | ||
| Now that super PAC has been handed over to hopefully Trump. | ||
| It's supposed to be Trump run now, but I have my own concerns with it. | ||
| That PAC is actually spending tens of millions of dollars to support John Cornyn. | ||
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And so I always like to follow the money. | |
| So when it comes to Nate Morris's race, I like everything that I just heard on your show, but I want to see who are the donors that are supporting him, who are the donors that are supporting his opponents, what are these establishment super PACs doing? | ||
| And then I want to probably support the opposite of that. | ||
| So I think that I want to watch these primaries play out, see where President Trump comes in on it. | ||
| I do know there are two, the two candidates Nate Morris was referencing as his opponents are absolutely McConnell-back candidates. | ||
| And Mitch McConnell absolutely hates Nate Morris. | ||
| And so that means he's probably the best candidate in that race. | ||
| Hang on for one second. | ||
| We're going to take a short commercial break. | ||
| We're going to be back. | ||
| Seize the institutions is the watchword. | ||
| President Trump's doing it. | ||
| Back to the warm in just a moment. | ||
| The threats we heard today against Chris Christie and some of former President Biden's aides. | ||
| What are we looking at here? | ||
| Well, look, you know, John Bolton was one of many people who predicted what he called a retribution presidency. | ||
| Donald Trump was one of the other people who predicted a retribution presidency. | ||
| He wasn't hiding this agenda stuff. | ||
| He was very clear on the campaign trail in 2024. | ||
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And since he's returned to office, he is all about revenge, retribution. | |
| And what strikes me is that he is feeling enough of a power rush that he's not really even trying to hide this agenda at this point anymore, nor are many of his advisors. | ||
| Kash Patel, his FBI director, swore under oath during his confirmation hearing in January. | ||
| Oh, no, we don't have an enemies list. | ||
| Oh, no, I would never, ever allow the FBI to be used as a target of retribution. | ||
|
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And here we are just a few months later, and Chris Christie says something that Donald Trump doesn't like on television. | |
| And Trump immediately responds, he should be investigated using the powers of the Federal Justice Department. | ||
| And, you know, again, he's blatant about the linkage in a way that I think is concerning, especially at a moment when he is seeking to essentially militarize America's cities. | ||
| This notion, a new executive order today says that he's going to call out troops or use the National Guard to quell disturbances that do not exist. | ||
| I am a resident of the District of Columbia. | ||
| There is no civil disturbance in the District of Columbia. | ||
| And I just, you have to wonder, you know, is there any institution left that can put a meaningful legal check on Donald Trump tonight? | ||
| This is why I say we have to seize the institutions now. | ||
| They are out of power and they know the smart ones know they're out of power. | ||
|
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We control both houses of Congress. | |
| We control the legislature. | ||
| We control the executive branch. | ||
| We control the courts. | ||
| Governor Hochul, Kathy Hochle, said that she spoke to you on the phone and you said you might send National Guard troops to New York. | ||
| You mentioned that. | ||
| So will you? | ||
| I'd love to do it. | ||
| If she'd like, I get along with Kathy. | ||
| If she'd like to do that, I would do it. | ||
| That's an important crime. | ||
| For a lot of victims like myself, a big concern is long-term sustainability. | ||
| Can we share with the American public about your plan in ensuring that DC is safe in the long-term term? | ||
| Well, it's a great question. | ||
| Number one, we want to stay there for longer than 30 days. | ||
| As you know, we have an absolute mandate and I can extend it, but I'd rather not have to declare a national emergency because by that time, I mean, right now there's not an emergency. | ||
| We've done, as you sort of said yourself, it feels like a different world. | ||
|
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And today, the Fed governor, Lisa Cook, says she is fighting Trump's attempt to fire her. | |
| Cook says Trump has no authority to remove her and she will not resign. | ||
| Her attorney, Abby Lowell, says they will sue because the firing lacks any factual or legal basis. | ||
| But the Wall Street Journal reports that Donald Trump wants to move fast in naming someone to take her spot on the Fed's board. | ||
| The journal says two potential candidates are White House economic advisor Stephen Mirin and former World Bank Group president David Malpass. | ||
|
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NBC News has not confirmed this. | |
| It seems to have had an infraction and she can't have an infraction, especially that infraction because she's in charge of, if you think about it, mortgages and we need people that are 100% above board and it doesn't seem like she was. | ||
| But tonight, Cook says she'll sue to keep her job, writing, President Trump purported to fire me for cause when no cause exists under the law and he has no authority to do so. | ||
| I will not resign. | ||
| Burn it down. | ||
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They're just anti-institutionalists. | |
| You know, Alex Wagner, we're the ones that protect the institutions. | ||
| No, Alex, we're grabbing the institutions and taking power. | ||
|
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As the American people, the way our constitutional system works, gave President Trump the authority to do. | |
| So we're going to deconstruct the administrative state. | ||
| We're going to purge the deep state and the executive branch. | ||
| We're going to take over the Senate. | ||
| And we control the House already. | ||
| Oh, by the way, the judiciary. | ||
| You're not going to get your judges through. | ||
| They're all going to be Trump judges. | ||
| I want you to, you're all in the fetal position, so I'm going to give you something really to suck your thumbs about. | ||
| We are in charge. | ||
| Okay? | ||
| The American people have spoken. | ||
| In a statement, the Fed acknowledged Cook's lawsuit fighting Trump's move and says it will abide by any court decision. | ||
| But I want to make something abundantly clear. | ||
| The president wants you to think he is trying to fire Lisa Cook because of alleged mortgage fraud. | ||
| This is not about mortgage fraud. | ||
| He has been trashing the Fed decisions for months now because he wants rates to be lower, because he wants equity prices to soar. | ||
| This is not about mortgage fraud. | ||
| Just like sending National Guard troops to Washington, D.C. and potentially other cities is not really about spikes in crime. | ||
| Just like attacking universities and forcing big payouts is not really about fighting and stopping anti-Semitism. | ||
| Just like punishing law firms who work for people Trump doesn't like is not about diversity, equity, and inclusion. | ||
| There's a very clear theme here. | ||
| This is all about control and finding as many ways as possible to amass as much power as possible in the presidency. | ||
| That is what this is about. | ||
| When you seize the institutions, let's seize them. | ||
| This is what the left did. | ||
| This is why the country is in such a bad shape. | ||
| This is why the Republican Party for years has been the controlled opposition. | ||
|
unidentified
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This rot in our institution, you think it just occurred overnight? | |
| Decade after decade after decade, tapping it along. | ||
| Okay, the lead story in Axios right now is President Trump seizes the institutions. | ||
| We told you that was coming, and now it's a full meltdown. | ||
| Scott Besson, pretty safe pair of hands there. | ||
| Scott Besson just, I think it was on Fox Business, said they ought to prosecute Lisa Cook, the governor of the Federal Reserve. | ||
| It's happening over the Federal Reserve. | ||
| They're going to be in court on that. | ||
| Dave Weigel, the great Dave Weigel at Semaphore, breaking a big story, the lead story over at Semaphore. | ||
| Wait for it. | ||
|
unidentified
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Republican voters now, 5347, support President Trump running for a third term. | |
| I kid you not. | ||
| Told you this day was coming. | ||
| Of course. | ||
| That's how we're connecting Natalie Allison's fractious coalition to what's happening now. | ||
| Caroline Renoff talked her in for staying at least for part of the next block. | ||
| Want to talk about Bill Gates. | ||
|
unidentified
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Want to talk about Arabella, the dark money sources for the left. | |
| Also, the seizing of the institutions. | ||
| And we're very honored. | ||
| We're going to have the Washington Monthly here, I think, on the most unique guide to colleges that has ever been published. | ||
| Also, Edward Bolsonaro, his father, it's getting darker and darker in Brazil for President Bolsonaro. | ||
| And we're going to get a big update on all of the how we're driving the Russia hoax into federal court. | ||
| John Solomon's going to be here about James Comey. | ||
| Short commercial break. | ||
| Back in the war room. |
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