Speaker | Time | Text |
---|---|---|
unidentified
|
the screen. | |
So, let's get started. | ||
What the f*** did you do to stop it? | ||
Here's what you did to stop it. | ||
Nothing. | ||
You know why they did nothing? | ||
Because it's f***ing hard to do it. | ||
They're gutless. | ||
The reason this country in the West is in the shape it's in is because the conservatives | ||
who talked a good game about doing better didn't have the f***ing balls to sit there | ||
and fight and say no. | ||
unidentified
|
Hello and welcome to GB News America. | |
My name is Stephen Edgington. | ||
Has the populist revolution of 2016 been betrayed? | ||
To discuss, I'm joined by the former advisor to President Trump, Stephen Bannon. | ||
Why do conservatives keep betraying their voters around the world? | ||
Well, I think it talks, look, this is why I'm not a conservative. | ||
I'm a populist nationalist. | ||
I mean, the conservatives, it's called controlled opposition. | ||
They're afraid of taking those measures that they have to take. | ||
This is why the conservatives In the continent of Europe have all been overthrown for these what they call right-wing parties, these populist nationals. | ||
You call it the sovereignty movement there. | ||
We call populism nationalism here. | ||
It's the reason you're about to see the cratering of the Tory party at this general election they just called. | ||
You know the Tories have the Tories in 2010 won at the same time the Tea Party won that huge election and look at the arc of where we've come, and particularly taking over the Republican Party, firing McCarthy, the first time a Speaker of the House has ever been fired in the history of the Republic, getting rid of Mitch McConnell, and throwing out the RNC. | ||
We've taken levels because we've taken over the grassroots. | ||
We have a true populist nationalist movement, and we have a leader in President Trump, who's as close to a populist and economic nationalist as you're going to get in today's environment. | ||
The Conservatives have done the exact opposite. | ||
I mean, the Conservatives and the Tory party is a perfect example. | ||
They've been a center-left party. | ||
And every time they had to make a tough call until recently to save themselves, they've blinked. | ||
Go back to the conservative manifesto that David Cameron put out in 2010. | ||
They talk about migration, immigration, all the policies are laid out there. | ||
They didn't stand up for any of them. | ||
They didn't fight. | ||
The leading quality today is not intellect. | ||
The issues in front of us are pretty straightforward. | ||
It's about political will. | ||
It is about who will step into the breach and fight. | ||
And that means you're going to be debanked, you're going to be othered. | ||
Look what's happening to Alternative for Deutschland right now. | ||
They have a, the government of Germany, the state of Germany is about to indict them for criminal activity for standing up for a populist nationalist principles. | ||
So why has conservatism failed there? | ||
It's cowardice. | ||
Remember, the conservatives in May of 1940, It was the conservatives didn't wanna cut, they wanted to cut a deal, the royal family, and the conservatives, hey, we need more time, we gotta get arms going, all kind of excuses, but we don't wanna take on Hitler. | ||
Maybe, hey, if we can cut a deal to save the empire, that was conservatives. | ||
Churchill was backed, and the country was saved, and Western civilization was saved by the exact same working class people up in the Midlands that voted for Brexit. | ||
You could see that night, they're the ones that voted for Brexit. | ||
That's the heart and soul of England. | ||
What you've gutted, because you take out the economy of London right now, England's a third world country, so why did they betray their voice? | ||
Because they're f***ing cowards, that's why. | ||
unidentified
|
It's worse than cowardice though, isn't it, Mr. Bannon? | |
Because they've just let in 745,000 people in one year net migration in 2022. | ||
That's more than in the years between 1964 and 2000 combined. | ||
It could go even further. | ||
Does that tie back to the river of blood speech? | ||
unidentified
|
But what I'm trying to say is, you're saying it's cowardice, and you're saying they're a center-left party. | |
Isn't it actually a radical left thing to do, to open your borders to so many people from Asia and Africa and all over the world? | ||
And in 2016, that revolution happened with Brexit, and they've totally done the opposite of what voters wanted them to do. | ||
So it's worse than cowardice. | ||
It's cowardice plus. | ||
It's cowardice plus economic opportunity. | ||
Remember here, with the 15 million illegal aliens, They say we couldn't run the economy without them right now. | ||
That's the argument they're trying to make. | ||
The same thing they're trying to make in England. | ||
Let's go back when Teresa May and the team, Boris Johnson, those guys came on the first real visit we had in, I think it was March, February, March of 2017. | ||
They came and we actually broke into a side group and I told the guys, I said, Hey, we will sit here. | ||
We'll go to the EOB and we will stay for a hundred days. | ||
And we will hammer out a bilateral trade deal. | ||
That'll be mutually beneficial, beneficial to both of us. | ||
And we'll work like crazy to make sure we do it. | ||
They didn't want any part of that. | ||
They looked at Brexit. | ||
as a problem to be solved, not an opportunity to be grasped. | ||
Their solution they came up with was Singapore on the Thames, right? | ||
They didn't go back and want to rejuvenate and have a renaissance of, quite frankly, what was the engine of the Industrial Revolution and could be the engine of the post-Industrial Revolution. | ||
And they didn't want to do it, and they didn't want to do it because they saw the easy low-hanging fruit. | ||
unidentified
|
Well, it's ironic you talk about Singapore. | |
Singapore, with Lee Kuan Yew, of course, was very successful in dealing with their multicultural society and his kind of semi-authoritarian solutions to that. | ||
I mean, perhaps Britain needs a bit more of Singapore and Thames from that perspective. | ||
I think what they were looking for was what they called global Britain. | ||
Boris Johnson was a liberal. | ||
He supported open borders. | ||
He supported mass immigration. | ||
Frankly, the same thing with Liz Truss. | ||
We've just interviewed her on this channel. | ||
She made those same arguments. | ||
And David Cameron and now Rishi Sunak. | ||
So, again, this issue of immigration seems to be the most important one, I think, facing Britain. | ||
Certainly, I think, if you look at opinion polls, Tory voters say the same thing. | ||
How can we turn this around in the UK? | ||
I mean, it seems like we have been totally betrayed on this issue of immigration. | ||
You have been betrayed. | ||
I think it's going to take... Here's the reason you've been betrayed. | ||
Is that the Tory party in 14 years exactly what the Republican establishment is here. | ||
They're establishment neoliberal neocons. | ||
They believe in the principles of neoliberalism and they believe in the principles of neocon, of neoconism. | ||
And that's, you're just going to lead yourself to destruction. | ||
You need a populist, I know this is, We're going to get all the pundits' heads blown up and you need a populist, nationalist party in the United Kingdom to offset these radicals and the radicals in Labour. | ||
unidentified
|
But we had that revolution in, sorry to interrupt, we had that revolution in 2016 and then we had it in 2019. | |
But you had it in 2016 and they didn't follow up on it. | ||
The leaders, remember, Nigel Farage, the billboard, Nigel Farage ran on the issue that got you Brexit. | ||
That was the issue that was also in the United States. | ||
That's why Brexit was a predicate When I was at Breitbart and Breitbart Raid, we started a London bureau. | ||
Raheem Kassam was there. | ||
I spent so much time over there because I could see what's happening in Great Britain, what's happening in the United Kingdom is exactly the things driving globalization and particularly led by migration or immigration. | ||
And I said, what happens there? | ||
Because we are kind of linked civilizationally. | ||
And that's why as soon as we won in June in Brexit, I said, hey, we got this. | ||
I kept telling Trump 100% metaphysical certainty is one of the reasons I was brought into the campaign with 100 Days Ago when he was behind. | ||
The, um, what you were betrayed because Boris Johnson ran the campaign, the official campaign, and he was talking about Brussels and laws. | ||
And yes, there's, there's total complete arguments about that, but it's an intellectual argument. | ||
It's not an argument in the spirit and the gut. | ||
And that's what Nigel had. | ||
And that's what they abandoned right away. | ||
Remember, these people are not populist. | ||
They're not nationalists. | ||
They don't put the United Kingdom first. | ||
They don't put England first. | ||
And they particularly don't put the citizens. | ||
of the country first. | ||
unidentified
|
This seems to be happening repeatedly across Europe, where voters demand one thing and get another, particularly again on that issue of immigration. | |
Throughout the last 50 years, or since the immigration project began in the post-war years in Europe, importing people from different countries, former colonies and so on, into various European countries, people seem to be always against mass immigration, but the elites were in favour of it. | ||
In Britain, we voted in 2016 against it. | ||
We voted in 2019 against it. | ||
In fact, you could look at many general elections where we voted against it, and yet this keeps happening. | ||
Not happening, getting worse. | ||
unidentified
|
Getting worse. | |
So the question is, if you're a voter in Britain, or just someone who's interested in protecting your country, what are you meant to do when you keep going to the ballot box? | ||
I think throw the bums out. | ||
I think this is why... Let's go back in time when John Major, which, you know, he took it up to the very end, I think in 97, because he told the guys around the table, When we call this election, we're never going to be back here. | ||
It's going to be a decade before we get back in power. | ||
We're going to have to rebuild this. | ||
And I think it was 13 years of Blairism. | ||
David Cameron took over in 2010. | ||
What happens on July 4th, there's going to be, I don't know if a decade, but it's going to be a wipeout. | ||
It's going to be a long time. | ||
And there's going to be a wipeout on the very issue that the Tories should have delivered | ||
on. | ||
Here late, they're putting people on planes and doing all this. | ||
It's too late. | ||
You've had enough time. | ||
You don't have an organized way to go about this. | ||
You have to have an organized way to go about it. | ||
So they're going to get at the ballot box. | ||
This is one of the reasons I would hope that Nigel and the rest of the people that can reform this later, don't really jump in here. | ||
I think this snap election was there for a reason. | ||
I just think it ought to play out between Keir Starmer, Sir Keir Starmer and Labour. | ||
And I think, and I've said this, I think there'll be a massive financial crisis in England. | ||
Some will be global, but England will take the, it'll, you'll see What happened to Liz Truss on a scale that's of five orders of magnitude? | ||
It'll wipe out labor, and then if you've reformed to a true populist nationalist party that can actually talk about sovereignty and convince people that you're gonna act, then I think the British people at that time would give you, but I think there's a total disgust with politics there. | ||
Now, the one thing that you guys have, and this is I think quite important, you have these very restrictive Laws about what can be said. | ||
I couldn't do my show War Room. | ||
Why is Trump being able to come back? | ||
He had no media. | ||
Fox was not with him. | ||
Obviously, the other networks hate him. | ||
Fox didn't even cover him live or do a live interview for two or three years. | ||
You had the War Room and other streaming services. | ||
That we were up there and were able to run a foundation of information to working class people. | ||
In the UK, you still don't have that, as good as GB News is. | ||
You're very restricted of what you can do, because the state has put in these restrictions to free speech. | ||
I think people are going to rebel against that, because they're looking at what the lived experience of their lives are, and it's not what they're hearing from the BBC, it's not what they're hearing from Channel 4, it's not what they're reading in the papers. | ||
And there's going to be a revolt against that. | ||
unidentified
|
You've been all around Europe sort of documenting and encouraging and fostering or attempting to these populist movements. | |
One of the ones that was successful was in Italy with Georgia Maloney as Prime Minister. | ||
But again, when she became Prime Minister, she increased immigration, despite all of her pledges not to do that. | ||
So, do you think the Italian people have been betrayed as well as the British people? | ||
Well, they've been betrayed by their entire political class. | ||
Let's not pick on Georgia. | ||
I think that the... I did an analysis the other day, is that the wages Of the working class in Italy, I think have increased like 1% over the last 34 years. | ||
They've gutted everything. | ||
They've betrayed the political class in Europe, because they're able to bond together with Brussels and kind of reallocate some money, have hidden behind the reality of the lived experience of these people. | ||
And so you've seen these populist parties come up, whether it's in nationalist parties, whether it's Front National or whatever they call themselves today, Front National. | ||
unidentified
|
National Rally. | |
Yeah, National Rally. | ||
unidentified
|
Are they not failing? | |
That's my point. | ||
I think what her method was is that, remember, she wasn't even at the Northern Alliance or the alliance that had Salvini and was originally the Populist Nationalist Party that had it at the beginning back in 18 and 19. | ||
I believe her theory of the case, because she came from the brothers of Italy, and they were always demonized as being, oh, this is Mussolini, these are the true fascists. | ||
I happen to be of the belief in monitoring quite closely that she was trying to show that she could govern and make it more mainstream and she would have to make some accommodations. | ||
I'm the guy with President Trump that was the guy that said, NATO, Europe's got to stop being a protectorate. | ||
It has to be a true ally. | ||
And that means you're going to have to start paying for your defense. | ||
I've been the most outspoken about the Ukraine war from the beginning. | ||
Um, and so obviously she's been very pro NATO. | ||
She's been very pro Ukraine war. | ||
Uh, she's on immigration has not been great, but I think if you look at overall of what she's trying to do, cause she's trying to build a coalition that can actually govern For many, many decades, you can see the method to our madness. | ||
I don't like the thrust and parry of every day. | ||
Obviously, I would have a much different and much, I advise President Trump, just for your audience, when you look at the populist nationalist movement in the United States, President Trump is a moderate. | ||
I mean, he has a right wing to his right. | ||
That is very vocal, very tough, very hardcore. | ||
He's our leader. | ||
But people forget, President Trump tries to make accommodations for people. | ||
President Trump's a dealmaker. | ||
He tries to bring people in. | ||
He's got a right wing that's very hard, and the right wing is the one that's most ascendant, and we're the ones that had his back the most. | ||
In the darkest days of post-January 6th, when he went to Mar-a-Lago, it was like a lion in winter. | ||
And they had hoped that he would just go away. | ||
None of this, what your audience is seeing today with President Trump, the bankruptcy, the 91 indictments, the 700 years in prison, none of this would have happened if he had just stayed in Mar-a-Lago. | ||
And he knew that. | ||
That's why he is a unique patriot to this country. | ||
unidentified
|
Certainly there are Americans, conservatives, who criticize President Trump, who say actually he betrayed his own conservative voters with Jared Kushner as an appointment, with failing to tackle the deep state, failing to build the wall. | |
Most of his presidency was noise, not signal. | ||
It was about the tweets, it was about the personalities, it was about him, and it wasn't actually about delivering policies like Ron DeSantis perhaps has done in Florida very effectively, where he's tackling these institutions that have been captured by woke ideologues and so on. | ||
So Do you think that Trump, in that sense, also betrayed the revolution in 2016? | ||
He did not betray the revolution. | ||
Let's go back to what happened. | ||
Immediately upon seeing, or they discounted Trump. | ||
They didn't take Trump seriously. | ||
It was only after we won. | ||
Because in their models, they were so cocky. | ||
They thought this was a five or six point win. | ||
She was going to Arizona. | ||
She was going to Georgia. | ||
They were looking at a They wanted a 400 electoral vote mandate. | ||
House, Senate, they would, you know, Merrick Garland, but there'd be three other picks in the Supreme Court. | ||
They would literally have dominated America. | ||
It was over. | ||
And that was within their grasp. | ||
The fight we had was portraying her as a globalist. | ||
And the American people know, maybe intellectually at that time, they're not there, but you could go to those rallies in Dayton. | ||
I go to Wall Street, I have to sit in a boardroom and explain back then to guys, no, no, no, China, we shipped the jobs. | ||
You got to understand it. | ||
They're like, well, hold China as a partner. | ||
We're growing together. | ||
The guys in Dayton don't think that, and that's what we focus on. | ||
Remember, we pierced the blue wall. | ||
But even in piercing the blue wall, it was a total of about 60,000 votes, 70,000 votes in those three states. | ||
The same thing that Biden did in reverse. | ||
From the beginning, they had the nullification project. | ||
Remember, they came in with the Russian interference inclusion. | ||
If you think his second term was stolen, in 2020, his first term was stolen. | ||
unidentified
|
I was there every day. | |
There was the Republicans we're not going to build. | ||
This is Paul Ryan and Mitch McConnell. | ||
We're not going to allocate any money for the wall. | ||
Now, I clearly have a different, you know, a different house style than President Trump. | ||
I want to get up in the grills and fight President Trump being president of all the people that said, Hey, maybe we can work together. | ||
These things will be over time. | ||
He now knows, and I think the revelation to him is that you can't work. | ||
It's not about being Republicans and Democrats. | ||
It's not about being Labor and Tory. | ||
Those are all handles from the politics of the 20th century. | ||
You're either a nationalist and a sovereigntist or you're a globalist. | ||
You're either elite globalist or you're a populist nationalist. | ||
unidentified
|
That's the breakdown in politics. | |
I think he understands that. | ||
I mean, I know he understands that. | ||
He understands that because he sees who didn't stand up for him on the big steal. | ||
It wasn't Democrats. | ||
unidentified
|
Democrats stole it. | |
They were irrelevant. | ||
unidentified
|
It was Republican establishment. | |
Republicans that did it. | ||
As we speak here today, Nikki Haley is putting out that, you know, she'd be getting 15 to 18 percent of the vote. | ||
They're going to go to the convention. | ||
They think they have a plan like Cruz had in 2016 to actually try to steal the nomination from Trump. | ||
And they're going to put her on the ticket as vice president, of which then she'll face | ||
a lot of pressure. | ||
I'll be Prime Minister to his, I'll be Dick Cheney to his powerless, lame duck, George Bush. | ||
That's what they're gunning on. | ||
That's the conservatives. | ||
The conservatives have been a blight. | ||
And the reason is the conservatives, they only mouth the principles of conservatism. | ||
They don't realize you also have to fight For those values. | ||
unidentified
|
But does Trump get it, as it were? | |
Because he's tweeted recently, or on Truth Social, I should say, about the FBI building, for example. | ||
And again, this got criticism from some conservatives, saying, you know, we should bring the FBI building, keep it in Washington, D.C. | ||
Many conservatives saying, no, we should shut down the FBI, we should rebuild it, we should take it back. | ||
So my response to that, when President Trump said it, And because President Trump has said, hey, I want to make, don't send it to Maryland. | ||
Don't fund it. | ||
Let's do it in Washington, D.C. | ||
and I'm going to do my whole restructuring project of D.C. | ||
with starting with the FBI building that we'll keep in this place and just do a better one. | ||
And remember, President Trump's a builder and he sees the thing that he's got to get D.C. | ||
better. | ||
I said that immediately. | ||
I said, hey, how about this as plan B? | ||
We go to that hideous monstrosity, the Hoover building, and we take it apart slab by slab. | ||
And then we have a Carthaginian piece like the Romans. | ||
We salt the earth around it like they did Carthage and nothing's built there for 100 years. | ||
Oh, by the way, we defund the FBI at the same time. | ||
So I did mention that there's a right wing to President Trump. | ||
is going to go after the deep state. | ||
They're working on these plans now for the administrative state. | ||
But he also understands he's going to try to bring together the American people as their president. | ||
And he should do that. | ||
And that's why I think we're winning in all the polls. | ||
That's why even with the mean tweets and being... | ||
not being in this country, I think it's hard to understand the overwhelming nature of the media information war | ||
about President Trump. | ||
Fox was the worst. | ||
Fox, for the first couple of years, they, Murdoch said in an email, this is public record in the Dominion trial, in an email that they sent in early 2021, he says, we are going to make Trump a non-person. | ||
A non-person. | ||
They're going to limit no live coverage of Trump, no live interviews of Trump. | ||
He had to fight that for a couple of years. | ||
That's the biggest conservative platform out there. | ||
And quite frankly, even since Newsmax got served, you can't even speak about, since they got served, you can't even speak about the Stonewall election. | ||
Rudy Giuliani was just fired by the number one conservative talk radio Station where Rush Limbaugh was for 30 years in New York WABC | ||
because they gave him an order You can't talk about the stolen election. My position is | ||
that unless you understand | ||
Intellectually and believe in your heart that the 2020 was stolen | ||
And I mean, you understand it, you've gone through the details, you know intellectually it's true, and you know in your spirit it's true. | ||
You shouldn't be part of this at all. | ||
You certainly shouldn't be in the RNC and you shouldn't be on the Trump campaign. | ||
It is a, that is the railhead of our problem, where the deep state said, no, we're prepared to do whatever we need to do to seize power. | ||
It was a coup d'etat. | ||
unidentified
|
I want to ask a question about the people behind the big leaders of history, like Trump. | |
And Boris and Lenin and people like that. | ||
So I'm thinking of Dominic Cummings or kind of the Rasputin type figures. | ||
Maybe you're one of them, I don't know. | ||
What do you think of Cummings specifically? | ||
I'm interested to get your thoughts on him. | ||
So just for people who don't know who he is, in the UK he was Boris Johnson's advisor. | ||
They fell out massively. | ||
He's a Conservative and he was very, very effective in winning the election and so on. | ||
So what do you think about him? | ||
And just more generally, what do you think about history's kind of backroom dealers? | ||
Well, I think that they can be very effective. | ||
Everybody needs a team around them. | ||
I think Boris Johnson was the most effective when he had Dominic Cummings. | ||
If you look at the focus groups, On the last election, when Boris won such a massive seats in Parliament, and you look what they were doing up in the Midlands, and you look what they're doing bringing Labour... This is when I said they could run the tables here, because Cummings would have these focus groups, and he'd ask the questions, basic economic questions, and the revulsion of Labour leadership, it wasn't their anti-Semitism, it was that, is that this is just not working, and they're not focused on the issues we want, we want bread-and-butter issues. | ||
These folks know that outside of London, The rest of England, which is the greatest people, one of the greatest countries, the foundation of the Industrial Revolution, the greatest workers, the people that fought in World War I but also delivered victory in World War II, their children and grandchildren are being hollowed out in essentially what's a third world country now. | ||
They're furious about it. | ||
That was to me, Dominic Cummings, and got those themes in there. | ||
You delivered, I forget, it was 252 or 292 seats. | ||
It was just such a blowout. | ||
Cummings and the guys around him are like that. | ||
I think he's a very talented guy. | ||
I think the falling out with Boris, I think Boris Johnson the last couple of years, and I was quite fond of him, I think it's been an unmitigated disaster. | ||
His thing in the Ukraine is just out of control. | ||
And it's led to the death and the destruction of so many Ukrainians. | ||
He is the personification of what Professor Mersheimer at the University of Chicago | ||
said in 2014, one of our smartest international relationships professors at one of our finest | ||
schools, he said, the Western elites are going to lead the Ukrainian people | ||
down the primrose path to their own destruction. They're going to use these people | ||
and they're going to use this country and these folks at this time and place to take on a | ||
Russian elite that they don't agree with, that they hate. | ||
And that's exactly what's happened. | ||
And Boris Johnson, I think when history is written about the deals that were cut and the messages he sent, it's still running around. | ||
If England wants to go bankrupt, if you want to have list trusts to the 10th power, you follow Boris Johnson's program on defense. | ||
There's just not, you don't have the money. | ||
You're broke, right? | ||
The bond market tossed her. | ||
I don't believe, and I know Liz Truss a little bit. | ||
I've interviewed her. | ||
I actually like her. | ||
I'm quite fond of her. | ||
I'm not sure I believe in her theory of the case of the Bank of England Deep State. | ||
I was there. | ||
One of her biggest critics, if you see our show at the time, was Stephen K. Bannon, the Worm, financially, because I said, this is what they want to do in the United States, although you guys aren't that big. | ||
They kept saying, oh, we're going to give you the budget numbers in four weeks. | ||
I said, you can't do that. | ||
You can't go back to the Reagan playbook of a supply-side tax cut when you've got these huge deficits and you have this spending. | ||
You have to get the numbers down front and they have to tie. | ||
The first thing you have to do is get control of government spending. | ||
One of the things you're going to have to do is think about defense spending. | ||
In defense spending, this gets back to NATO and the 2%. | ||
Europe has to get really focused on what it wants to accomplish. | ||
Right now, we actually underwrite your security. | ||
And here's how we underwrite it. | ||
Our workers don't have health care. | ||
They don't have pension plans outside of Social Security. | ||
They don't take August off. | ||
It's a grind in the United States just to hang on at the working class. | ||
You guys have all that, although I know it's not perfect. | ||
And the reason is that we underwrite our defense bills a trillion dollars a year, and that doesn't really count for all of it. | ||
They get pockets of everything. | ||
And we send most of the troops. | ||
That just can't continue on. | ||
That's the unsustainability. | ||
The Europe as a protectorate of the United States, the Middle East as a protectorate of the United States can't continue on. | ||
And Boris, I think, has been the biggest neocon in this whole thing. | ||
unidentified
|
You should see some of the salaries in the UK. | |
I mean, compared to the US, we are basically poor, I think. | ||
You're a poor country. | ||
Outside of London, you're a poor country. | ||
It doesn't have to be. | ||
This is what I said in the speech today. | ||
For the people that watch GB News and for the people of the United Kingdom. | ||
This is not an immutable law of nature of what your economic position is. | ||
They try to make it like it's the second law of thermodynamics. | ||
There's something in the natural order of things that make you work hard in a nation that for how many generations, when you look back over your family in England, 12, 13, why are you dead broke today? | ||
Your forefathers gave so much to this country. | ||
Where's your piece of the action? | ||
The reason is that the structure of neoliberalism and this neocon war machine... I spent eight years in the Navy as a naval officer, four deployed essentially to the Pacific and then to the Persian Gulf during the North Arabian Sea. | ||
I spent three years back at the Pentagon as the aide to the chief of naval operations. | ||
My daughter graduated from West Point. | ||
She was in the 101st Airborne and deployed to Iraq during the war. | ||
My kid brother's a Navy pilot. | ||
We serve our country. | ||
Our family goes in for the eight years. | ||
We don't make a career of it normally. | ||
So I'm a hawk, but I'm not an idiot. | ||
We can't continue this war machine that continues on grinding up and taking up the best resources in the country. | ||
There has to be a reordering of that. | ||
You have to think about economic worth and other things. | ||
The United Kingdom has to have a coming together and thinking through what the issues are, | ||
are you gonna be more and more a third world nation? | ||
And that is where the capital has all the elites, has the cultural elites, has all the money, | ||
and the lifestyle in London ain't too shabby, right? | ||
For the world's elites, go to Belgravia, go to the West End of London. | ||
But you look out to the countryside of what in the industrial cities | ||
that have built at arguably in the 20th century the greatest nation on earth | ||
and a nation that did more for literacy and for spreading the wealth in any nation on earth, | ||
and look at what the grandchildren and great-grandchildren of those people have. | ||
They have nothing. | ||
It's outrageous. | ||
This is why if there's not a. | ||
A restructuring of the British economic system, not to socialism, but to more entrepreneurial capitalism, away from what you have now, which is late-stage finance capitalism in the City of London, late-stage capitalism, and now becoming techno-feudalism, you're going to have a revolution. | ||
And that revolution is going to be a violent revolution. | ||
You have a way to change this now through human agency. | ||
If it's not changed, just like in the United States, we can't continue down this unsustainable | ||
path of just this federal spending to keep the system propped up. | ||
It's got to end. | ||
Or we're going to end up in a terrible situation. | ||
unidentified
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What you're saying is incredibly concerning. | |
And as I mentioned at the beginning of this interview, we've had many, many elections | ||
where people vote for one thing and something else happens. | ||
And I just wonder what the impact is, psychological impact on people's voters. | ||
Are they going to become apathetic? | ||
Are they going to become angry? | ||
As you say, maybe they'll become violent. | ||
Dominic Cummings, what he showed you in those. | ||
The power of what, at least I saw, was the anger of the Labour Party people that said, what are you talking about? | ||
They're not working for us. | ||
They're not looking out for us. | ||
They have their own set of things they fight about in Commons, they fight about on BBC, but it doesn't affect our lives. | ||
Even if you have lethargy, even if you have apathy, you're not going to have apathy for long. | ||
It's going to flip. | ||
It's flipped in every country and civilization. | ||
It flipped in France. | ||
People should start to focus on the French Revolution. | ||
And I mean that. | ||
The French Revolution has many, many parallels to today. | ||
And people should, you know, understand their history. | ||
And the sunlit uplands are in front of us. | ||
Because here's the thing, not only are the people basically good, they're hard-working and they want to work. | ||
What they want to do is accrete more of the value they create to themselves. | ||
We've had a misallocation, what I call finance capitalism. | ||
Since neoliberalism really came to fruition, I guess, after World War II, but particularly in the 60s and 70s and 80s, you've had a much bigger allocation of returns to capital than you had to labor, to work. | ||
Right? | ||
That is what we have to have two things. | ||
We have to undo that misallocation. | ||
That work gets more benefit than capital. | ||
And we're a capitalist, so you're not trying to be state-owned or socialist. | ||
The other thing we have to do, because we've allowed this to go on for so long, is now you have an oligarchy. | ||
Think about in London when you go in and see all the foreign entities that own Belgravia and own things, and they're mocking you. | ||
Their forefathers didn't work for this country. | ||
They didn't work and die in Normandy, in North Africa, in Singapore. | ||
They didn't sacrifice on the Somme. | ||
They weren't there with Nelson's Navy. | ||
They did nothing to make sure this country was free and prosperous and was the engine of the Industrial Revolution. | ||
They did nothing for that and they control it all and they mock you. | ||
That's what's going to lead to a revolution. | ||
That can't go. | ||
You have to get to the reallocation of the assets itself. | ||
In the United States, since the financial crisis of 2008, 1% owns 90% of the assets. | ||
Remember, our revolution, no matter how it's portrayed, if you see the fights in common, the revolutionary generation were focused on a couple things. | ||
Yes, liberty and all that, but at the end of the day, They saw, and they punched out at the beginning of the ascendancy of your empire, with India, with Clive and India, and what was happening in India, the United States was going to be the two-legged stool for the greatest empire on earth, and they opted out. | ||
They could have been the guys skimming at the time, and why'd they opt out? | ||
They could look downrange and said, here's what we're going to, here's what we're getting, we have new Jerusalem here in this primordial forest, and Or, we can do it ourselves, based upon English common law, and ourselves as Englishmen, and helping other people in the nations, but set that as a foundation. | ||
Or, we can be part of still a worthless landed aristocracy that's not particularly bright, right, and not particularly energetic, coupled with monopolistic power given by the crown to, like, the British East India Company. | ||
And now, scholars today are actually talking about how those companies actually drove the empire versus the reverse, because most people take politics at Oxford, they focus on the political, not the economic. | ||
It shouldn't be lost on the English that our revolutionary generation, who were all essentially Englishmen or scotch, were of three categories. | ||
Real estate speculators, smugglers and or freebooters, And lawyers, smart, crafty lawyers, that was the revolutionary generation. | ||
And because they sat there and go, we don't want the British East India Company. | ||
In fact, we've got to figure out how to get around the customs house to pay them. | ||
That's what drove the American spirit. | ||
That's the American entrepreneurial spirit. | ||
unidentified
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That's what drove the revolution in many ways, was these smugglers who were trying to get around the British sort of tea system and so on. | |
John Hancock and John Adams, or Sam Adams. | ||
The whole issue in Massachusetts was the smuggling. | ||
Look, it was all up and down the coast. | ||
Because they, look, they weren't, it's not that, oh you can't say this Steve, they're all saints. | ||
They're not saints, they were men, they were very smart men. | ||
But they understood, they were buying into a system. | ||
They were at the ground floor of an empire that would have lasted hundreds of years and they would have been the beneficiary of it. | ||
And they said, hey guess what? | ||
We would rather even risk being hung Because we think we can get a better deal. | ||
And that better deal is that we can be the guys that kind of, you know, work with people and maybe control this deal. | ||
And that's what it was. | ||
It was speculators. | ||
unidentified
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It was... Well, they also wanted to expand out westwards, which we... This was the real estate speculator. | |
This is why the British, you know, our war, the Revolutionary War, In America, against our mother country, did not really end to the Civil War. | ||
But the basic first part didn't end to the Battle of New Orleans in 1815 when Wellington's, you know, three major generals, only time in British history three major generals were killed in action by General Jackson in the free booters The same guys, except this is in New Orleans, not Massachusetts, are trying to get around the British crown, you know, and you guys want to reimpose it right there. | ||
So that there is a 30 to 20 or 30-year deal, but it still went on to the Civil War. | ||
The Civil War, you want it with the South, certain elements of Britain want it, didn't mind, although you'd stop the slave trade. | ||
If these guys want to break off and have a slave empire, I'm from the South, and I'm a Southern Unionist. | ||
The reason is the Nationalists, Abraham Lincoln was a Nationalist. | ||
Right? | ||
Obviously slavery was big, but slavery was also part of the labor situation. | ||
You couldn't actually have free men that could make a living as long as you had a slave system. | ||
This is one of the things that happened down in the South. | ||
They wanted to build a slave empire in the Caribbean. | ||
Jefferson Davis, they were maniacally focused on Cuba. | ||
The Southern Plantation aristocracy were globalist. | ||
Yes, they were globalist. | ||
They saw ability of a global slave empire with maybe a partnership with England | ||
and we can get around the slave thing because we understand the British abolitionists | ||
had stopped it first, but maybe we can work around that. | ||
Versus a nationalist like Laborham Lincoln, who the Union was everything to keep together. | ||
They saw the power of a continental, of having a continental power. | ||
We are the children of that. | ||
And that is why we're nationalists here. | ||
And that's why we put America first and American citizens first. | ||
It's not that we're isolationists. | ||
It's not that, remember, I'm the fire-breathing economic nationalist. | ||
When Theresa May's team came over, I said we will sit down and cut a deal that will be beneficial to both parties. | ||
And it won't be through Brussels, it won't be through this, it'll be directly to the United Kingdom, the United States for the Anglosphere. | ||
And we can use this as a predicate. | ||
They, it wasn't us, the economic nationalists, it was the British, they were in shock. | ||
They were like, what are you talking about? | ||
I go, like a trade deal that could be fair and, you know, and they were like, oh my God, you can't, they didn't even want to discuss it. | ||
They, they, they were, they wet themselves. | ||
They were, they were so timid. | ||
About everything. | ||
unidentified
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You've hit on a really interesting point, because the people on the British side were part of what you might call the Deep State, or Dominic Cummings certainly would, where you have all these officials who are incredibly anti-Trump. | |
One of them actually I was involved with a long time ago was Kim Darroch, who was the ambassador in Washington, and I actually was part of publishing his memos. | ||
So look, you've got all of these kind of people Yeah, you've got all of these British officials, British diplomats who are anti-Trump, but also they're globalist and they're liberal and they're left-wing. | ||
How does one deal with this situation in the UK? | ||
And again, just to bring back Dominic Cummings into this equation, Eisenhower talked about the military-industrial complex. | ||
Dominic Cummings talks about defence procurement corruption in the UK, which is a huge issue. | ||
So if you're talking to Nigel Farage or whoever it is who's going to take over the UK in 2028 or 2035 or whatever it is, how do you deal with these people? | ||
How do you deal with that issue? | ||
You have to deal in opposition. | ||
First off, you can't wait. | ||
It's like everybody says, we're running to Trump against him. | ||
If you're engaged in politics, you're part of the GB news nation, watch this. | ||
You have to be engaged today. | ||
There's tons of small fights. | ||
Everything just says go, you wave a magic wand. | ||
Every day you engage and fight. | ||
This must start immediately. | ||
And you must start to take on the MI5, MI6 deep state. | ||
It should not be lost on people in England. | ||
If it is, you've got to get up the learning curve. | ||
Your deep state teaches, we're like junior partners. | ||
I mean, it's like World War II. | ||
The OSS, you know, we had a bunch of cowboys running around. | ||
They've always looked at, British intelligence has always looked at US intelligence as a little bit of schoolboys that need to be learned up. | ||
You guys have a much deeper problem than we do. | ||
unidentified
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Why do you say, by the way, just out of curiosity, why do you say MI6 and MI5? | |
Because, I mean, isn't this thing across all government departments? | ||
It is, but I think also the intelligence services are the ones that I think always drive a lot of the action. | ||
unidentified
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Why? | |
What evidence have you got for that? | ||
I've got all the evidence of Crossfire Hurricane. | ||
Just look at the details of Crossfire Hurricane. | ||
They were very open in working with the Hillary Clinton team and others and Comey and all these people in trying to set up the Trump campaign back in the spring and summer of 2016. | ||
They're very active. | ||
And we kind of cover this under the five eyes and all these intelligence agreements. | ||
Look, I'm pro-Ally and pro-Alliance. | ||
What I don't want is a merger and kind of a combination of the deep state that essentially controls things, controls information. | ||
But you're right. | ||
You've actually got it. | ||
The other thing it should be, you know, let's go back when we talk about administrative state, deep state. | ||
We have a government, and this number is not put out correctly. | ||
We have a government, a federal government in the United States, I think is about 2.25 million people. | ||
We have a military, it's about two and a half million. | ||
And I think if you take all the numbers out, it's around four and a half or five million of that. | ||
But we have another 18 million contractors. | ||
Those contractors, half of them are the guys doing IT, but half of them are just because we can't get permanent bills to put them on the government payroll, are paid for the equivalent of SES. | ||
So you have essentially 10 to 12 million Bureaucrats are functionaries in the administrative state that controls a budget of $7 trillion a year in the United States. | ||
$7 trillion. | ||
$2 trillion deficit every year. | ||
Of that, when we take power, we only get 3,000 political appointees that can go in day one. | ||
Don't have to be confirmed. | ||
1,000 have to be confirmed by the Senate, and as you know from the last time, that can get hung up for years. | ||
There were half the billets we never filled from Senate confirmations. | ||
And McConnell and these rhinos, and the Democrats only decide who to put through when they put through, so you essentially have 3,000 people and a handful of others. | ||
In England, you have... A hundred. | ||
A hundred. | ||
And this is why Hey, I'm an Irish Republican, I'm very anti-monarch. | ||
And one of the reasons is that the monarchy, so many of the people in the deep and administrative state are either appointees of the monarch or close into the crown. | ||
What do you mean by that? | ||
unidentified
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I mean, King Charles isn't appointing the deep state, is he? | |
No, but you have the people at the next level, they're all in the same clubs. | ||
Those people in the government. | ||
unidentified
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You mean the sort of establishment elite? | |
Yes. | ||
There's not like the hundred. | ||
Remember, also because you have this quaint notion, and some of it's powerful, of amateurism, that people can go over and take portfolios and just learn it. | ||
In today's complex world, that means that the administrators, the people that are there, have much, much more power because they set the agenda or just don't pay attention to what you do. | ||
Let's go back to the Liz Truss situation. | ||
It's insanity. | ||
For her to do what you do and not put these numbers out and say, well, you can only wait six weeks or eight weeks. | ||
We were sitting there every day and go, hey, if you're going to do something like this, which is have big tax cuts and do a kind of a supply side tax cut that over time it's going to get rejuvenated, you've got to convince people you're not going to blow up the bond market and particularly blow up the pension fund market that will start taking people's You know, retirement's off the table. | ||
You have a duty and obligation to be straightforward. | ||
One of the reasons there is that you had a, I believe, a Chancellor of the Exchequer that maybe wasn't as up to speed on capital markets as he needed to be and sophisticated. | ||
And so I think when she says, remember her argument not mine, she says the deep state of the Bank of England and the other financial community with the City of London turfed her out. | ||
And I think I don't agree with that totally, but there's definitely something there. | ||
The Lords of Easy Money and Wall Street and the City of London have enormous power. | ||
And they have enormous power in these agencies. | ||
They have enormous power in our Treasury. | ||
They have enormous power in our Federal Reserve. | ||
And they have enormous power in the Bank of England. | ||
unidentified
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Should Nigel Farage come back and destroy the Conservative Party? | |
I think the Conservative... Look, my observation, particularly since it's a snap election, the Conservative Party has destroyed itself. | ||
I don't know why Nigel, with this time to go, would want to be associated and have the finger pointing, oh, this only happened because of you. | ||
No, it didn't happen because of you. | ||
You've been in power for 14 years. | ||
You've lied to people for 14 years. | ||
You misrepresented for 14 years. | ||
And here's the thing. | ||
It's not just 14 years. | ||
You've got almost virtually the biggest support you've got. | ||
Number one, you changed British history with Brexit and then you followed up with an overwhelming landslide that the people gave you a mandate. | ||
And that mandate you completely dropped the ball on. | ||
The responsibility of that has to fall on those people. | ||
I think anything that takes it away from that only hurts them. | ||
And, like, the lesson we learned, and there's a book out called Finish What We Started, which is about the precinct strategy. | ||
We had to make a decision. | ||
There were a lot of people when Trump left office, went to Mar-a-Lago. | ||
We need to start a third party. | ||
The Republican Party shot, and I said, no. | ||
We're a two-party system, and it will take forever to institutionally build it up. | ||
Let's take over the empty husk of this thing. | ||
And we went in and fought precinct by precinct, then at the state party level, now at the Republican National Committee. | ||
We removed all the leadership of the RNC. | ||
We removed the Speaker of the House. | ||
We removed, first time in history, we removed essentially Mitch McConnell. | ||
We took out the trifecta of all of them by grassroots. | ||
We've essentially taken over the Republican Party as a Trump In fact, his daughter-in-law is now the vice chairman of it and doing a great job. | ||
That's what, to me, should be done with the husk of the Tory party, is rebuild it with populism, rebuild it with nationalism. | ||
And not nationalism as, oh, this is going to lead into Oswald Mosley. | ||
No. | ||
I'm talking about putting the interest, the economic interest of those hard-working folks up in the Midlands, if you put their interest first, In just a piece of the action and a fair deal, they'll overwhelmingly come to support you. | ||
It's not even a question. | ||
They're getting screwed every day of their lives and they're getting screwed and they're being talked to like idiots. | ||
If you go particularly with the way news can be gathered today and the disintermediation of our bettors, right, at the Financial Times and the BBC and the New York Times and the Wall Street Journal, the access to information is such and people are thirsty for this. | ||
If you talk to them as adults, and you understand we have a very tough struggle ahead, it's not going to be easy, but we can go directionally in this direction, and we're going to get there, that party is going to get two-thirds of the votes after the collapse of labor. | ||
And I don't think, Nigel, my recommendation, don't be associated with the Gata Damarong of the Tories that is coming. | ||
unidentified
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When it comes to the decline of the West, Can you talk about the importance of the two years 1789 and | |
1914? | ||
Well 1789 is, I would say, I want to say 1789, Let's talk those three. | ||
Well, 1789, obviously the beginning of the French Revolution. | ||
Remember, there's this apocryphal story that when Nixon and Kissinger went to China for the opening of China strategically in the early 70s to kind of counter Russia. | ||
As soon as they landed, Mao wanted to see them. | ||
Of course, they'd taken an 18-hour flight. | ||
They were very tired, but they went over there. | ||
They had some issues with translators. | ||
And, you know, Kissinger was... There were Cho and Lai as the deputy, and, of course, you had Mao and Nixon. | ||
And the conversation got a little disjointed, and so to keep the conversation moving, Kissinger said, you know, talking about revolutions, a revolution, what do you think about the French Revolution? | ||
And Cho and Lai sat there in quiet, thought about it, and he goes, Too early to tell. | ||
And I think that's the power of that revolution, which was radically different than our revolution, right? | ||
And so you've got the founding of the Americans after our revolution, and the beginning of the French Revolution, and that started the two, I think, the two systems that we saw at least for, you know, a couple hundred years. | ||
1914, and this is why I'm so scared today, if you go back in 1914, from the time you had the assassination of the Archduke and his wife in Sarajevo by the Serbian | ||
nationalist. | ||
It didn't make the front page of the Times of London until the 28th. | ||
And by that time, all the deals had been made and of course the run up and you had to get all the armaments there and all the deals had been done and everybody had to get it going. | ||
If you go back and look at that and study the history of World War I, you see that in those trenches, you see just the tossing and throwing away of life in the whole West. | ||
Destroyed the Victorian era. | ||
All those values came crashing down because the technology had gotten so immense. | ||
So the machine gun and artillery, later the submarine and the airplane. | ||
It was a meat grinder of beyond expectations. | ||
And to think of how people just kept up with that, kept up with that, kept up with that, and finally it just burned itself out for these old empires. | ||
You look at what's happening in Ukraine today, and I think you can see a lot. | ||
I think you could have a guns of August moment, whether it's happening in Persia with somebody taking down that helicopter, or whether it's happening in Slovakia with an assassination. | ||
We're on a knife's edge right now. | ||
Back to 1989, what I call the short 20th century was from August of 1914 to basically the summer and early fall of 1989. | ||
And there you had the end of really that calamitous period with Tiananmen Square and with the fall of the Berlin Wall within six months of each other. | ||
And what did the elites in the West do? | ||
The elites in the West bailed out. | ||
Bailed out the Chinese Communist Party, which would have been overthrown if we had just let nature take its course. | ||
People were tired of it because of the murderous dictatorship. | ||
And if we hadn't gone in as the West, the worst elements of the West, to pick on the carcass of the Soviet Union and basically turn off the Russian people who had been our allies, you would have had a different outcome. | ||
They turned to the KGB and the strongmen. | ||
And so here we are today in a 21st century. | ||
And this is getting So dangerous, I can't even describe. | ||
And here's why it's dangerous. | ||
Warren Buffett said the other day, artificial intelligence. | ||
World War One was so murderous and so unexpected in its slaughter because technology had so overwhelmed tactics. | ||
And, you know, the French called to the offensive and all the tactics of the Victorian era. | ||
People weren't prepared for it. | ||
The same thing's happening today. | ||
Technology with artificial intelligence and other things that can happen on the battlefield. | ||
The compactness of tactical nuclear weapons and other chemical weapons, the pandemic, biological weapons, we are playing with fire. | ||
And that's why I've been an advocate, particularly in Ukraine. | ||
You've got to dial this down immediately. | ||
You've got to get to the peace table. | ||
You've got to negotiate something because we are playing with fire right now. | ||
And with this time, it goes next time. | ||
I don't know how you stop it. | ||
We are back into after the slaughter of the 20th century. | ||
From 14 to 89, we are back in the same fight over the Eurasian landmass on the rim, whether it's in the South China Sea, whether it's in the Red Sea, or in Israel, or whether it's in Ukraine. | ||
And now you have the Chinese Communist Party with the Mullahs in Persia, now combined with Russia. | ||
And this is, it's getting more and more dangerous, and people are being happy-talked into it, and it is going to explode. | ||
unidentified
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And when it explodes, You're not going to be able to stop it. | |
What about 1917? | ||
How do you assess the Russian Revolution and do you try and learn lessons from Lenin? | ||
Well, the Russian Revolution, once again, the lesson I take from it is that it only takes a small group of people that are absolutely maniacally dedicated. | ||
Remember, look what we've done in the United States. | ||
We have a majority of people that agree with us, but only a very hardcore has kind of driven this narrative. | ||
unidentified
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But not in the elite? | |
Not in the elite. | ||
In the elite, we have none. | ||
Right? | ||
We have almost none. | ||
unidentified
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So is that the lesson from Lenin? | |
No. | ||
To capture the elite? | ||
I think, well, I think the lesson in Lenin, and it's a, you know, these guys are, first off, they're gangsters. | ||
Just like the Nazis, they may have a different superficial thing of the program, but whether you're fascist in Italy, whether you're imperial, Japan, these are gangsters, okay? | ||
They don't care. | ||
This is will to power, what they're prepared to take. | ||
And if you look at the way they took over Russia with the help of intelligence services, particularly the Germans, because the central goal Of England and France and the Allies, the Entente, was to make sure Russia stayed in the war. | ||
Germany was to get Russia out of the war and fight a one front war. | ||
I guess Ottoman and Arabian would be different. | ||
But it was to get Russia out of the war. | ||
It was German intelligence that sealed the bacillus on the train and got him to the Finland station. | ||
I think the lesson I take from that is that a small dedicated group of people Who didn't play by the rules because they didn't play by the rules Because either the Mensheviks or the the white Russians would have been I have a democracy and everything would have gone on Was able to take over and they took over and life was even worse For the peasants. | ||
They didn't the the peasants who kind of backed them and the industrial You know proletariat that backed them only only had more peasants really backed them Well, not backed them, but we're at least not enough to say, let's overthrow them, right? | ||
And of course they were put down the Kulaks. | ||
This is what the elites in our country try to do to the MAGA movement. | ||
I say the MAGA movement is much like the peasants, because they're always trying to take out the Kulaks. | ||
My parents, I come from a very working class Middle-class. | ||
My dad was with the phone company for 50 years, most of it as a blue-collar foreman, and then later he, without a college education, was able to get into lower management. | ||
But my family were the Kulaks. | ||
They're the ones that were kind of organized, and this is exactly what they're trying to take out. | ||
This is what the Bolsheviks took out. | ||
This is what they're trying to take out. | ||
That's why they attack the families that are most, you know, the nuclear family, the leaders in the community. | ||
unidentified
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You talk about their will to power. | |
You just gave a speech telling people, take power. | ||
Yeah. | ||
So is there a similarity there? | ||
I don't know if it's a similarity, but people have to, when you're up against the empire, when you're up against the dark star, you can't negotiate with it. | ||
We have no negotiating power. | ||
The only power we have is to grab as much power we have and use as much leverage we have to get to where we want to go. | ||
That's what this whole thing's been. | ||
It's command by negation. | ||
We can negate what they want to do with a small minority and eventually get to ourselves. | ||
That's why they hate us now. | ||
Is that Trumpism is on the rise because it looks like we're going to take the House or increase our number of the House, take the Senate, and Trump's going to come back with a massive victory with these populist nationalist ideas. | ||
They're prepared to do anything, including break any law, throw Trump in jail. | ||
But yeah, you have to, in the execution of this, you have to be ruthless. | ||
This is why I keep telling people, particularly people in England, Trump is a moderate. | ||
Trump is actually a very good man with a big heart. | ||
And he wants to bring people together. | ||
He likes being popular. | ||
The reason he gets kind of surly sometimes is the whole world's against him. | ||
Here in the United States, all the elites are against him because the elites always misread what's happening. | ||
They think it's just Trump and if they get rid of Trump, this whole thing will collapse. | ||
They don't understand that the MAGA movement has risen up and lifted Trump up. | ||
The second time. | ||
On their shoulders and say, you're our guy, you're the leader of our movement. | ||
But this movement is not going to die. | ||
This movement only gets stronger and stronger. | ||
That is what I think you're going to see happen in the United Kingdom. | ||
unidentified
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You talk about revolution, you talk about the ruthlessness, you talk about taking power. | |
Now, all of these things, to some liberal-minded people, might sound dangerous and anti-democratic. | ||
No, no, no. | ||
For the liberals and for the liberal-thinking people, They should think it's dangerous, because it is. | ||
unidentified
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But is it anti-democratic? | |
That's my question. | ||
No, it's not. | ||
It's pro-democratic. | ||
But how do we take power here? | ||
The precinct strategy, this is why Esquire just did an interview with the author, and they go, one of the things we're shocked by, because the book says, finish what we started, the end of democracy through the MAGA movement. | ||
And the guy says, hey, you know, I read the book, but all these guys had no power. | ||
And what they did is they went to the lowest possible level, school boards in these precincts, and they started taking over the Republican Party and the school boards. | ||
Next thing, the town councils. | ||
The next thing, the state parties. | ||
And they did it through democratic methods. | ||
They did it because they had the majority of the votes. | ||
I believe in democracy. | ||
We're not a democracy. | ||
We're a republic. | ||
But I believe in democracy. | ||
Why do I believe in democracy? | ||
Why wouldn't I? | ||
We've got the votes. | ||
We won in 16. | ||
We won in 2020. | ||
This is why I go back to the railhead. | ||
We did not lose the 2020 election. | ||
We actually won an overwhelming victory. | ||
As much as they could steal, they could only take it with a couple thousand votes in each state. | ||
Of course I love democracy. | ||
We're two-thirds of the nation. | ||
We're going to run the country through democratic means. | ||
They're not going to like it because we're going to run the elites out here because they're the most undemocratic people in the world. | ||
The Democratic Party is basically progressive billionaires. | ||
The credential class of all these bozos that went to American colleges that can't even pay their loans back, all these phony degrees of credential people who don't know anything, then you drop down and you've got the proletariat, you've got the underclass. | ||
MAGA is the middle class and the working class. | ||
And what they're afraid of is that everything they try to divide us by race and ethnicity and religion and all that, I want to ask about the 1920s. | ||
This is a really fascinating period. | ||
by love of country putting America first, citizens first, in economic nationalism. | ||
And yes, the liberals should be very concerned because I believe in accountability. | ||
unidentified
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I want to ask about the 1920s. | |
This is a really fascinating period. | ||
I think it connects to a lot of what you're talking about economically and in terms of | ||
foreign policy. | ||
Ron DeSantis recently praised Calvin Coolidge as a president. | ||
He said he was a fantastic president, someone we should take an example from. | ||
Obviously, in the 1920s, America was an isolationist state. | ||
But at the same time, you could argue there was this crony capitalism which led to the Wall Street crash. | ||
So how do you assess Coolidge? | ||
How do you assess the 1920s as a period? | ||
I've never been a Coolidge fan, but I understand some limited government Republicans... They like his stuff. | ||
They like his surpluses. | ||
America was not isolationist. | ||
It's different. | ||
We had just been hoodwinked into a war that's still very questionable why we're in the war. | ||
Between the Zimmerman telegram, the Lusitania, all of it. | ||
Wilson and these guys were globalists. | ||
They wanted and they believed in global institutions. | ||
The American people didn't quite understand why they even got involved in World War I. | ||
Okay, and then when they got involved in World War I, for the six months of fighting, it was a slaughter. | ||
Look how many troops we lost. | ||
It was a slaughterhouse, and we got in at the very end, and the reason the Germans collapsed, they saw unlimited American technology, manpower, et cetera, and said, you know, we got to throw the kite, we can't do this anymore. | ||
The American people were, there wasn't a big cheering, and a lot of movies made of how great World War I was. | ||
Basically, people said, we don't want any more of that. | ||
We got kicked out of all these countries, right? | ||
We came here, one time maybe, and they thought Wilson and these guys had lied to them, particularly when they came back to the League of Nations and all of a sudden they said, whoa, whoa! | ||
The founders said, particularly, don't go overseas looking for monsters to slay, because there's a lot of monsters to slay in Europe, back in those days. | ||
We don't want any part of it. | ||
We weren't isolationists, but we wanted to put... Remember, back in that, it was America First, and people said they were fascists. | ||
No, if you go back and look at it, they didn't want to get involved in another land war in Europe. | ||
And Roosevelt and these people lied to them straight forward. | ||
In 1941, against Wendell Willkie, he stood up and said, under no circumstances were American boys go to fight in Europe. | ||
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And he knew he was lying about that. | |
He knew he was lying about that because of all the deals they were cutting at the time, but more importantly, And most people, 99% of people in the United States don't know the following. | ||
When Pearl Harbor was attacked, and there's a whole set of issues about Pearl Harbor we don't need to get into now, but when Pearl Harbor was attacked, that night in the White House they panicked. | ||
There was a panic about the accountability, how did this happen? | ||
But most importantly, there was consensus. | ||
When FDR went the next day to Congress, he declared war, he says, we are now in a state of war with the Empire of Japan. | ||
He specifically didn't say, We're going to war with Adolf Hitler. | ||
There was no interest in no thing at all among the country to even discuss getting back into a war. | ||
It was Hitler who 72 hours later in 1941, he had a bad run. | ||
He took on Russia in June. | ||
He took on the United States in September. | ||
He declared war because of his deal with Japan. | ||
And he thought we were too weak to fight. | ||
He declared war on us. | ||
And even then, The whole machinations inside the U.S. | ||
government of how do we focus on Germany first versus the people really angry about Japan, they had to kind of maneuver that for a while. | ||
There was a lot of consternation saying, hey, look, I know he declared war on us, but, you know, are we just fighting to save the British Empire? | ||
So that is, you know, that is the history of World War II. | ||
It's like America first. | ||
We are not isolationists. | ||
Your audience should understand, most of MAGA is made up of veterans. | ||
Either people that are in the service today, or parents of veterans, or people like myself that have served and have had children serve, and you have grandchildren serve, etc. | ||
We're veterans. | ||
We understand that we're part of an interconnected world, both on trade, and on alliances. What we don't want is America's imperial | ||
power. | ||
We were, our revolutionary generation broke off from what would be the greatest empire on earth for a | ||
reason and laid us a set of precepts particularly by going | ||
overseas in the world and trying to be a do-gooder. Just if you take | ||
care of the United States and you ensure peace and prosperity, this will benefit the | ||
world and that's And we are not isolationists, but we're not looking to go into Ukraine, of which Field Marshal Montgomery, Winston Churchill, General Marshall, General Eisenhower, Patton, within a million years said, hell, they couldn't even get them to focus on the Balkans and not much else is going to go deep into | ||
Into Russian territory, into Ukraine, to fight a war where essentially World War II was determined by the Wehrmacht and the Red Army. | ||
So, no, what's happened today in geopolitics and national security is insanity. | ||
And the people that freed us from the fascists back in the 1940s say, what in the hell are you guys doing? | ||
Just like, what have you allowed this oligarchy? | ||
And they're interconnected. | ||
The oligarchy wants this, and the people don't, and that's why we fight it so hard. | ||
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Many conservatives, we've talked about 1914, we've talked about the French Revolution, but many conservatives today, Britain and America, blame the 1960s as an era as to why there has been particularly a cultural decline from a conservative perspective, socially conservative perspective, whether it comes to sexual revolution or civil rights. | |
Do you agree with that? | ||
I would take it back to the aftermath of the war, but to the assassination of Kennedy. | ||
I mean, the United States, think about it, we had the assassination of Kennedy, | ||
we had the assassination of Bobby Kennedy, John Kennedy, Bobby Kennedy, | ||
Martin Luther King, and Malcolm X, and the assassination of Temple and George Wallace. | ||
And the railhead of this is the assassination of President Diem by the CIA. | ||
Kennedy gave permission to have a regime change, and he was guaranteed that they'd be taken out of the country. | ||
unidentified
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In South Vietnam. | |
In South Vietnam. | ||
And Diem was murdered by CIA on the airfield in the truck, 30 days before Kennedy. | ||
That's the railhead of the cultural collapse of the United States. | ||
In the West. | ||
The Vietnam War, the riots in Paris, all of it. | ||
But my question is, what did the conservatives do to stop it? | ||
They wrote a bunch of white papers, they had a bunch of conferences, they went to have drinks at White's and at the United States with George Will and David Brooks and all these guys in bow ties. | ||
What the f*** did you do to stop it? | ||
Here's what you did to stop it. | ||
Nothing. | ||
You know why they did nothing? | ||
Because it's too f***ing hard to do it. | ||
They're gutless. | ||
The reason this country in the West is in the shape it's in is because the conservatives who talked a good game about doing better didn't have the f***ing balls to sit there and fight and say no. | ||
And this is why you have moms going to school boards to throw this pornography out. | ||
The reason we're winning in the United States, we're not depending upon a conservative elite who are gutless and feckless. | ||
We're depending upon mothers and fathers and school boards. | ||
We're depending upon working class people taking their extra time to go to precinct strategy because they said, hey, we're prepared to stand and fight and not let our country be taken. | ||
And that's what's important. | ||
Everything else is just conversation. | ||
You have to have the political will and the muscle to sit there and say, they can call me a racist, they can call me a nativist, they can call me a xenophobe, a sexist, a homophobe, all of it. | ||
When they get to that name-calling, that means they've lost the argument and we're winning. | ||
You've got to draw that pus, you've got to lance the boil and draw that pus out of the system, and the conservatives aren't prepared to do that. | ||
They'll curl up in the fetal position, because they're not going to be acceptable at the clubs. | ||
You have to get over, you have to understand, we're un-clubbable, and we're un-clubbable, and we're f***ed. | ||
I'm proud of it, okay? | ||
And we're going to save our country and eventually leaders will step up in England and come to the forefront and save the United Kingdom. | ||
unidentified
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Lyndon Johnson, was he the worst president of the 20th century? | |
Of the 20th century, Lyndon Johnson was by far, he's a monster. | ||
I think also Lyndon Johnson, you gotta, there has not been a deep enough dive on any of his involvement in the Kennedy assassination. | ||
I think he's a monster. | ||
But I will add, I don't think he's the worst president of the United States. | ||
The worst president of the United States is Buchanan and Bush. | ||
Bush 43. | ||
Bush 43 is the worst president of the financial collapse, the war in Iraq, 9-11, they weren't prepared for it. | ||
You go through a litany of things that happened to this nation on his watch and the happy talk of what they did nothing about and the Karl Rose and their cocktail parties and everything. | ||
He is the worst president next to Buchanan in the history of the nation. | ||
Johnson's a different category because he's a monster. | ||
And he's a unique monster and they have not drilled down on his involvement of anything particularly related to the Kennedy assassination. | ||
unidentified
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Thank you very much Mr. Bannon for joining us. | |
I appreciate it. | ||
I'm sorry for taking up so much of your time. |