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This is what you're fighting for. | ||
unidentified
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I mean, every day you're out there. | |
What they're doing is blowing people off. | ||
If you continue to look the other way and shut up, then the oppressors, the authoritarians, get total control and total power. | ||
Because this is just like in Arizona. | ||
This is just like in Georgia. | ||
It's another element that backs them into a corner and shows their lies and misrepresentations. | ||
unidentified
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This is why this audience is going to have to get engaged. | |
As we've told you, this is the fight. | ||
unidentified
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All this nonsense, all this spin, they can't handle the truth. | |
War Room, Battleground. | ||
Here's your host, Stephen K. Bannon. | ||
Good morning, and thank you for the honor and privilege of permitting me to testify today in my personal capacity. | ||
The current Cold War with the Chinese Communist Party is multifaceted and fought thus far short of kinetic war, but in all other domains, including the economic, diplomatic, and political. | ||
Given the focus of this committee and topic of this hearing, it's important to understand the similarities between this Cold War and the one fought with the Soviet Union. | ||
The most salient is that the motivation for aggression remains the same, the communist ideology of the Soviet Union in the past and of the CCP today. | ||
The impact of the ideology of communism and its role in driving the PRC's aggression is essential for this committee to comprehend. | ||
Communism is a Western ideology imported into China and is not part of Chinese civilization, political culture, or political history. | ||
But its effect on China has been profound and created a swath of destruction through that country. | ||
It has intentionally destroyed the pillars of Chinese culture, society, and civilization, and killed scores of millions of Chinese. | ||
Understanding the CCP's ideology provides Congress and federal departments and agencies three major insights into the PRC's behavior. | ||
First, it allows them to comprehend why the PRC is inherently aggressive. | ||
Communism seeks to force societies like China's into an ideological Procrustean bed defined by Marxism-Leninism. | ||
In addition, communism requires aggression. | ||
including unrestricted warfare against non-communist states. | ||
The effect on U.S. | ||
national security interest could not be more significant as this explains the CCP's aggression against the U.S. | ||
In the CCP's worldview, the U.S. | ||
is the fundamental enemy to be destroyed. | ||
The second insight is that the CCP is a product of Soviet imperialism. | ||
The Soviets and the Communist International played a dominant role in organizing, instructing, and in almost every sense that matters, de facto leading the CCP. | ||
The role of Soviet Communist thought is essential for comprehending the actions of the CCP, And it provided the foundation for what's known as Maoism, or more recently, Xi Jinping's thought on socialism with Chinese characteristics for a new era. | ||
The third insight is that the CCP is illegitimate. | ||
It is so for three reasons. | ||
First, precisely because they were formed and nurtured by the Communist International, and the CCP's seizure of power in 1949 was made possible by Stalin and the Red Army. | ||
Second, they seek to sustain the tyranny of the failed ideology of communism on the Chinese people, when this ideology should be thought of for what it is, an illegitimate polity for China and the last surviving form of Western colonialism. | ||
The CCP cannot hide the fact that it's a product of Soviet imperialism. | ||
Third, the CCP is illegitimate because of its abhorrent leadership, which has accelerated under the misrule of General Secretary Xi Jinping. | ||
Seventy years of the CCP's tyranny have led to the recognition by the Chinese people that the odious, corrupt, and illegitimate regime rules for itself, not for the Chinese people. | ||
I offer in my written testimony eight detailed recommendations for Congress. | ||
Here I only mention their unifying theme. | ||
That is, given their august past, the Chinese people naturally possess a profound sense of pride in their civilization and its great accomplishments. | ||
They rightfully perceive themselves to occupy a unique place in the world that has excelled in every aspect, including literature, philosophy, art, religion, and technology. | ||
Accordingly, the Chinese people have their own ideas about how to govern China, based on their glorious past and exalted history. | ||
Being ruled by a Soviet knock-off ideology is not part of the plan, nor should it be. | ||
This insight introduces tremendous vulnerability for the Chinese Communist Party, as their ideology is anchored and remains dependent upon that Western ideology of Marxism-Leninism. | ||
Thus, to move to a better future for the Chinese people begins by recognizing that the CCP is illegitimate and has no right to rule them. | ||
In conclusion, the U.S. | ||
is now in a new Cold War. | ||
The Sino-American security competition is the great struggle of the 21st century and promises to resolve the century's dispositive question, whether the world will be free and protected by the United States and its allies, or fall into a totalitarian abyss as sought by the CCP. | ||
The 20th century encountered the same question, And freedom defeated communism. | ||
Today, the answer to this question, will freedom or tyranny define the 21st century, will be answered by Congress, the administration, U.S. | ||
allies and partners, and ultimately the American people. | ||
Good afternoon. | ||
Welcome. | ||
I'm Brad Thayer. | ||
It's September 25th, 2024. | ||
Steve Bannon should be here, but next man up until he returns to the seat. | ||
I had the honor and privilege of testifying to Chairman Comer's House Oversight and Accountability Committee yesterday, and we had a lively discussion. | ||
You saw a little bit of my presentation. | ||
And what I'd like to do in this hour really are two things. | ||
I want to get into the China threat in some detail, and then I'm going to be joined by the great Sam Faddis, longtime CIA operative, and my great friend and colleague, Jim Finnell. | ||
Who had a great career with the United States Navy, occupying some of the highest positions in naval intelligence, who spent his career really looking at the China threat. | ||
So we have a lot to do this hour, but I want to give the audience really a good framework for thinking about the threat that we face from the Chinese Communist Party, which is as salient now as it ever has been, and particularly as we move up to the election. | ||
And the vice presidential debate on October 1st. | ||
We're going to have a lot to say about Tim Walz, the Democratic vice presidential candidate in this hour. | ||
And we're going to have the opportunity with Sam Faddis to really review the rogue's gallery of his behavior and relationship with the Chinese Communist Party. | ||
But first, if we take a step back and look at, really, why do we have to worry about the threat from the Chinese Communist Party? | ||
We have to worry about it because of their ideology, the fact that they are communists, and communists are hyper-aggressive, and they see the United States as the barrier to their triumph, their ultimate triumph. | ||
So there's no getting around that fact. | ||
They're gunning for us, and we're going to have to respond. | ||
Secondly, Chinese Communist Party have been really good at political warfare. | ||
Political warfare, in essence, is winning without fighting. | ||
That is, achieving your political objective, victory over the United States for the Chinese Communist Party, without resorting to kinetic war, without actually fighting World War III between the People's Republic of China and the United States. | ||
So their efforts are to struggle against us and conquer us without fighting. | ||
And we have to reflect on what they've done and how they've succeeded. | ||
And they've succeeded because Deng Xiaoping, one of the greatest strategists of the 21st century, he was their leader. | ||
From about 1978, really until he died in the late 90s, Deng Xiaoping was a master of political warfare. | ||
And what he recognized was he needed to save the Chinese Communist Party. | ||
And with the right political warfare strategy, he could actually make Wall Street and Silicon Valley and other U.S. | ||
elites his partner in saving the Chinese Communist Party. | ||
And I'm sad to say that's what he did. | ||
He accomplished that spectacularly by allowing U.S. | ||
investment and trade, all topics very familiar to this audience, so U.S. | ||
manufacturing flowed to China and U.S. | ||
investment flowed to China, and as a result, China got very wealthy and very powerful. | ||
About 0.6% of world gross domestic product in 1990, so a year after the 1989 Tiananmen Square Massacre, uh... to in two thousand eighteen two thousand nineteen nineteen percent of world gross domestic product so about one-fifth of world gross domestic product that's a spectacular rise in international politics hasn't seen anything like it that's not what the japanese did after eighteen sixty eight and it's not what the germans did after the unified in eighteen seventy one | ||
It's far more impressive than even the actions of the Germans and the Japanese. | ||
So really impressive steps. | ||
And what made that possible? | ||
We did. | ||
The United States and its allies, by letting Deng Xiaoping and the Chinese Communist Party into our economic ecosystem, allowed them to flourish, allowed them to rise, and ultimately to the point where they're a formidable and an existential threat to the United States. | ||
So these guys are really good at political warfare, But they shouldn't be. | ||
We've got tremendous advantages to employ against them, and we also want to win without fighting. | ||
We want to defeat them so that they are not able to win, right? | ||
We want to, as Ronald Reagan said, we've got a lesson, right? | ||
We know how the Cold War is going to end. | ||
As Ronald Reagan said, we win and you lose. | ||
And that's what we need to adopt here. | ||
The CCP loses and we're going to win. | ||
So how do we think about the threat from the Chinese Communist Party? | ||
It's multifaceted. | ||
It takes place in every role. | ||
We haven't fought a war with them yet, other than Korea, where 36,000 Americans were killed, largely by the Chinese Communist Party. | ||
Or in Vietnam, North Vietnam, where over a thousand airmen died, Marines and naval aviators died between 65 and 68 in Operation Rolling Thunder. | ||
So, we have fought the Chinese directly in Korea and indirectly in North Vietnam. | ||
But are we going to fight them a third time, right? | ||
That remains to be seen. | ||
It's not an outcome that we want to have. | ||
But at the rate of their hyper-aggression, it looks like things are coming that way. | ||
And we'll talk with Jim Finnell, really, about many of those elements of their hyper-aggression. | ||
Uh, in a little bit. | ||
But how do we think about this threat? | ||
Well, we need to think about it the way cops investigate a car wreck. | ||
When cops are investigating a car crash, what do they look at? | ||
They look at the driver. | ||
The driver is sober as a judge. | ||
They look at the car. | ||
The brake's bad, right? | ||
Did a tire blow? | ||
If the car's in great shape, they look at the road conditions. | ||
Everybody can drive great when you're on Interstate 80 in Iowa. | ||
It's daylight. | ||
You can drive on a flat interstate, or for those of you who are good Texans, I-10 between Fort Stockton and Van Ness, right? | ||
Speed limit 85 and in excess of that, certainly. | ||
Straight roads for as long as the eye can see. | ||
Well, that's perfect, but can anybody drive in a whiteout? | ||
Even in the Minnesotans in the audience, in the North Dakotans in the audience, nobody can drive in a whiteout, nobody can drive in black ice, particularly on a hairpin turn. | ||
So the environmental conditions of international politics really matter too, right? | ||
So you've got the driver, the car, and the road conditions. | ||
Well, each of those Our huge warning signs for our relationship with the People's Republic of China. | ||
The driver is Xi Jinping, and this guy is extremely dangerous. | ||
Much more dangerous than any 16-year-old who ever got behind the wheel of a car. | ||
Xi Jinping is determined to be the greatest Chinese communist ever, that is, greater than Mao Zedong himself. | ||
And that's saying something, right? | ||
That's saying he wants to be the equivalent in the Chinese communist pantheon of a Joseph Stalin. | ||
That's a worrisome indicator. | ||
This guy's aggressive, and he's determined to bring about change, and he's determined to bring about change now. | ||
So you've got a bad driver. | ||
A driver who's a threat to everybody else on the road. | ||
You've also got a bad car. | ||
A car is a Soviet knockoff. | ||
A car is the Chinese Communist Party. | ||
It's a danger to everybody within that car, and it's a danger to every other car, pedestrian, animal on the road. | ||
And that's because of its flawed ideology. | ||
Hyper-aggressive, dangerous, dehumanizing ideology, which is communism. | ||
And then the road conditions. | ||
This is a hyper-aggressive communist state, which has gotten really powerful in a very short period of time. | ||
And that goes to their head. | ||
They want to bring about major changes in international politics, and they wanted it yesterday. | ||
Today is even too late. | ||
So huge warning signs and danger in the relationship. | ||
You got a bad driver, you got a bad car, and you got bad road conditions. | ||
And that's a recipe for trouble. | ||
And that's what we're seeing in that relationship. | ||
Now, that driver and that car are using political warfare against the United States to undermine us. | ||
What they're trying to do is undermine us internally, and they're trying to undermine our relationships with other countries, and they're attempting to undermine our position in global politics. | ||
And they do that assiduously. | ||
They don't stop. | ||
In those political warfare attacks ever. | ||
And so the forms of those political warfare attacks take are multifaceted. | ||
Some of them are elite capture. | ||
We've talked a lot about in War Room Battleground. | ||
And on war room about the problem of elite capture, the fact that the Chinese Communist Party has captured the elites of the United States as well as most countries around the world through bribery, through working out business deals with them, through many other ways of doing it. | ||
But our political elite have this enormous problem. | ||
The Biden administration, of course, Tim Walz, so many others. | ||
Our media elite do. | ||
Our universities do as well. | ||
Silicon Valley, Wall Street, New York investors, financiers. | ||
Major, major problem in each of those areas. | ||
Not true just of the US. | ||
It's also true in Canada, in Great Britain, in Australia. | ||
So many countries around the world. | ||
The Chinese show up with money. | ||
And they're able to buy politicians, and they're able to buy tremendous political influence for pennies, in essence. | ||
And they have to thank their lucky stars that they were able to buy the American elite for such a little amount. | ||
It's very good for them, very bad for us. | ||
So, elite capture is one of the forms that they employ in political warfare. | ||
They also do it by shaping narratives, right? | ||
One way that they do is to talk about a win-win economic relationship. | ||
That is, by interacting with the PRC, both sides are going to win. | ||
They're going to exchange, and so Wall Street's going to benefit, and the Chinese Communist Party is going to benefit. | ||
So whenever you hear somebody talk about a win-win, you should ask yourself, well, the question isn't, are both of us going to benefit? | ||
It's a question of who's going to benefit more. | ||
And if the answer is the Chinese Communist Party is going to benefit more, which it almost always is, Because we're more powerful, we have the technology, we have the knowledge, and so many other elements that they want to extract from us. | ||
If they're going to benefit more, the answer is no trade, right? | ||
It's no dice. | ||
We're not going to interact with them if they're benefiting more. | ||
And so that compels us to realize the policy of engagement's got to end. | ||
No more engagement, trade, investment with the Chinese Communist Party. | ||
What we've got to do is start cutting that off and take advantage of their weaknesses, right? | ||
Political warfare is not just about defending the United States from their attacks, but going on the offensive to undermine and ultimately, as Ronald Reagan said, we're going to win and they're going to lose. | ||
What are their problems? | ||
Their problems are, first, communism. | ||
Okay? | ||
The car itself is a Soviet knockoff. | ||
The car itself is dangerous. | ||
The car itself is a product of the West. | ||
That was brought to China and imposed on China by the Soviet Union. | ||
It's a product of Soviet imperialism, and we should think of the Chinese Communist Party as being a colonial government, right? | ||
It's the last outpost of Western colonialism in international politics today. | ||
And when we see that they're colonial, that the Chinese people are ruled by a colonial government, not by a Chinese government, but by a Western colonial government, we can recognize It's not legitimate. | ||
No reason why the Chinese people, with their exalted history, with their past, with the greatness of their civilization, their triumphs in art, philosophy, religion, technology, every aspect, right? | ||
Chinese civilization is awesome. | ||
And the Chinese people are right to understand and to appreciate and celebrate that exalted history and that past. | ||
Right. | ||
Western being ruled by a Western ideology, a colonial government, it's just not part of the plan. | ||
That's not what China fought for. | ||
That's not what China struggled against the European colonizers, whether they were the British or the French. | ||
And likewise, we should assist them as they struggle against that last remnant, the last remnant of Soviet imperialism, the colonial government that they imposed in Beijing. | ||
Stalin and the Red Army made it possible. | ||
They put these guys in power where they've been ever since. | ||
And there's nothing Chinese about the Chinese Communist Party. | ||
There's a lot which is communist about the Chinese Communist Party, and it's important to recognize that fact. | ||
When we recognize that they're illegitimate, what's the next step? | ||
We need to evict them from international society, right? | ||
These guys should be treated like apartheid South Africa. | ||
Nobody should have anything to do with them. | ||
Financiers should not be allowed to invest in communist China, nor should Wall Street be allowed to trade with them, right? | ||
These guys are illegitimate. | ||
They're a fraud, it's a gang of thugs, oppressing and tyrannizing, essentially terrorizing the Chinese people themselves through their tyranny. | ||
When we recognize those fundamental facts, we can understand that people of goodwill around the world should do everything that they can to help the Chinese people cast off the yoke, overthrow the tyranny of the Chinese Communist Party. | ||
Very important recognition. | ||
What else can we do? | ||
We'll take advantage of the fact that their economy is stolen. | ||
The solution of the Biden-Harris regime is to help them out, to continue trade, to continue investment, so that money from New York, money from Silicon Valley, etc., continue to flow into the People's Republic of China. | ||
That's only going to save the CCP. | ||
That's only going to save our existential foe. | ||
The point is to cut that off. | ||
End it. | ||
And the Chinese Communist Party got themselves into their economic dire straits due to their misrule. | ||
As all communists muck up the economy, the Chinese Communist Party was no exception. | ||
So we need to understand that U.S. | ||
investment is saving the Chinese Communist Party. | ||
U.S. | ||
trade is saving the Chinese Communist Party when they're in very dire economic straits as they themselves are admitting obliquely. | ||
uh... when they're talking about not meeting their targets uh... they're in great trouble due to the misrule due to their flawed economy uh... and uh... it's important for them to uh... recognize that this vulnerability can be exploited again by people of goodwill around the world who are willing to work with the chinese people to help them what else do we need to do well get rid of the great firewall uh... | ||
Chinese people, the Chinese Communist Party, watch the Chinese people very closely. | ||
They are, the Chinese Communist Party is a surveillance superpower. | ||
They do it very effectively and at low cost, policing every aspect of the lives of the Chinese people. | ||
What needs to be done is to find a way so that the Chinese people can communicate safely, reliably, surely, ...between and among themselves as well as with the outside world. | ||
VPNs are only one element here and not very successful because of the strength of the surveillance state. | ||
There have to be other ways of reaching the people within China from the outside to accelerate the demise of the Chinese Communist Party. | ||
So getting rid of the Great Firewall, whether breaking through it, jumping over it, tunneling under it, or some other mechanism, needs to be done. | ||
And here I think a lot of good folks in Silicon Valley can help out, right? | ||
If they want to do something for the good of the United States and for the good of freedom, that's something that they can do and apply themselves to immediately. | ||
It's a task to some degree for the U.S. | ||
government, but Silicon Valley and other actors can also have a key role to play in that regard. | ||
We didn't want to get into this fight. | ||
The driver, Xi Jinping, as bad as any 16-year-old who ever got behind the wheel of the car, car is dangerous, right? | ||
The car is picking a fight with us and the driver is picking a fight with us. | ||
It's up to us to resolve that. | ||
And the dispositive question of this century is going to be, who's going to win? | ||
Is the United States going to be able to defeat the Chinese Communist Party? | ||
uh... and that sustained the world as we've known it uh... since uh... world war two or is the chinese communist party going to win are they going to survive with u.s. | ||
help uh... and uh... stay in power and continue to undermine us exercising political warfare against us which in any day can result in a kinetic war uh... between uh... the u.s. | ||
and uh... the p r c And so they're going to make the world safe for tyranny in the 21st century. | ||
So this issue, this question is going to be resolved. | ||
It's either the U.S. | ||
is going to win or the Chinese Communist Party is going to win. | ||
We have enormous problems, but I like our odds. | ||
Freedom is going to triumph over tyranny in the 21st century as it did in the 20th. | ||
And it's going to, with the help of this audience, it's going to, with the help of Donald Trump, Uh, being elected to office, uh, and coming back to the White House, uh, in 2025. | ||
Uh, and there's so many other efforts that we can use and so many other people around the world who want to help us within China. | ||
Great allies like Japan and Australia, great partners like India and Taiwan all have roles to play in helping us defeat this tyranny and helping us to get rid of the last colonial government in international politics. | ||
So a lot to go over and we're going to be joined shortly by Sam Faddis and Jim Fennell, great friends of the program. | ||
unidentified
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Thanks very much. | |
and individuals who are going to be able to unpack these elements in much more detail and are going to be able | ||
to look at domestic elements, for example, the compromise of Tim Walz and that his curious | ||
relationship with the Chinese Communist Party and Jim Fennel looking at | ||
international events, the Chinese intercontinental ballistic missile test, as | ||
well as other major events. Thanks very much. We'll be back in a moment. | ||
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All this nonsense, all this spin, they can't handle the truth. | ||
War Room Battleground with Stephen K. Bannon. | ||
Well, welcome back. | ||
I'm Brad Thayer, sitting in for Steve Bannon, who should be here, and I can't wait till he returns. | ||
I'm joined by Sam Faddis and Jim Fennell in the second half, and we're going to be drilling down into Democratic vice presidential candidate Tim Walz and his bizarre associations with the Chinese Communist Party. | ||
uh... and uh... sad uh... essentially relationship with the chinese communist party and then turning to jim finnell uh... for analysis of major international events including the chinese cut the appear sees i see bm test and uh... other events uh... in the south china sea uh... and elsewhere so sam fairness of cia operative a great friend of the program sam uh... | ||
Tim Walz has been to the People's Republic of China over 30 times, beginning first in September 1989, just after Tiananmen, when the People's Republic of China was very much a closed society. | ||
But he was there, and came back many times, got married on the anniversary of the Tiananmen Square Massacre, when the Chinese Communist Party crushed a pro-democracy movement. | ||
And he started a business, Sam, that provided educational exchange between America and the People's Republic of China. | ||
We don't know anything about his partners in the People's Republic of China for his business. | ||
But clearly, the Chinese Communist Party gave it the green light, or he wouldn't have been able to return, and he would not have been able to have his business. | ||
So, Sam, what do you think of Democratic vice presidential candidate Tim Walz, who's going to be debating J.D. | ||
Vance on October 1st? | ||
Sam, what do you think? | ||
Yeah, the Great Walls of China, that's what I call them. | ||
I think I stole that from somebody else, but I'll run with it. | ||
Look, I feel like So much of what goes on politically these days boils down to... I'm tempted to say that the people who are talking to us are stupid, but I think that's actually not true. | ||
I think they think we're stupid. | ||
So they say things that just defy common sense and logic. | ||
You don't have to be a super spook or a guy with a background in Intel to know that this whole business with walls just Stinks, right? | ||
Here's a guy who has traveled to China over 30 times. | ||
And as you suggested, it's not just that he's gone there. | ||
He has taken groups of American students and been there for extended periods of time. | ||
And he taught there for a year. | ||
And as you noted, we still actually don't know really exactly what this arrangement was. | ||
I have In my own digging, established, I think, conclusively that at least the initial trips that Walls made to China were paid for by the Chinese. | ||
And then it's unclear where the money came from these continuing trips. | ||
But now what we're told is, I mean, the line that's pushed from the Democrat side is he is a defender of the Chinese people. | ||
He loves the Chinese people, Chinese culture. | ||
He opposes communism. | ||
And he's been going there as like some sort of advocate, defending them. | ||
Okay, this is ludicrous, right? | ||
You can't travel to communist China and wander around and preach democracy and liberty and stay and you certainly don't get invited back. | ||
I mean, these people track down dissidents that are relatively obscure to the far ends of the earth, literally, including on US soil. | ||
Hunt them down, confront them, either kidnap them and drag them back to China, or do things like you're either getting on the plane and coming home or grandma is going to pay the price. | ||
So they have this worldwide dragnet to hunt down everybody that criticizes the Chinese Communist Party. | ||
And yet the line from the other side is this dude came going, kept going back over and over and over and over preaching democracy. | ||
That's, that's garbage. | ||
But not to mention, there are a whole bunch of people that have come out and talked about his behavior. | ||
On the ground in China, the number, you know, dozens of copies of Mao's little red book he would buy and bring back, and how he, anybody who started criticizing the Chinese Communist Party on Chinese soil, he would jump on them. | ||
So, you know, to what extent this guy is Co-opted, controlled, owned by the Chinese. | ||
That remains to me a little bit unclear. | ||
I'm not necessarily saying that he's out in the dead of night passing classified information to them, but clearly he's chosen a side and it's not ours. | ||
And now this guy is supposed to be, you know, one heartbeat away from the presidency. | ||
So it's not a joke. | ||
This is really serious business. | ||
You're an old CIA hand. | ||
What's the vulnerability he put his students in? | ||
Many of those students you would imagine, would you not, would be approached by MSS, the Chinese intelligence service, by, you know, taking those students to China. | ||
Yeah, go ahead. | ||
Look, he puts them on their soil and they are vulnerable. | ||
So at a minimum, he is putting them in a position where they can be approached, and in fact that would be standard MO and one would assume that would happen. | ||
Now, the question obviously raised by that is, is Walsh so dumb that he's oblivious to that and he's just dragging vulnerable college students into a situation where they can be approached, blackmailed, bribed, whatever, or is that part of the deal? | ||
Because In the Intel business, a guy who we would call sort of an access agent or a social broker would be invaluable. | ||
The guy who brings targets to you, who puts them in positions where they can be approached and compromised. | ||
Yeah, on their soil, so obviously it's a very friendly environment for MSS. | ||
Well, thank you, Sam. | ||
Jim Finnell, great friend, great friend of the program. | ||
Jim and I write regularly. | ||
Together we have a column in American Greatness, and we co-authored a book, essentially embracing communist China, America's greatest strategic failure, for which Steve Bannon wrote the foreword. | ||
Jim, Sam has given us some insight into Waltz and some of the domestic issues here that we'll be talking about in the next week before the debate with JD Vance. | ||
But, Jim, can you give us the international context about the CCP's hyper-aggression and what's going on? | ||
Well, great to be with you, Brad and Sam. | ||
And as Sam mentioned, you know, these are very serious issues. | ||
And so what happened Here on Wednesday at about 845 in the morning in Beijing was the test launch of a PRC intercontinental ballistic missile into the Pacific Ocean for the first time in 44 years. | ||
It was about 12,000 kilometer range, just over about 7,500 miles. | ||
It was a three-stage bracketed, first and second stage bracketed Luzon, which is another thing we could talk about. | ||
And this is an unambiguous signal of the Chinese Communist Party's commitment to fulfilling their strategic breakout of their nuclear arsenal. | ||
And Beijing still purports to adhere to this no-first-use policy towards nuclear war. | ||
The fact remains that in the past three years, the PRC has built over 300 nuclear ICBM silos | ||
in central and western China, has upgraded their submarine-launched ballistic missile. | ||
I'm sorry, Jim, we might have lost you. | ||
But I'm sure we'll have you back soon. | ||
The connection is sometimes a bit intermittent. | ||
But, Jim, we'll restart you. | ||
Sam, I'll just go back to you and ask for your thoughts, really, on, if you could, in about a minute, the political warfare campaign of the CCP is really warming up, heating up. | ||
Any thoughts on that? | ||
Yeah, well, what people need to absorb here is that this is being done on an industrial scale, right? | ||
Whether that is intimidation, whether that's propaganda, or whether that's buying our politicians. | ||
I mean, this is a full scale. | ||
Really, the war is already started. | ||
And they're winning, and they're winning largely because we're not fighting back, we're letting them get away with it. | ||
That is the state of play. | ||
And this is no longer kind of an irritation. | ||
Right? | ||
This is now rising to the level of, as much as I hate the word, an existential threat to the existence of the Republic. | ||
Yeah, it is indeed. | ||
And they've been very successful at waging political warfare against us, capturing our elite, many of the elements we talked about in the first half of the program. | ||
And so, you know, the Tim Walz issue is just another symptom of this. | ||
Or the Linda Sun issue, Sam, obviously that aid to Kathy Hochul, governor of New York, another case of it. | ||
So it's, you know, another day, another CCP spy is found, Sam, don't you think? | ||
It seems that way, nonetheless. | ||
Yeah, and unfortunately, the way this plays out is, you know, Swalwell blips for a while because it's salacious and he's running around with Fang Fang or Ling Ling or whatever her name is. | ||
And then HOKL's aid. | ||
And it sort of blips it now. | ||
And I think the idea is, OK, well, there's there's a handful of these and they're one-off events. | ||
And what people need to understand is this is OK, those are the ones that are blipping in public. | ||
But the real question is, how many more aids to governors in the United States and are compromised and mayors are compromised and how many more congressmen are compromised? | ||
And the short answer, I mean, there are two answers. | ||
One is the number is much, much larger. | ||
It's terrifying. | ||
And the second is that, unfortunately, we don't know, which is the really scary part, because we're not really focusing on the threat. | ||
We're kind of pretending like, okay, you know, Sun is being prosecuted. | ||
So we took care of that issue. | ||
No, what you ought to be doing is going through with a fine tooth comb, every level of American politics, because what you're going to find is, Who knows how many such people they have compromised across the United States? | ||
It isn't a handful, and you can't count them on both hands, I can guarantee you that. | ||
Yeah, you lift up the rug and you find, it seems, at federal level, state level, local level, territorial level, Guam, for example, Pacific Islands, you know, many, and our key allies as well, Sam, just It seems without end. | ||
They've been very successful, right? | ||
And we've let our guard down for far, far too long with respect to that. | ||
Do we have Jim back? | ||
Sam, I wanted to also ask you about what's the way ahead? | ||
I mean, if political warfare is at root to win without fighting, How do we win without fighting the CCP, right? | ||
How do we achieve Reagan's ideal objective? | ||
We're going to win, they're going to lose. | ||
Big topic, but I would just kick that to you, toss it to you for your thoughts. | ||
Well, look, I think both you and Jim have talked, and many other folks have put their finger on the point of origin of this, right? | ||
The point of origin of this is this Horrifying strategic decision we made to entangle ourselves economically with the Communist Chinese. | ||
And we sold that to the American people on the pretext that we were going to democratize them and liberalize them and they would become kinder and gentler and our buddies. | ||
Okay, I don't know, as I've said many times, whether the people that used that line believed it at the time and were just naive or they did it Because that was a good sales pitch to the American people. | ||
It doesn't matter. | ||
What is demonstrably true is it didn't work. | ||
They aren't more liberal or more democratic. | ||
They're just one hell of a lot stronger and more dangerous. | ||
So we've got to go back. | ||
And I think Trump says this all the time. | ||
We've got to go back to this point. | ||
We've got to disengage, bring manufacturing back here and chart a completely different economic and political course. | ||
And then everything can flow from that. | ||
But until you do that, you're jammed. | ||
We're screwed, basically. | ||
Yeah, very big issue. | ||
At the hearing yesterday, the engagement school really was dominant. | ||
Folks arguing that you have to keep the ties, you have to keep the trade ties, right? | ||
There hasn't been the paradigm shift, right? | ||
There hasn't been the recognition of the nature of this threat yet. | ||
And that's for, you know, they've been very successful that really getting their propaganda into the minds, hearts and minds of the American elite, not of the American people, but of the American elite. | ||
And you see that in Pennsylvania. | ||
I know you spend a lot of time there, Sam. | ||
What are your reflections? | ||
Well, look, the bottom line is that the American people as a whole are suffering. | ||
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Right? | |
Pennsylvania is filled with small towns, with closed factories, and the only retail establishment left in town is the dollar store. | ||
So, the American people, writ large, are not benefiting. | ||
However, unfortunately, at the top, there are people that are richer than anybody has ever been in the history of the planet. | ||
And yes, and who control politicians and big chunks of the government. | ||
And they have a real vested interest in continuing this economic model, even though it's killing the American people. | ||
And it has destroyed our economy and, as you well know, has now risen to the level where We don't have enough shipyards in the United States, in the United States, the entire country to even build the Navy that we think we need that not that we think we need that we definitely need. | ||
We literally don't have the capacity to build those ships anymore. | ||
And we could go on to all sorts of other things. | ||
So it's it's destroying the United States of America, it's hollowing it out. | ||
But at the very top, man, you got people that are just rolling in dough. | ||
Just keep in mind, by the way, the average Chinese guy is not benefiting from this either. | ||
He's standing on his feet 12 hours a day at an assembly line and sees his family back in the village once a year, if he is lucky. | ||
So the average people across the planet are being destroyed by this. | ||
But man, the oligarchs at the top, you're for real, they do not want it to end. | ||
This is the greatest thing in the world to them. | ||
Indeed, and they want to keep feeding at the trough and keep the relationship going, no doubt about that. | ||
And it's a question of whether we're going to let them or not. | ||
And that's going to be to some degree determined on November 5th. | ||
But it's a multifaceted fight. | ||
But change comes by getting the right person in the Oval Office and bringing in the right team, to be sure. | ||
Sam, where can folks reach you? | ||
I know you publish a lot, and could you share with the audience your details? | ||
Yeah, the best place to find me is at Ann Magazine, our magazine that my wife and I run. | ||
anndmagazine.substack.com, but I am on Most of the social media platforms on X or Twitter or whatever we call it these days is real Sam Faddis and so forth. | ||
And I encourage the audience, you want to follow Sam's writings. | ||
He's giving great insight and with a little bit of vinegar, a little bit of spice too, Sam. | ||
We love you for that. | ||
Your writings are always enjoyable to read and J.D. | ||
will mop the floor with him. | ||
need to be cutting. And so we'll look forward very much to what would you anticipate for | ||
the debate, Sam, just in 30 seconds, because that'll be next week, next Tuesday. | ||
Talking Vance and Tim Walz. | ||
JD will mop the floor with him. You know, everybody wants to talk about him being a | ||
hillbilly. Okay, well, as a fellow Appalachian American, he is a wicked, smart hillbilly | ||
and Walz is a clown, so he'll run circles around them. | ||
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Thank you. | |
I think, right, he's a Hill William, I think, as they phrase it. | ||
So, no, I think no doubt about it. | ||
And Waltz's vulnerabilities are going to come out, and I hope J.D. | ||
Vance brings many of these issues up that we discussed this afternoon concerning the relationship that Tim Waltz has with the Chinese Communist Party. | ||
Well, Sam, thank you very much indeed for joining us this afternoon, and we look forward to having you on next time. | ||
I'm just sorry to say we weren't able to get Jim Finnell back. | ||
We'll hope to have him on next time to do the deep dive on the many important issues that are happening. | ||
He mentioned the Chinese intercontinental ballistic missile test, which they hadn't done since 1980. | ||
That's a key symbol, right? | ||
That's a political warfare as well as a military test. | ||
Telling U.S. | ||
allies, telling the American people that they're vulnerable and the Chinese people, the CCP, can reach out and touch Americans, just like the spy balloon did, if folks remember that. | ||
And keep your eye on the South China Sea. | ||
Sabina Shoal and 2nd Thomas Shoal may not be household words, names, locations, but that's key evidence of the hyper-aggression of the CCP. | ||
Well, thanks very much indeed. | ||
We'll see you next time. | ||
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