On the Front Lines of Freedom | President of Argentina, Javier Milei
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How come my approval ratings have gone up and the intention of people to vote for me has also increased?
It means that the culture battle is bearing fruit, and the Argentine people have decided to mature, put on long pants, do things right, once and for all. So this goes well beyond the individual Javier
Millet. This means that the Argentine people have decided to espouse freedom, and
that is the best message.
Today we're honored to host a figure who has not only captivated the attention of his nation,
but has stirred conversations around the globe about the direction of Western civilization,
economic freedom, and the power of individualism. A figure whose meteoric rise in politics is
is matched only by his unyielding dedication to core conservative principles.
Today, we welcome President Javier Mille to the Sunday Special.
An economist by profession and a maverick by nature, President Mille has become a polarizing figure in Argentine politics, championing a libertarian approach in a landscape traditionally dominated by populist and socialist policies.
His journey to the presidency is not just a political story, it's a narrative about challenging the entrenched status quo, advocating for radical change, and inspiring a movement.
Mille has risen to prominence through his outspoken criticism of fiscal irresponsibility, his advocacy for reducing the size of government, and his unique ability to connect with the disaffected voters tired of traditional politics.
In 2018, Mille became the most interviewed economist on television, with 235 interviews, also hosting his own radio show, Demoliendo Mitos, or Demolishing Myths.
In 2023, Millet ran for president as part of La Libertad Avanza, and as inflation rose above 100% in the country, so did Millet's position in the polls.
On November 19, 2023, he defeated his political opponent, Sergio Massa, in a landslide historic election, gaining the highest percentage of the vote since Argentina became a democracy.
In his victory speech, Millet promised a reconstruction of Argentina and the end to its economic decline, a new era.
Since taking office, President Mele has lowered the number of ministries from 18 to 9, deregulated the Argentine economy, and slowed inflation in the country.
In today's conversation, we explore Mele's incisive views on the current state of the West, dissecting the ideological battles that threaten the foundational principles of freedom and prosperity.
We discuss Argentina's economic turmoil, characterized by rampant inflation, fiscal deficits, and a burgeoning public debt.
Mile's diagnosis of Argentina's economic woes and his prescriptions for recovery are both controversial and compelling, advocating for sweeping reforms to restore economic stability and growth.
We also delve into Mile's personal journey, tracing the roots of his political and economic philosophies to his formative years, uncovering experiences that shaped his worldview and the moments that propelled him from a renowned economist to a national leader.
In a world where the specter of socialism looms large, Millet stands as a bulwark against the threats to economic freedom, championing policies that empower individuals and foster entrepreneurship.
Join us for a riveting discussion that spans the spectrum of political, economic, and social
ideology and offers a glimpse into the mind of one of today's most fascinating political figures.
President Millet, it's an honor to meet you.
I want to start by asking you, how do you make such audacious moves economically?
What was the lead-up?
For people who don't know anything about Argentina, what was the situation that led to your election, and how does that give you the freedom to actually make such audacious moves economically?
Well, to begin with, when we took office, we inherited the worst possible inheritance an Argentine government ever got in all of our history.
And when a country has twin deficits amounting to four points of GDP, that's a yellow alert,
eight is red alert, we inherited 16% of GDP.
And of the 16 or 17 points, 15 related to fiscal deficit and five pertain to the treasury
deficit and 10 points of GDP related to the central bank.
The debt of the central bank, the previous government had extended the maturities from 30 to 60 to 90, 150 and 180 days, Originally, and then it all was transferred to a single day, so there was a potential of us quadrupling the amount of money within a single day.
At the same time, the deficits accumulated throughout all of the Kirchnerista government had been so high that it had topped 13 points of GDP in the last year.
That is to say, five times the monetary base.
And besides, when in December price control started to be lifted, inflation in the first week was traveling at 3,700% a year.
And it kept on accelerating and wholesale inflation in December, which was 54% monthly, if annualized, amounts to 17,000%.
percent monthly, if annualized, amounts to 17,000%.
This meant we were facing a situation in which, structurally, there was a monetary imbalance
that was even worse than what we had had in 1975 before the Rodriguazo crisis in Argentina.
The situation in the central bank was much worse than in 1989 before the hyperinflation period during President Alfonsín's government.
The social indicators were at levels worse than in 2001, so it was the sum of all evils.
It was obvious that Argentina needed to make an adjustment.
And the fact is that the only way to pursue an adjustment without financing required a shock therapy which had to be really abrupt given this constellation of imbalances.
If the crisis had exploded today, we wouldn't just be looking at hyperinflation but at 95% poor and probably 50 or 60% extreme poor.
So, in that context, there was no alternative but an adjustment.
So, we announced a zero deficit program, an adjustment in order to no longer have a fiscal
deficit and to stop the issuing on the treasury front.
We started also to clean up the balance sheets of the central bank to bring down the 10 points of GDP relating to the central bank and at the same time As there was a currency gap of 200%, we introduced a change correction to try and reduce the gap.
And we were hoping that zero deficit would be achieved during 2024 at some point.
All analysts predicted that would be impossible to achieve.
And we basically succeeded in doing that within a single month.
So, that part of the adjustment It means that we made the largest fiscal adjustment in the history of humanity.
And this has been recognized by the IMF.
But we also made an adjustment to the central bank balance sheets.
The quasi-fiscal deficit of 10 percentage points of GDP went down to four.
So, within three months, We made an adjustment amounting to 12 points of GDP and inflation for December had been at 25%.
In January it fell to 20%.
In January it fell to 20.
In February it went down to 13.
It is expected that in March, which is a very complex month, it will be around 12.5%.
And we hope to bring it down to the single digit region if we look at co-inflation.
And we...
I hope that core inflation will also be reaching a single-digit level and a low one.
We have improved in terms of inflation and also improved the balance sheets of the central bank, because although we received the central bank with net negative reserves, $11.5 billion, minus that is, and Ever since we took office, we've built up reserves in the amount of over $12 billion, and in spite of having purchased foreign currency and in spite of the put options that triggered money printing, and this was the working of the previous government, which controlled the exchange rate, and also the interest-bearing liabilities was another issue.
We used to have the Lelic bonds, and we also had the repos, and the contraction through the Bopreal bond, which sought to redeem pesos, coupled with fiscal surplus, led to us achieving a constant level of the monetary base.
We increased the assets of the central bank without increasing the liabilities of the
bank.
So this means we're enhancing the credit quality of the central bank.
The price level in the long term will be lower and inflation, which is the slope of the line
that links the current and future price level, that flattens out and the inflation rate comes
down and inflation expectations have been decreasing greatly.
In addition, and this is something you will see, many investment banks when we took office Expected inflation around 250% for the coming year.
Now they're talking about 30%.
So the program is working.
And yet another and even more important thing is that the exchange gap has disappeared and the futures curve of the dollar is aligned with the monetary policy designed by the central bank.
So we are highly optimistic.
And of course, An adjustment such as this one does have an impact on economic activity, and this is something we're aware of.
But the good news is that the mining sector, for instance, is already growing.
Oil and gas is growing as well.
The agricultural sector is also growing.
And other sectors are starting to slow down their decline strongly.
And we're starting to see a V-curve evolution, which is important because we thought this would happen well into the second half of the year.
And this has started already.
And there are also some very interesting things, because although 75% of Argentines recognize that they are worse off, today, and consider this, when we took office, only 20% of the people thought we would be better off during this year.
In January the figure went up to 30%, in February it went up to 40%, and today it stands at 50%.
So, half the Argentine people think will be able to recover.
When you ask them about inflation, 70% of Argentines are convinced that we are going to recover.
And put an end to inflation.
And besides, when you use one of these word clouds and ask people about their spontaneous feelings in Argentina, the word that most often comes up is hope.
And that has two direct consequences.
One of them being that my approval rating is at the same level as when I took office, which is the best time a president enjoys when they first take office.
And on the other hand, if we were going to have a run of election today, like the one we had last year, today we would win by 58 to 42.
But out of the 48 today, of the 52, 48% of the people would vote for us even in the first election round.
So, we have increased our base of voters and we would even be able to win in the first round.
The second most popular politician after ourselves is Cristina Fernández de Kirchner with 20.
And of course, if we were to have that election, we would end up having 53% of the vote.
And what I think is most important here, and I think Ben, you will also see this, in the face of such an adjustment, how come My approval ratings have gone up and the intention of people to vote for me has also increased.
It means that the culture battle is bearing fruit.
And the Ardennes people have decided to mature, put on long pants, do things right, Once and for all.
So this goes well beyond the individual Javier Millet.
This means that the Argentine people have decided to espouse freedom, and that is the best message.
And this is what drives us to keep going, because we know That the way from A to B wouldn't be a straight and trouble-free line.
But what matters is that we know where we want to go.
And, you know… The Congress of Argentina may approve my reforms or not.
But if they don't approve them now, I intend to send them to Congress after 2025, when we have a more favorable structure in Congress.
And not only will I complete the 1,000 reforms I have already sent in, but also I will send the other remaining 3,000.
We'll get to more on this in a moment.
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You know, it's astonishing because you're doing all of these audacious things.
And people in the West, particularly on the left, I think are confused by this.
I think that they treat it as something anathema.
Even people on the right don't understand the audacity of what you're doing.
But what you campaigned on, capitalism, freedom, private property, liberty, all of these things used to be a core part of the West.
What example should Argentina play for the rest of the West in how they went the wrong way?
Can the West avert that more generally?
Well, in that regard, we think the most important thing was the previous culture battle.
All of these ideas that the world has been embracing in recent years and this political
correction which basically means embracing socialist ideas.
You know, this is socialism in different stripes.
What you need to do is realize that Argentina tried out all these things, the stupidity of social justice.
Argentina is an iconic example of social justice and of the damage it can do, social justice that is.
So, what you need to understand is that Argentina As part of this process that led to it being the wealthiest country in the world and then being number 140.
This is why in Davos I said the West is in danger.
Because we gave up the ideas of freedom that create prosperity and we started to embrace the ideas of decadence, socialist ideas.
And therefore what happened in Argentina was that These ideas permeated things.
Gramsci had worked very nice in Argentina.
It had permeated education, culture, politics, whatever you look, there was socialism, the media.
So this is why the role of young people has been so important in this process.
Because youth, young people, are naturally rebellious when it comes to the status quo.
Young people, being exposed to so much socialism, naturally responded by being liberal.
That's the first point.
The second point is that, being young, they had been exposed for much less time to the brainwashing process in public education.
And another thing was that as they have access to social media, one of the things I used to do when I went on TV, something that I still do, was to quote my reference authors.
And this made young people go and check out who these authors were, what with YouTube and Google and search engines, you know, The book downloads that led to an explosion of knowledge.
In fact, our greatest authority on freedom and liberty in Argentina, Dr. Benegas Lynch, Jr., the founding father, as I like to call him, used to say, the great difference between this movement and the one in the late 80s was that this time, young people were really educated.
We would organize what we call the concerts.
There were political rallies, but the format was more like a Rolling Stones concert.
As I like the Rolling Stones and I would have loved to have been like Mick Jagger.
I do it, but of course, through politics.
I didn't make it singing because I'm really lousy, but at least I managed to do it through politics.
And one of the wonderful things is that at these rallies, we had stands like, you know, in concerts with T-shirts, memorabilia and different items.
And there were stands as well with books.
And Minister Bullrich, who was also a candidate for Together for Change, and I'm very proud to have her form part of my cabinet.
She's my minister for security and is doing a terrific job.
Our defense minister, Dr. Petri, they were the other ticket for change, but Argentines decided to choose a much more radical, profound and aggressive change that we represented.
And this is very interesting because at one point Mrs. Bullrich said something brilliant.
You should pay more attention to what Millet is doing.
It's not normal for a politician to be talking to 20,000 or 30,000 people about Hayek.
So, clearly something was on the way.
And I remember once we were already running for the presidency in the province of Mendoza,
I started to explain dollarization.
And I saw a lot of...
And you know, I've taught many courses and one was monetary theory.
I'm a specialist in economic growth with and without money.
So, I can lecture on growth, on money and on growth with or without money.
And one of the complex Issues I've had to explain in my monetary theory courses has been the issue of the nominal anchor, which most economists do not quite understand.
And there I was in Mendoza talking to 20,000 people and at one point I was explaining the
nominal anchor to 20,000 people.
And when I realized this, I said, this can't be happening.
So in my head, I said to myself, I'm teaching a class on the nominal anchor with 20,000 people in the audience.
That was also very powerful.
And of course, then, you probably know this, Ben, the Chinese have a symbol, That means crisis and opportunity as well.
And that was what the pandemic became because it not only led to revaluing freedom, which had to do with our ideas and message that came at the right time.
It was the right message at the right time.
And young people did a great job in their own homes too.
Because they started to evangelize at home with their parents and grandparents.
So, what happens is when you don't like what you are seeing on TV, you can get hold of a channel changer and change channels.
But when your children start saying, Mele, Mele, Mele, you might not listen the first time, not the second time, but you don't have a channel changer for your children.
At the end of the day, they got their parents to listen to me and this is what helps explain this success story.
But what you need to understand is that this wouldn't have been possible if it hadn't been for the culture battle.
When I started to give my talks, there used to be 10 to 15 people.
We'll get to more on this in just a moment.
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So, you know, there's a philosophy that's arisen in the West that the hope of your country is rejecting.
And that philosophy is that if you fail in life, in a free system, it's because you have somehow been victimized.
And I think maybe one of the reasons Argentinians are now more positive, more hopeful, is because they're grabbing control of their own lives.
In a free system, they get to rise or fall on their own merit.
When you extend that to foreign policy, that philosophy that failure is victimhood, you end up with anti-Westernism.
And you've been fighting that in your own country as well.
You've been reorienting Argentina away from certain countries and toward the West more, whether it's America, whether it's Europe, whether it's Israel.
Maybe you can speak about that.
You've obviously talked about moving the embassy in Israel to Jerusalem.
You want to draw closer to Western allies.
What's the importance of that?
Okay, let's take one thing at a time.
Because if you take a look at what I said at the beginning, Ben, I said the Argentine people have matured.
They have put on long trousers.
What I mean by this is that they managed to understand that we can't keep putting the blame on others for what's happening to us, whether it be the United States or Europe.
Or the IMF or whoever.
In fact, one of the points I raised during the campaign has to do with the fact that, I said, unlike other politicians, you know, when there's an election coming up, a traditional politician asks you to vote for them in order for you to give them the power to control your life.
In other words, they treat you like a kid, even worse than a teenager.
And faced with this, we said to ourselves, we don't want to do that.
When we ask for a vote, it is in order to give you back freedom and for you to be the architect of your own destiny.
So that on the first part of the point you made regarding this attitude of Argentines and how this has been changing.
So, we have decided to embrace the values of the West, and embracing the values of the
West means embracing the ideas of the founding fathers of the United States.
In fact, the original constitution of Argentina was to a great extent fashioned after the
Constitution, drafted mainly by Juan Bautista Alverde in 1853, and in 1860 When that was implemented, Argentina ended up becoming a leading world power after having been a backwater.
So, embracing the values of the West is fundamental in order to again become a developed country.
In fact, the 1,000 reforms we sent to Congress during the first month If all of them were to stand, to remain effective, Argentina would climb up 90 spots in terms of economic freedom, and the country could resemble Germany in 20 years' time.
And if you consider what I said a few moments ago, I said, OK, that's 1,000 reforms.
We still have another 3,000.
In fact, what we are trying to do is to be like Ireland, which from being the poorest European country, within 30 or 40 years, managed to achieve per capita GDP 50% higher than that of the United States.
That's a model.
That's what we would like to do.
And that means that we need to embrace the values of freedom.
Which ideas are in the United States, even though in recent times they may have been degraded and some might have walked off the path.
And they're also in Europe, even though they're full of regulations and they are facing stagnation.
But above all things, those values are in Israel.
And in Israel, they are in the second book of the Torah, in Shemot, Exodus.
And without a doubt...
And without doubt, the greatest freedom hero of all time was Moses.
This is why it is so important To understand the link between freedom and Israel.
That is vital.
That's a people that managed... I can't quite find the word.
In a way, it has achieved a synthesis between the spiritual and the material.
And that spiritual and material harmony creates progress.
When I used to give my lectures before going into politics, I, in later times, I used to
talk about the moral superiority of capitalism.
Originally, I used to believe that Socialism was a sort of mental disease that people who believed in socialism had some issue with understanding because having been defeated,
In the theoretical field, and having been defeated also empirically, because wherever pure socialism was applied, it failed culturally, socially, economically, and they also murdered millions of human beings.
So, I couldn't get it around my head.
Some people could adhere to such murderous, impoverishing ideas.
Socialism has always been an impoverishing and murderous phenomenon everywhere.
So, I continued to develop this line and I got the answer through economic theory and it has to do With the value theory, when you get to the end of the debate, you find the debate between the subjective and objective value theory.
So the question is, why can't they leave the objective value theory?
And they can't because the objective value theory is what allows you to apply the theory
of exploitation of Rothsparzers improved by Marx with the surplus value concept.
So why do they apply this?
And that's where the moral values become clear.
Envy, hate, resentment, unequal treatment before the law, and if necessary, murder.
When institutions emerging from such moral values are nefarious and you will end up sinking
as a result of this.
And when you instead embrace the ideas of freedom, what happens is that you are elevated
as a human being and that leads to institutions that bring you to progress.
You can only be successful in capitalism offering better goods at a better quality at a better
So, you're a social benefactor.
You are the epitome of loving thy neighbor in capitalism.
So, aside from different events that throughout my life have had a strong impact on me and have led me to Judaism, the set of values is fundamental to build institutions.
And when you read about Moses, you become a Taliban of freedom.
I mean, what you're saying is embedded even in Adam Smith, who wrote a theory of moral sentiments before he wrote A Wealth of Nations.
The basic idea that man is made in the image of God from Genesis.
The basic idea that we're all supposed to be equal before the law, which comes again from the Bible.
The basic idea of property rights, which also is in the Bible.
All of that, as you say, is the backdrop to capitalism.
You speak about this stuff so eloquently.
The image of you in the United States, however, is the video of you ripping down departments.
Afuera!
Or the videos of you holding up a chainsaw.
How do you square that?
How are you both those people?
The person who can speak so eloquently on economics and speak about interest rates in detail, but at the same time the person who has no problem going on stage and carrying a chainsaw.
Well, that's more complex.
It's true, I'm a professional economist.
But there are some very dark sides to my life.
For instance, at one point in my life I was a soccer goalkeeper and that had a lot to
do with fashioning my personality.
For example, out of the 11 players on the team, the goalie is the only one that can use the hands to play legally.
At the same time, they are the one who dresses differently.
The goalkeeper also trains on their own.
They have a different workout and training.
And unlike the others, when they make mistakes, they have their own goals.
And it's a very thankless position because when a goalkeeper saves a goal, it's tantamount
to scoring a goal.
And when a forward scores a goal, it's a goal.
But forwards are worth a lot more than a goalkeeper.
So that goes to show that it's a very tough position to be in, and it requires a very bold personality.
And if you take a look at my electoral campaign, there's no historical precedent of someone who has been so violently attacked during an election campaign, violating the rules of any Other electoral campaign.
They've actually started meddling with my private life.
They've said all sorts of horrible things about me, my sister, my parents.
They've even talked about my dogs.
So, you know, the gutter of the universe was...
in the media in Argentina, which were subservient to two huge party structures in order to destroy an individual.
But that strength that I had as a goalkeeper helped me stand in addition to the spiritual support I got from my sister and my rabbi, Axel Varnish, That's one thing.
On the other hand, another even darker part of my life, I remember the fact that I was a rock and roll band singer.
It was a Rolling Stones tribute band and basically we used to cover Rolling Stones songs.
We did things that looked like songs.
Being very generous.
But with so much love and fondness for the Rolling Stones I have, I thought it would be best to give up the damage to a band I love so dearly.
So, there's that acting streak that goes into the mix.
And I also had a play, a part in a play, it was called Millet's Office, Doctor's Office.
It was basically a talk about economics and the format was a therapy session.
And I think that blend of elements in a specific situation in a country made it possible for
someone like me to become popular.
In fact, if you go over my lectures before going into politics, I used to go in as if it was a rock concert.
It was really interesting because I would start by thanking the audience, saying thank you very much for so many type 2 errors.
Type 1 errors are when you do everything right and things go wrong, and type 2 errors when you do everything wrong and things work out well.
So being an economist is not very popular.
Being a mathematical economist, even less so.
Being a specialist on economic growth, even less in a country that was suffering from the Keynesian illness and liberal in a left-wing country.
Libertarian in a left-wing country.
So, people should have actually hated me and the error was so great that they made me president.
We'll get to more on this in just one moment.
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So how has it been moving from the world of commentary to the world of politics?
Obviously, I'm in commentary here in the United States.
I speak to legislators all the time about the differences between being able to say all the things you want to say and be a purist and the world of politics where you have to sometimes cut the best deal you can working within the system.
How's that been for you personally?
How difficult has the transition from, say, commentary to being the president of a country been?
Not difficult at all.
Not one bit.
Because just as I went to the talk shows, I kept on teaching at uni and I used to give
lectures in very large theaters.
And my sister and I realized that we were becoming more popular because we wouldn't
only sell out in very large theaters in Argentina, but also abroad.
So the culture battle was working very well.
And the TV media also helped me publicize, advertise my work, and that led to more lectures and to me making more money.
But when Alberto Fernández took office as president, Among his advisors, a congressman, Leandro Santoro, who is in the position nowadays, went on TV trying to get me censored.
And libertarians started experiencing censorship.
They were suddenly no longer being invited to the programs.
And instead of having 20 libertarians in the media, the number It shrank significantly, I think, with any luck.
There were five left of us, and that was by a long stretch.
And the only thing that kept me going was actually the viewing figures.
as people kept watching me and when we saw how censorship was spreading very much, my
sister and I thought that that could affect our ability to generate income.
So, faced with that situation, we said, OK.
We need to counter or fight with these people where it hurts them.
And we decided to get into politics, which was also very complicated.
Because first they said we wouldn't be able to put together a party, which we did do.
Then they said that we wouldn't be able to make it past the open primaries, that we wouldn't get even 2% of the vote.
Then they said that we were going to lose Against blank votes.
Then they said that we were going to lose to the left wing by a huge margin and we ended up getting 17% of the votes.
First in the city of Buenos Aires.
And when we took office, they also treated us very rudely.
On the Congress TV channel, a journalist that I knew from the A24 TV channel very aggressively said to me, But listen, what could you possibly do if you're just going to be two representatives, two members of Congress out of 257?
And I answered, quoting Maccabees 3.19, which says that victory in battle does not depend on the size of the army, but on the strength that comes from heaven.
Thanks to a great, wonderful idea my sister had, we decided to raffle off my salary as a representative, and a million people signed up for the draw, and we had this event in the city of Mar del Plata, and over 10,000 people attended, and we then went to the city of Rosario, and we had 15,000 people there, and we then decided that that meant we had room to run for the presidency, which we did, and we had events.
We had events, I think the one in Rosario largely exceeded 100,000 people and the one
in Cordoba City was probably more than 200,000 people.
And we ended up winning against all odds.
And let me tell you a fun story.
percent and let me tell you a fun story.
We were waiting for the results and we were getting exit polls, the information from the
exit polls.
You know, when they said there was more than three or four percent of a difference, we
We just throw that away.
And it was very interesting.
Because at one point, a whole lot of friends from the Jewish community came to say hi, and there was a whole bunch of us.
We were wearing our kippahs, we were praying, and the then speaker of the lower house, Congresswoman Cecilia Moro called me and put me on the phone to the other candidate, Massa, who said he would be going on stage a few minutes later for his concession speech, admitting that we had won.
And we went like, what do you mean we've won?
And yeah, we had won.
won. So we all started to celebrate. And we then heard we had won by 12 points difference
and we are now honoring what we said during the campaign.
Because if there's one attribute I possess, it is that I say what I think and I do what I say.
And we did say we were going to do this, People are quite clear as to this.
We actually campaigned saying that we were going to adjust.
We campaigned with the good old chainsaw.
We would say afuera, out with it, and we halved the number of ministries.
So, there was a really strong afuera.
And we also said we were going to pursue a very strong adjustment and that we would suffer in the first phase.
But that we would then recover.
And all of that is happening in exactly that way.
And that's why people support us.
Because we were brave enough to tell the truth.
And that's why the political caste is at a loss.
Because they've always deceived people.
And they've always told them what they thought they wanted to hear.
And We said to the people what we had to do in order to rise up from the bottom of the pit.
And this is why I've got a feeling that Argentina's society has matured, has decided to embrace the ideas of freedom in order to finally make it.
So, I want to get your reading list.
So, who are your favorite economists?
My favorite authors are certainly Murray Newton Rothbard, Also, I feel great pleasure when I read Ludwig von Mises,
of course, Friedrich von Hayek, and then, of course, some more friendly works.
There's a Walter Block or Henry Haslick.
And if it's the Chicago line, Gary Becker, of course, Milton Friedman, Robert Lucas Jr.
or other.
Institutionalist authors like Buchanan, I'd say that would be the central core body of works.
And a bit more philosophical, there's Hoppe, Hans-Hermann Hoppe, or Ayn Rand, or Robert Nozick, and of course Spanish-speaking authors that are well-established, like Alberto Venegas Lynch, Jr., or Jesús Huerta de Soto, or Miguel Anchovastos.
President Millet, final question for you, because I know that you have to run.
You have, obviously, a very busy schedule.
The eyes of the world are on Argentina.
They're on you, because if you're able to transform Argentina, it's not just going to be a model for the rest of Latin America, which has experienced a pink wave, and many countries are moving in the wrong direction, but also for the West, because Argentina was a cautionary tale.
You could make it into an example.
The people of Argentina, by sticking with your program, can make an example of success in the face of socialism.
What is your hope for the future?
How optimistic are you?
We are convinced that in spite of the enormous efforts we are making, we will recover and
are going to lay the foundations for Argentina to be great again.
And we believe that that will be a major lesson to give up socialist ideas, or if you Like, statist ideas, to me they're the same.
Statists are socialists of a different color.
But I think the Argentine case is a case study because if in the face of such a decadent situation we manage to turn things around by embracing the ideas of freedom and if we are able to once again achieve growth we will not only have improved the lives of Argentines but also improve the lives of all of humanity.
And that is an enormous challenge for which it's worth keeping up the fight until the last drop of blood.
President Millet, it is an honor to have you.
Thank you so much for the time.
And obviously, we're hoping and davening for you.
Really appreciate it.
It's been a true pleasure for me, Ben.
Thank you very much indeed for this interview.
Associate producer is Jake Pollock.
Editing is by Jim Nickel.
Audio is mixed by Mike Corimina.
Post-production is managed by Matt Kemp.
Camera and lighting is by Zach Ginta.
Hair, makeup, and wardrobe by Fabiola Cristina.
Title graphics are by Cynthia Angulo.
Executive assistant, Kelly Carvalho.
Executive in charge of production is David Wormus.