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March 2, 1999 - Bill Cooper
01:59:17
Sep. 21, 1939
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Time Text
White power has no power. It is the power of the dark.
Once upon a time, he had a girlfriend.
I'm going to kill you.
I'm going to kill you.
I'm William Cooper.
Good evening, ladies and gentlemen.
You're listening to the Hour of the Time. I'm William Cooper. Good evening, ladies and
gentlemen. I want you all to close your eyes. Assuming that you're sitting in a comfortable
chair, please lean back, relax, close your eyes, and let the years roll away.
Thank you.
Tonight we're taking you back in time to the golden age of radio.
You're sitting in your parlor in front of your cathedral radio set and waiting breathlessly to hear a speech by the President in front of a special session of Congress.
One of only twenty-some-odd special sessions of Congress that had ever been called in the history of the nation up to that time.
Keep your eyes closed and listen very, very carefully.
This is the 25th time that Congress has had a special session since its organization 150 years ago.
John Adams was the first President to call a special session.
He summoned the Fifth Congress to meet on May 15th in 1797 to consider suspension of diplomatic relations with France.
Thomas Jefferson and James Madison each found it necessary to call two Extraordinary Sessions, and Mr. Lincoln called another just before the Civil War.
The greatest number of Special Sessions have been summoned by Woodrow Wilson and Franklin D. Roosevelt.
Three each.
Mr. Roosevelt's first Extraordinary Session of Congress was in March of 1933 to pass emergency New Deal laws.
The second was in October of 1937 to enact the Social, Labor, and Farm legislation, and this Special Session that has convened today makes the third.
Right now, the members of the House and the Senate are all sitting quietly in their seats.
The galleries, as to be expected, are filled to overflowing, and standees are standing at all of the doors.
The presidential box is directly opposite us, across the full length of the House, and it's very hard to recognize.
Anybody sitting in the box from here, but we can see some of the presidential confidential secretaries, Miss Grace Tully, and I believe Miss LeHand is up there, too.
Outside of that, all of the boxes right up to the very edge of the standing room are filled to overflowing, and although the scene is not as bright as it was on the occasion of the 150th anniversary of the Congress last spring, the color is still there.
There are many ladies in the audience, and they're All dressed in bright new autumn clothes.
Colonel Starling, the Chief of the White House Secret Service, has just come in the door, immediately to the right of the rostrum, and has spoken to some of the members of the Secret Service standing there, so we can expect now that the President will be here shortly.
An hour before the scheduled Convocation of Congress this morning, and three hours before President Roosevelt's speech, vantage points up here in the galleries of the House, where the joint session is to be held, were taken over by newsreels and still cameramen.
Even then, a few spectators with a coveted passive entitled of deceits arrived.
That was at 11 o'clock this morning.
At that time, your reporter was here, and there were only two members on the floor itself, and they were Representatives Curtis and Graham.
Both, incidentally, are among the few who have established perfect attendance records at the last session.
Microphones were put in their places, and automobile parking in the plaza in front of the Capitol was banned two hours ago, or so large crowds of spectators began to trek across the lawns and take up vantage points near the entrance to the house so that they might see the president as he arrives. Over on the Senate side,
your reporter was there this morning too before this Congress was convened to hear the
president's address.
Vice President Garner was at his office very early, we were told, and was talking about his pecan crop and the bantam chickens in Uvalde, Texas, where he lives.
A few Senators, including Senator McCarran of Nevada, meticulously attired in a counterweight, strolled about the chamber.
And the Senate galleries, strangely, were crowded, although the Senate's only task was to march to the House chamber to hear the President's message.
Page boys, who had had their vacations interrupted by the special session, We're making very sure that the Senator's ink wells were filled and the pen points and pens and such things were in place for a busy week, or perhaps the busy weeks which are to follow.
Now the House is sitting there in order, waiting for the President to come in, and we've just received a signal that the President has started down the corridor, which leads directly into the House itself.
And we can expect Mr. Roosevelt to come through the door, leading to the secret platform in just a moment.
At that time, of course, the whole House will rise, and undoubtedly we will hear an ovation from Mr. Roosevelt.
There always is one when he comes into this House to speak before the two sessions of Congress.
Speaker Bankhead and Vice President Garner are presiding jointly, of course, over this joint session.
As I told you, they're sitting together up where the Speaker normally sits alone.
That is a marble dais, which is in back of the Speaker's rostrum in itself, where President Roosevelt will make his speech.
overhead, the sun is shining brightly through the glassed-in window, and we can see the
famed coffin of the speaker for the house amplifying system.
And now Colonel Stalling is coming through the side entrance to the House of
Representatives, and President Roosevelt can be seen through the door going down the corridor with
Secretary Early. Mr. Bancadot just announced the President of the United States, and here's
the ovation for the President.
You can hear the ovation. Colonel Stalling has just gone up and tested the speaker's
platform to be sure that it was certainly still. And President Roosevelt with the two
committees, one from the House and one from the Senate, is walking slowly up the ramp.
Now you can hear the crowd, the roar of the crowd as President Roosevelt starts to walk
up to the speaker's platform on the arm of Brigadier General Watson and his secretary.
Behind him is Ms. Cottingod from Small Bird, and the two committees now are being conducted
off the speaker's giant from back to their feet. Vice President Conner has shaken hands
with some of the members of the committee, and both the Vice President and Mr. Bancadot
smiling and saying a few words to Mr. Roosevelt as he walks towards the speaker's platform.
The ovation continues for the President as he stands there and now lifts his splendid head to smile at the crowd in his usual manner.
He stands there quietly for a moment, and I think in just a minute now President Roosevelt will begin his speech.
Ladies and gentlemen, the President of the United States.
I have the distinguished honor of presenting the President of the United States.
Thank you.
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, members of the Senate and the House of Representatives, I have asked that Congress To reassemble in extraordinary session in order that it may consider and act on the amendment of certain legislation which in my best judgment so alters the historic foreign policy of the United States that it impairs the peaceful relations of the United States with foreign nations.
At the outset, I proceed on the assumption that every member of the Senate and of the House of Representatives, and every member of the executive branch of the government, including the President and his associates, personally and officially, are equally and without reservation in favor of such measures that will protect the neutrality
The safety and the integrity of our country, and at the same time, keep us out of war.
Because I am wholly willing to ascribe an honorable desire for peace to those who hold
different views from my own as to what those measures should be, I trust that these gentlemen
will be sufficiently generous to ascribe equally lofty purposes to those with whom they disagree.
Let no man or group in any walk of life assume exclusive protectorate over the future well-being of America,
because I concede that regardless of party or section, the mantle of peace, the mantle of patriotism, is wide enough
to cover us all.
Let no group assume the exclusive label of the peace bloc.
We all belong to it.
I have at all times kept the Congress and the American people informed of events and trends in foreign affairs.
I now review them in a spirit of understatement.
Since 1931, the use of force, instead of the council table, has constantly increased in disputes between nations, except in the Western Hemisphere, where in all those years there has been only one war, now happily terminated.
During those years, also, the building up of vast armies and navies and storehouses of war has proceeded abroad with growing
speed and intensity.
But during these years, and extending back even to the days of the Kellogg-Briand Pact,
the United States has constantly, consistently, and conscientiously done all in its power
to encourage peaceful settlement, to bring about reduction of armaments, and to avert threatened war.
We have done this not only because any war anywhere necessarily hurts American security and American prosperity, but because of the more important fact that any war anywhere retards the progress of morality and religion and impairs the security of civilization itself.
For many years, the primary purpose of our foreign policy has been that this nation and this government should strive to the utmost to aid in avoiding war among nations.
But if and when war unhappily comes, the government and the nation must exert every possible effort to avoid being drawn in to the war.
The executive branch of the government did its utmost within our traditional policy of non-involvement to aid in averting the present appalling war.
Having thus driven and failed, this government must lose no time or effort to keep our nation from being drawn in.
In my candid judgment, we shall succeed in those efforts.
We are proud of the historical record of the United States and of all the Americas during
all these years because we have thrown every ounce of our influence for peace into the
scale of peace.
I I note in passing what you will all remember, the long debates of the past on the subject of what constitutes aggression, on the methods of determining who the aggressor might be,
and on who the aggressor in past wars had been.
Academically, this may have been instructive, as it may have been of interest to historians to discuss the pros and the cons and the rights and wrongs of the World War during the decades that followed it.
But in the light of problems of today, problems of tomorrow, Responsibility for acts of aggression is not conceived, and the writing of the record can safely be left to future historians.
There has been sufficient realism in the United States to see how close to our own shores came dangerous paths which were being followed on other continents.
Last January, I told the Congress that a war which threatened to envelop the world in flames has been averted, but it has become increasingly clear that peace is not assured.
By April last, new tensions had developed.
A new crisis was in the making.
Several nations with whom we had had friendly diplomatic and commercial relations had lost Or we're in the process of losing their independent identity and their very sovereignty.
During the spring and summer, the trend was definitely toward further acts of military conquest and away from peace.
As late as the end of July, I spoke to members of the Congress about the definite possibility of war.
I should have called it the probability of war.
And last January also, I spoke to this Congress of the need for further warning of new threats of conquest, military and economic, a challenge to religion, to democracy, and to international good faith.
I said an ordering of society which relegates religion, democracy, and good faith among nations to the background can find no place within it.
for the ideals of the Prince of Peace.
The United States rejects such an ordering and retains its ancient faith.
And I said, we know what might happen to us of the United States
if the philosophies of force were to encompass the other continents and
and invade our own.
We, no more than other nations, can afford to be surrounded by the enemies of our faith and our humanity.
Fortunate it is, therefore, that in this western hemisphere we have under a common ideal of democratic government a rich diversity of resources and of peoples functioning together in mutual respect and peace.
And last January, in the same message, I also said, we have learned that when we deliberately try to legislate neutrality, our neutrality laws may operate unevenly and unfairly, may actually give aid to an aggressor and deny it to the victim.
The instinct of self-preservation should warn us that we ought not to let that happen anymore.
And it was because of what I foresaw last January from watching the trend of foreign affairs
and their probable effect upon us that I recommended to the Congress in July
of this year that changes be enacted in our equality law.
The essentials for American peace, American peace in this war-torn world, have not changed Since last January or last July.
And that is why I ask you again to re-examine our own legislation.
Go back a little.
Beginning with the foundation of our constitutional government in the year 1789, the American policy in respect to belligerent nations, with one notable exception, was based on international law.
Be it remembered that what we call international law has always had as its primary objective the avoidance of qualities of war and the prevention of the extension of war.
The single exception to which I refer was the policy adopted by this nation During the Napoleonic Wars, when seeking to avoid involvement, we acted for some years under the so-called embargo and non-intercourse acts.
That policy turned out to be a disastrous failure.
First, because it brought our own nation close to ruin, and second, Because it was the major cause of bringing us into active participation in European wars in our own War of 1812.
And it is merely reciting history to recall to you that one of the results of the policy of embargo and non-intercourse was the burning in 1814 of part of this capital in which we are assembled today.
Our next deviation by statute from the sound principles of neutrality and peace through international law did not come for a hundred and thirty years.
It was the so-called Neutrality Act of 1935, only four years ago.
An act continued in force by the joint resolution of May 1st, 1937, despite grave doubts, expressed as to its wisdom by many senators and representatives, and by officials charged with the conduct of our foreign relations, including myself.
I regret that the Congress passed I regret equally that I signed that act.
On July 14th of this year, I asked the Congress in the cause of peace and in the interest of real American neutrality and security to take action to change that act.
I now ask again.
that such action be taken in respect to that part of the act which is wholly inconsistent with ancient precepts of the laws of nations, the embargo provisions.
I ask it because they are, in my opinion, most vitally dangerous to American neutrality,
American security, and above all, American peace.
These embargo provisions, as they exist today, prevent the sale to a belligerent by an American
factory, the sale of any completed implements of war.
Thank you.
But they allow the sale of many types of uncompleted implements of war As well as all kinds of general material and supplies.
They furthermore allow such products of industrial agriculture to be taken in American flagships to belligerent nations.
There in itself, under the present law, lies definite danger to our neutrality and our peace.
From a purely material point of view, What is the advantage to us in sending all manner of articles across the ocean for final processing?
Final processing there, when we could give employment to thousands by doing it here.
Incidentally, and again, from the material point of view, by such employment here, we automatically aid in building up our own national defense.
And if abnormal profits appear in our midst, even in time of peace, as a result of such an increase of our industries, I feel certain that the subject will be adequately dealt with at the coming regular session of the Congress.
Let me set forth the present paradox of the existing legislation in its simplest terms.
If, prior to 1935, a general war had broken out in Europe, the United States would have sold to and bought from belligerent nations such goods and products of all kinds as the belligerent nations with their existing facilities and geographical situations were able to buy from us or sell to us.
This would have been the normal practice under the age-old doctrines of international law.
Our prior position accepted the facts of geography, the facts of conditions of land power and sea power and air power alike, as they existed in all parts of the world.
If a war had broken out in Europe in 1935, there would have been no difference, for example, between our exports of sheets of aluminum and airplane wings.
Today, there is an artificial legal difference.
Before 1935, there would have been no difference between the export of cotton and the export of gun cotton.
Today, there is.
Before 1935, there would have been no difference between the shipment of brass tubing in pipe form and brass tubing in shell form.
Today, there is.
Before 1935, there would have been no difference between the export of a motor truck and an armored motor truck.
Today, there is.
Let us be factual.
Let us recognize that a belligerent nation often needs wheat and lard and cotton for the survival of its population just as much as it needs anti-aircraft guns and anti-submarine depth charges.
Let those who seek to retain the present embargo position be wholly consistent.
Let them seek new legislation to cut off cotton and copper and meat and wheat and a thousand other articles from all of the nations at war.
Yet I seek a greater consistency, a greater consistency through the repeal of the embargo provisions and a return to international law.
I seek reenactment of the historic and traditional American policy which, except for the disastrous interlude of the embargo on non-intercourse laws more than a century and a quarter ago, has served us well from the very beginning of our constitutional existence.
It has been erroneously said that return to that policy might bring us nearer war.
I give to you my deep and unalterable conviction, based on years of experience as a worker in
the field of international peace, that by the repeal of the embargo, the United States
will more probably remain at peace than if the law remains as it stands today.
I say this because with the repeal of the embargo, this government clearly and definitely
will insist that American citizens and American ships keep away from the immediate perils
of the actual zones of conflict.
And so, I think that repeal of the embargo And a return to international law are the crux of the issue that faces us.
The enactment of the embargo provisions did more than merely reverse our provisional policy.
It had the effect of putting land powers on the same footing as naval powers, so far as seaborne commerce was concerned.
A land power which threatened war could thus feel assured, assured in advance, that any prospective sea power antagonist would be weakened through denial of its ancient right to buy anything, anywhere.
This, four years ago, began to give a definite advantage to one belligerent as against another.
Not through his own strength or geographical position, but through an affirmative act on the part of the United States.
Removal of the embargo is merely reverting to the sounder international practice and pursuing, in time of war, as in time of peace, our ordinary trade policies.
This will be like, by some, And disliked by others, depending on the view they take of the present war.
But that is not the issue.
The step I recommend is to put this country back on a solid footing of real and traditional neutrality.
When and if.
I don't like even to mention the word if.
I'd rather say when.
When the repeal of the embargo is accomplished, certain other phases of policy reinforcing American safety should be considered.
And while nearly all of us are in agreement on their objectives, the only question relates to method.
I believe that American merchant vessels should as far as possible be restricted from entering war
zones.
But war zones may change so swiftly and so frequently in the days to come
that it is impossible to fix them permanently by act of Congress.
Specific legislation may prevent Adjustment to constant and quick change.
And it seems, therefore, more practical to delimit the actual geography of these war zones through action of the State Department and administrative agencies.
The objective of restricting American ships from entering such zones may be obtained by prohibiting such entry by the Congress.
Or the result can be substantially achieved by executive proclamation that all such voyages are solely at the risk of the American owners themselves.
The second objective is to prevent American citizens from traveling on belligerent vessels.
Or traveling in danger areas.
This can be accomplished also either by legislation, through continuance in force of certain provisions of existing law, or by proclamation making it clear to all Americans that any such travel is at their own risk.
The third objective, requiring the foreign buyer to take transfer of title in this country to commodities purchased by belligerents, is also a result that can be attained by legislation or substantially achieved through due notice by proclamation.
The fourth objective is the preventing of war credits to belligerents.
This can be accomplished by maintaining in force existing provisions of law Or by proclamation making it clear that if credits are granted by American citizens to belligerents, our government will take no steps in the future to relieve them of risk no longer.
The result of these last two objectives will be to require all purchases to be made in cash and cargoes to be carried in the purchaser's own ships at
the purchaser's own risk.
Two other objectives have been amply attained by existing law, namely regulating collection
of funds in this country for belligerents.
and the maintenance of a licensed system covering import and export of arms, ammunition, and implements of war.
Under present enactment, such arms cannot be carried to belligerent countries on American vessels, and this provision should not be disturbed.
The Congress, of course, should make its own choice of the method by which these safeguards are to be attained, so long as the method chosen will meet the needs of new and changing day-to-day situations and dangers.
To those who say that this program would involve a step toward war on our part, I reply that it offers far greater safeguards than we now possess or have ever possessed to protect American lives and poverty from danger.
It is a positive program for giving safety.
This means less likelihood of incidents and controversies which tend to draw us into conflict as they unhappily did before The last world war.
There lies the road to peace.
The position of the executive branch of the government is that the age-old and time-honored
doctrine of international law, coupled with these positive safeguards,
is better calculated than any other means to keep us out of war.
In respect to our own defense, you are aware that I have issued a proclamation
setting forth a national emergency in connection with the observance, safeguarding,
and enforcement of neutrality and the strengthening of the national defense
within the limits of peacetime authorizations.
This was done solely to make poly-constitutional and legal certain obviously necessary measures.
I have authorized increases in the personnel of the Army, the Navy, the Marine Corps, and the Coast Guard, increases which will bring all foreign To a total still below peacetime strength as authorized by the Congress.
I have authorized the State Department to use for the repatriation of Americans caught in the war zone the sum of five hundred thousand dollars already authorized by the Congress.
I have authorized the addition of a hundred and fifty persons to the Department of Justice to be used in the protection
of the United States against subversive foreign activities within our borders.
At this time, I ask for no further authority from the Congress.
At this time, I see no need for further executive action under the proclamation of limited national emergency.
Therefore, I see no impelling reason for the consideration of other legislation at this extraordinary session of the
Congress.
It is, of course, possible that in the months to come unforeseen needs for further legislation may develop, but they are not
imperative today.
These perilous days demand cooperation between us.
Without a trace of partisanship, our acts must be guided by one single hard-headed thought.
keeping America out of this war.
In that spirit, I am asking the leaders of the two major parties in the Senate and the
House of Representatives.
to remain in Washington between the close of this extraordinary session and the beginning of the regular session on January 3, 1940.
They have assured me that they will do so, and I expect to consult with them at frequent intervals on the course of events in foreign affairs and on the need for future action in this field Whether it be executive or legislative action.
And further, in the event of any future danger to the security of the United States,
or in the event of need for any new legislation of importance,
I will immediately reconvene the Congress in another extraordinary session.
I should like to be able to hope that the shadow over the world might swiftly pass.
I cannot.
The facts compel my stating with candor that darker periods may lie ahead.
The disaster is not of our making.
No act of ours engendered the forces which assault the foundations of civilization.
And yet, we find ourselves affected to the core.
Our currents of commerce are changing.
Our minds are filled with new problems.
Our position in world affairs has already been altered.
In such circumstances, our policy must be to appreciate, in the deepest sense, The true American interest.
Rightly consider this interest is not selfish.
Destiny first made us, with our sister nations on this hemisphere, joint heirs of European culture.
Fate seems now to compel us to assume the task of helping to maintain in the Western world A senator wherein that civilization may be kept alive.
The peace, the integrity, and the safety of the Americans, these must be kept firm and serene.
In a period when it is sometimes said that free discussion is no longer compatible with national safety, may you, by your deeds, Show the world that we of the United States are one people,
of one mind, one spirit, one clear resolution, walking before God in the light of the
living.
And thus the President of the United States concludes his address, reviewing the equality
laws of the country, before a joint meeting of the newly convened special section of Congress
in the House of Representatives in Washington, D.C.
In just a few minutes, the joint session of the Congress will be adjourned, and the respective houses are expected to convene again on Monday.
The applause for the President continues as he slowly turns from the speakers' platform to go out of the door and out of the Capitol building.
We expect to be back here at the Capitol shortly for some important news.
This is John Charles Daly speaking from the House of Representatives in the Capitol building in Washington, D.C.
We return you now to our New York studios.
While the President of the United States was addressing both houses of Congress, Premier Derangier began a message to the people of France.
Later, our translator, who has been listening to the speech over shortwave radio, will give you a pre-resume of the entire message.
In the meantime, we will listen to Premier Dallage's concluding remarks.
We take you now to Paris.
The French are not going to be slaves to the British or the Alsace.
They are not renewing their methods.
They are looking for a way out, and are looking for a door to betray their country.
They are looking for a door to betray their country.
German propaganda no longer has one last hope.
That of dissociating the forces that will break its march towards the domination of the world.
It is clear that German propaganda no longer has two objects.
It wants to separate France from England.
She wants to separate France from England.
She wants to disunite the French from each other.
But when the French hear the sounds of the enemy, they say that this war is the war of England,
they answer badly.
How can we give in to the French who, for months, have felt the danger of growing on their own borders?
They are at war for Great Britain.
The German propaganda is wrong.
It has not changed its course, when it debates the territory of the Reich.
The French know by experience, as much as by feeling, the value of British friendship.
They don't see England's navy break up and destroy the German submarines.
These planes are fighting in the dust.
These sons, no longer volunteers, but soldiers on duty, join the soldiers of France at the borders of their homeland.
of our nation.
They also know that the same ideal of liberty and human dignity
is at the heart of France, England and hundreds of thousands of men
who, in their immense empire, devote all their strength to the common cause.
The Euphrotic Radio wants to take up this theme to infinity.
No other Frenchman can know this double.
More ridiculous yet is the hope of Frenchmen against their patron.
Mr. De Bell, you are a successor.
To make heard on his radio the voices of women, Who claims to speak in the name of French mothers.
Employees of his propaganda can read their appeal.
He is a child to the pain of real mothers.
to the pain that really hurts.
A dishonored Frenchman, a priest of his country, can only be satisfied in exclusion for the fate of our
soldiers.
None of you can be free.
This blackmail of the noblest feelings only raises your disgust and weakens your will.
Your most noble feelings only raise your disgust and weaken your will.
German propaganda may have lied about everything, but it is one thing it cannot lie about, it cannot deceive
you, it cannot abuse you, it is your love for France.
Thank you.
The love of France has renewed the miracle that ensured our salvation every time we were in peril.
In the trial, our national community becomes more ardent and more fraternal day by day.
We are at war because we do not want France to be enslaved.
For this reason, we will put all our efforts to work.
We will continue to take all the measures of the interior, of discipline, of economy,
so that the whole country participates in the common effort.
We will not allow some to enrich themselves while others honor their blood.
We are calm and resolute.
We are not haunted like our enemies by the fear of a war.
We only think of one thing, total victory.
This victory, we will consider it as an accusation.
We will consider it as an accusation as soon as we can create, found, and patch up solid bases,
as soon as we can finally bring France the definitive security that the Egyptian empires have sought for three
years.
The test is hard, the sacrifices will be painful, but France has overcome the greatest peril.
No one has ever been able to destroy it, and it is only in the Jumeur where the moral forces
that make up the great pacific nations, give them the final say.
These moral forces, they animate all our armies, which Peril did not take from the deported.
They have the means to resist and to win.
They have the courage.
They have the science.
They have the courage, they have the silence, they have the faith.
They fight for the independence and security of our country, and to end it all, forever, with the children of our
country.
of the German domination.
France did not take up arms to set the city on fire,
to deliver women and children to death, to torture defenseless men.
It took up arms for a just and human cause, and that is why it will have victory.
Ladies and gentlemen, you have just heard Mr. Delatlier,
President of the Council of Ministers.
From Paris, CBS has brought you the voice of Premier Delatlier addressing a message to the people of France.
In our studios in New York, translators have been copying the message in English.
And now, in just a moment, we'll present a free resume of what Premier Dallaget said.
Are you ready, sir?
Monsieur Dallaget, French Prime Minister, said that for 20 days France has been at war.
I want to tell you, he said, of the military and diplomatic conditions of our fight.
I want to tell you, soldiers of France, what your duty is.
You're a nation of free men, and you must remain free men, always.
I have just visited the front and seen our positions on German territory.
I have seen the value and the intelligence and skill of our high command, which avoids every temptation of sending its men forward recklessly and having them slaughtered.
I have admired our soldiers.
I have seen with emotion and am proud of our gallant soldiers who fight because Germany has tried to use force against us.
And we want to be finished once and for all with this atmosphere of threat and force.
We must fight this force that tries to crush France.
The Hitler domination Already exercises a reign of terror over Germany.
German domination has also crushed Poland, but before Poland also Czechoslovakia and Austria.
The efforts of all those who have tried for peace because the destruction of Poland was prepared in advance by the threat of force and secret treaties Certain positions were gained, but now Poland not only has given herself up in martyrdom, but has shown heroism after her first defeats, because her mobilization was not complete when the German mechanized divisions marched through her territory.
Poland consolidated her resistance Later, along shortened lines, but the German motorized divisions were too strong.
Russia also came into the fight through a secret pact.
The division of Poland was decided upon by Russia and Germany.
Hitler had the precious contract, that is, the contract with Russia in his hands, before he even attacked Poland.
What man of honor could be content with Hitler's promises of today, since all his previous pledges he has thrown up one by one?
In 1934, Hitler said that Germany would respect the Locarno Pact, but in 1936, he occupied the Rhineland.
Later, he told... Later, he told...
He told the world that Germany would never annex Austria.
Then, he did annex Austria.
On the 26th of September, he said the Sudetens were the last problem to be resolved by Germany.
But on the 29th of September, at Munich, he promised us, and me personally, that he would not annex the Czechoslovaks, because he wanted only, he said, the purity of the German race.
But on March 13th, Prague was occupied, Bohemia was reduced to servitude.
Later, Hitler said that Germany considered Poland's frontiers were permanent and irrevocable.
Now, after tearing up Poland, he says that he wants nothing more He has promised not to touch France, but we know too well that he will do the same thing to us if he can.
His ambition is to isolate France from all her friends.
Germany is developing her propaganda everywhere.
She wants to separate our provinces, one from the other.
But all of France has arisen like one man.
There is no traitor among us.
We want liberty or death.
After so many lies, German propaganda has only now the further hope of separating her enemies and dominating the world.
She wants to separate France from England and disunite France among herself.
But to all this we reply, no.
It is not our war, but Hitler's war.
We are fighting for ourselves and for Great Britain.
German propaganda is making a great mistake in not changing its tactics.
The British fleet, Monsieur Daladier said, and her planes are fighting gallantly, and her soldiers are joining ours.
For liberty and human dignity.
Our two immense empires, that is, the French and British empires, are united.
We will not be Hitler's dukes.
The German radio, he said, has been using all sorts of tactics, notably that of having women speak, trying to imitate French mothers, in order to plead with their sons not to fight.
But our soldiers, said Monsieur Daladier, cannot be caught in such a trap.
Your dignity, he said in speaking to the French soldiers, will be aroused.
Germany cannot deceive your love for France.
The love of France has consecrated our honor all along the line, he said.
We are threatened and we are fighting not to be slaves.
We will take every measure of discipline within our country, said Monsieur Daladier, in order to fight the good fight.
We are calm and resolute and are not haunted by the fear of a long war.
We want the final victory and then we want to found a peace on a sound basis.
The test will be hard, he warned the French soldiers.
The sacrifices will be grievous.
But France has always conquered.
Every peril, he said.
And with her moral strength, has won every victory.
The French army has courage, science, and faith, said Monsieur Ravier.
We will finish this time, once and for all, with Germany's efforts of domination.
We are fighting now for justice and humanity, and we will have victory.
You're listening to WBCQ, Monticello, Maine, USA.
This is the Hour of the Time.
I'm William Cooper.
We have taken you back in time, ladies and gentlemen, To September the 21st, 1939.
And that, ladies and gentlemen, was our translator in New York giving you a free resume of the message Premier Dallagier delivered to the people of France.
The message was begun while President Roosevelt in Washington was addressing both houses of Congress.
Now the latest news from Bucharest, Romania, where Premier Kalinescu was shot and killed today.
...announced in Bucharest that members of the outlawed pro-Nazi Iron Guard killed the Romanian Premier.
The announcement called the attack cowardly.
It said the assassins were arrested.
And it said further that a new Premier will be sworn in right away in advance of a meeting of the Crown Council with King Carol.
Romanian officials said that order prevails throughout the country.
The German news agency, meanwhile, says that the Nazis didn't do the deed.
Reports received in Bucharest said that Romanian police at Cernoti, which is near the Polish frontier, had raided the German house there, and it was reported it found material outlining the attitude which German residents were to take in the events German troops were to arrive at the Polish-Romanian frontier, a border now manned on the Polish side, not by Germans, but by the troops of the Red Army of Soviet Russia, following the Russian occupation of Eastern Poland.
Bulletin.
Paris.
Germans today subjected French positions on the Western Front to the heaviest shelling of the war.
Here are just a few more dispatches.
Berlin.
The Romanian legation says an army leader, General Ernst Wallis, has been named to replace Premier Kalinescu.
This indicates a strongly militant government in this pivotal Balkan kingdom.
Romanian officials say they will enforce a rigid policy of neutrality.
Paris.
Europe's western battlefront is quiet today, but it may be only the lull before the storm.
Troops are on the march in both France and Germany, moving up the Boer front lines.
France has now completed general mobilization with six million men under arms, and British troop movements in France continue at a feverish pace.
We repeat the bulletin which counteracts that remark that we were just giving you in that dispatch, that Germans today subjected French positions on the western front to the heaviest shelling of the war.
A further broadcast on the European situation will be presented by CBS later in the day and evening.
There will be a summary of developments as reported by the Press Association at 6 o'clock Eastern Daylight Saving Time, and H.P.
Caldwell will analyze the day's happenings at 6.15.
The Columbia Broadcasting System and its affiliated stations present the nightly broadcasts of Elmer Davis and the News at 8.55 p.m.
Eastern Daylight Saving Time.
This is the Columbia Broadcasting System.
Once again, we're speaking from the House of Representatives in the nation's capital.
When we returned you to New York some minutes ago, shortly thereafter, the joint session of the Congress was adjourned, but the House of Representatives stayed convened.
Just a minute or two ago, the House of Representatives concluded the business of the day and convened, or rather adjourned to convene again on Monday.
Albert Warner, Columbia's Washington News analyst, is still here in the small library just off the House of Representatives floor and has several more distinguished members of Congress whom he will interview.
Albert Warner.
Representative William B. Bankhead of Alabama, Speaker of the House of Representatives, is here with me now.
Speaker Bankhead presided with Vice President John Garner at the joint session which has just concluded.
Speaker Bankhead, I wonder if you'll Tell us a little about the session ahead.
Well, I do not know, sir, that I'm in a position now to give a direct answer to your query as to something about what's going to take place in the session of Congress ahead of us.
As you all know, we have just convened today, and neither the Democratic nor Republican leaders have had an opportunity yet to fashion or formulate any definite program of action.
Well, I think that I'm justified in assuming that, uh, for quite a while at least, uh, the Senate of the United States will be the center of attention as far as legislation is concerned, because, as you know, during the last session of the House, we passed through this body, uh, the Bloom Bill in modified form, and it's my information that the Senate Committee will meet either tomorrow or Saturday to, uh, take up consideration of some form of that bill.
I do not know how long it will be in committee, or when it comes out, how long it will be debated.
That's a matter that's entirely to be determined by future development.
You, of course, have just listened to the address of the President of the United States.
I'm very happy to say to you that he was received in the House of Representatives by great cordiality and tolerance and respect.
By both sides of the House, both the Democratic and Republican membership.
And I was tremendously impressed with the apparent spirit pervading all members here that for the time at least, partisan politics should be adjourned and that all of us, representing all political groups, should be unified in purpose and in spirit to do all that we can prudently by tolerance and moderation and sound judgment To preserve the peace of the United States and to prevent our being drawn into any war.
You're going to be spoken to now by one of my dear friends on the Republican side, Congressman Jitter of Pennsylvania, who I am sure will enlarge somewhat upon the spirit of friendship and harmony as far as national unity is concerned, which I have just undertaken to express.
I thank you.
Thank you.
Mr. Speaker Bankhead, as the Speaker has said, Representative Ditter of Pennsylvania, Chairman of the Republican Congressional Campaign Committee, and one of the minority leaders of the House, is with us now.
Mr. Ditter?
I read that.
We are at a fateful hour in the history of the American people.
Every member of Congress is conscious of that fact.
Our deliberations in this session of the Congress may determine whether we follow positively and aggressively the constructive pursuits of peace or allow ourselves to be drawn into the consuming inferno of war.
Before such a challenge, affecting the destiny of 130 million people, all thought of partisanship gives way.
To the deepest impulses of patriotism, the heart of America cries aloud for peace.
Only calm thinking and deep Americanism will enable us to see clearly through the bellowing fog of alien propaganda to the clear path of national interest.
The greatest service As I see it, that America can render to the world is to keep aglow the beacon light of liberal, constitutional government.
That light is the hope and the only hope, I might say, of the world today.
At this time, we should support wholeheartedly the President's plea for a unity of purpose And I feel that that unity of purpose can best be expressed in his own word when he said, and I quote, Despite what happens in continents overseas, the United States of America shall and must remain, as long ago the father of our country prayed that it might remain, unentangled
And it's in this spirit that the House of Representatives, Republican and Democrat, convene today to try to solve the great and perplexing problem.
Thank you, Mr. Jitter.
We've just heard from Speaker Bankhead of the House of Representatives and Representative Jitter, Chairman of the Republican Congressional Campaign Committee.
Now, let me turn this back to Mr. Davis.
And while Mr. Warner is attempting to contact Mr. Bloom, the representative from New York, it might be interesting to review once again the history of the special sessions of Congress.
This session today was the 25th Congress that has had a special session since its organization 150 years ago.
John Adams was the first president to call a special session.
He summoned the 5th Congress to meet May 15, 1797, to consider suspension of diplomatic relations with France.
Thomas Jefferson and James Madison each found it necessary to call two extraordinary meetings because of the split between the United States and the Great Britain, or rather Great Britain, which led eventually to the War of 1812.
Again, Abraham Lincoln called a special session of the 37th Congress on July 4th in 1861, just prior to the war between the states.
The greatest number of special sessions have been summoned by Woodrow Wilson and Franklin D. Roosevelt.
That means three each.
Mr. Wilson, of course, called his special sessions just prior to and during the World War.
Mr. Roosevelt's first extraordinary session of Congress was in March of 1933 to pass emergency New Deal laws.
We have with us a woman congressman, Representative Norton, Mrs. Norton of New Jersey, Chairman of the House Labor Committee.
I wonder if you'd tell us a little about what you think will be in store in the session ahead.
back again with another distinguished member of Congress, Mr. Warner.
We have with us a woman Congressman, Representative Norton, Mrs. Norton of New Jersey, Chairman
of the House Labor Committee.
I wonder if you'd tell us a little about what you think will be in store in the session
ahead.
Well, I believe that the Congress will abide by the suggestion of the President and shall
not consider any legislation other than the legislation concerning the embargo.
At least that is my hope.
I believe that the Congress was very much impressed by the message delivered by the President and I think the great majority of us were entirely in favor of all that he had said.
I wonder if you look forward to a long session and to a bit of fight over the arms embargo.
No, I do not.
From my conversation with a great many members today, I believe the session will not be long.
I believe we may be out of here.
Not later than three weeks from now.
I hope I'm a prophet.
As I understand it, the House will be going into three-day recesses until the Senate acts.
Yes, of course, the House already has acted upon this legislation.
And until the Senate acts upon it, I presume there will be nothing for the House to do but await the will of the Senate.
And no doubt, when the bill comes back to us, That's why we shall have our day in court.
Thank you very much, Mrs. Norton.
You're very welcome, and thank you very much for asking me to come here.
Mr. Davis.
And thus, the Columbia Broadcasting System concludes its broadcast relevant to the address of the President of the United States before a joint session of Congress on the neutrality laws of the country.
You have heard the address by President Roosevelt, and prior to his address, and following it, Mr. Warner, Columbia's Washington News analyst, interviewed several prominent congressmen.
This is John Charles Daly speaking from the House of Representatives in the capital of the United States in Washington, D.C.
This is the Columbia Broadcasting System.
3.10 p.m.
D.U.L.O.V.A.
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A broadcast of the baseball game between the Washington Senators and the Cleveland Indians will begin this afternoon at 4 p.m.
WJSB, Washington.
of work and dreams, your life will have been pure and joyous.
The career of Alice Blair.
The transcribed true-to-life story of a lovely girl fighting for fame and happiness.
Facing the problems, the heartaches and thrills on the ladder to success.
At this time every day, Monday through Friday, join Alice Blair in her fascinating career.
It was the poet Wood what he said, the world is too much with us.
Late and soon, getting and spending, we lay waste our powers.
And I'm afraid in many ways he was right, especially where we women are concerned.
Our daily swirl of activities, the evenings we're out late, those busy mornings cleaning house, everything conspires to play havoc with our complexion.
And goodness knows a woman's complexion is part and parcel of her natural charm.
That's why it's so important to guard the skin by proper cleansing.
I mean with a pure cold cream.
Dagger & Ram's Dope Perfect Cold Cream because Dagger & Ram's Dope Perfect Cold Cream removes dirt, dust, and makeup without robbing your skin of the natural oils.
For your own fresh, attractiveness, use it before you go to bed and then again in the morning.
Ask at your drugstore or beauty parlor for the big, generous, 45-cent jar Alice has had an exciting and eventful afternoon at Mercury Studios.
William Waldron, the top director, is to direct Alice in her screencast.
And the young actor, Barry Clayton, at his own request, is to play with her in the scene.
Both Waldron and Creighton were deeply impressed by the script that Alice brought to you as an attempt.
And Waldron was more than enthusiastic over Alice's reading of the scene.
Of course, she carefully evaded all their questions as to who had written it.
For Alice, fun as Carl Evite, she would under no condition mention that he was the writer.
The feud between Carl and Hollywood is notorious.
Paul met the apartment.
Uncle Andy, waiting for Alice, hears a tap at the door.
A tap that becomes more familiar as the days in Hollywood go on.
Don't need to give myself three guesses who that is.
It's that lady from next door again.
Oh, hello there, ma'am.
Hello, Andy.
The kettle's on.
Come on in and have a cup of nice hot tea.
Hot tea on a day like this?
Of course.
Why, there's nothing so refreshing.
Come on.
Well, it sounds mighty attractive, I'm expecting Alice any minute now, and I just don't think I'd better leave.
We could leave the door to my apartment open, then we'll hear her when she comes upstairs.
Well, I think maybe I'd just better stay here.
Well, everything's all set out, so if you change your mind... All set out, did you say?
Uh-huh.
Well, come on.
I'll come in just at first bell, and we'll leave the door open.
That's fine.
Oh, my, you know, You shouldn't put yourself out this way.
Maybe I like doing it.
Now I'll pour the tea.
You know, there's nothing more gracious than a woman presiding over a tea table.
Uh-huh.
But a tea table shouldn't be set with gleaming silver to make the picture complete.
Oh, I hadn't missed the gleaming silver.
To me, the picture is already quite complete.
How nice of you.
And there's plenty of time for all that dreaming to over someday when you get a home of your own.
Oh, don't.
Screw you.
You didn't take a pinch of what I said.
Oh, no, no, no.
Of course not.
It's only that the idea of a home is so far from my mind.
You see, Andy, I've battled alone and, well...
You take two lumps of sugar and no lemons.
No, no.
How did you remember that?
How could I forget it?
There you are.
Thank you, thank you.
You know, it seems to me, even if a woman does follow a career as her life works and chooses to battle through alone, as you say, there's still no reason why she can't have her own home, And even have the green silver?
Oh, of course, if her career is a highly successful one.
You know, I've wondered sometimes if I've chosen the right path.
Andy?
Hmm?
I had a chance to go on location for two weeks.
Yeah?
I'm not going because of you.
Oh, now, see here, Mary, you can't let us interfere with your work like that.
Can't I?
Well, I just couldn't bear to go away for two weeks.
You don't know what it's meant having you and Alice so close by.
Well, for the first time, this little apartment has seemed like a real home to me.
I never knew what I was missing before.
It's been such fun asking you in for tea, running in and out, asking your advice.
Oh, but, uh, you know, this will have to stop, Myra, if it's to interfere with your work.
Well, it's worth everything.
Oh, come on, let's not even think of it.
I did it because I wanted to.
Well, no, I don't like that one bit.
Now, not another word about it, do you hear?
We're going to have a lot of fun.
We're going to be very, very giddy over the weekend.
Oh, I have such wonderful plans.
Andy, have you ever been to Venice?
To Venice?
Well, no, I shouldn't say I haven't.
Would you like to go with me?
We can go to Venice.
Oh, you sweet spring.
I don't mean to Venice, Italy.
I mean Venice, California.
You know, down by the beach, like Coney Island.
That's a heart of a different kind.
Oh, Andy, you're too wonderful for words.
Will you go with me?
We'll have a rollicking time.
Well, it sounds a bit giddy for a man of my age.
Oh, a man of your age.
When you get on a rollercoaster, you'll forget there's such a thing as age.
Me on a rollercoaster?
Oh, the very idea.
Oh, that's just the way you talked about dancing the other night.
And you turned out to be the best partner I ever had.
Yeah, well, that's a bit different from a rollercoaster.
Oh, you old blasé New Yorker.
Of course, I realize that Venice isn't nearly as pink as your Coney Island, Things don't have to be big to be cozy, do they?
Not at all.
Your apartment, Fran?
It would be such a lot of fun.
Me on a rollercoaster.
Zooming through space and out.
Um, I don't know.
I just don't take to those things.
Oh, you never know how much you like a thing till you try.
And I promise you won't fall out because I'd hang on, oh, very, very tight.
Well, I don't know.
I may consider it, after all.
If I cooked very, very hard.
Well, and you say you would hang on very, very tight?
Uh-huh.
Not afraid or so, and one of those.
Oh, hello there, Alice.
Hello.
Come on in.
We left the door open so I'd hear you when you came.
You mean so I'd hear you.
Heard you laughing tear down the front hall.
What's the big show?
Don't you dare tell.
Oh, no, not in a million years.
Have some tea, Alice.
No, thanks.
Oh, come on, come on, Alice.
You sit down and have a cup while you tell us all about what happened today.
Let me pour it for you.
Thanks.
I really don't care for any.
It's too hot.
Oh, that's just a notion some folks have.
That you get all steamed up over a hot drink.
Now, when you come right down to it, there's nothing more refreshing on a hot afternoon than a cup of hot tea.
It cools you off much quicker than a cold drink does.
Now, am I right, ma'am?
You absolutely are.
Come on, Alice.
Join us.
No thanks, really.
I have to start learning lines anyway.
Have to be at the studio at the crack of dawn.
Or want to help me with the lines, Uncle Andy?
Oh, wait till he has another cup of tea.
Then I'll send him in.
Oh, I think I've had all that's good for me.
And it's been a very stimulating afternoon, Myra.
Especially the first part.
The first part?
Oh, you just wait.
I'll show you what real stimulation is.
It's a promise, remember?
Oh, I'm remembering all right.
Say, what are you two talking about anyway?
What's the big mystery?
Should we let her in on the secret, Myra?
Don't you dare.
No, can't let you in on it.
No, you're too young.
You wouldn't understand.
That's the hateful kind of a remark you make to a growing child.
Well, enjoy the tea, Myra.
We'll do it again whenever you say the word.
See you later.
Oh, I tell you, you should have tried some of that tea.
It really does cool you off.
Being with that woman never cools me off.
Now, sit here, chickadee.
Don't go off on a tangent.
It's really good to get home.
I don't know why you rear up the way you do.
Myra just puts herself out to be a good friend to her.
You know, it's sort of sad and pathetic.
She's been alone so much.
Having us here, she said, made the place seem sort of home-like.
I really got a bit upset, though.
She turned down a call to go on location for two weeks, just so she could be around here and enjoy our company.
Well, that sort of puts us on the spot, doesn't it?
What are we supposed to do, stay around and entertain us?
Oh, we'll make it up to her some way.
Say, what was the big secret?
You both acted like You swallowed a mouse or something?
Oh, no, no.
We didn't do anything of the kind.
I heard you laughing when I came up the stairs.
What was it, anyway?
It wasn't anything at all.
Well, if it wasn't anything at all, why don't you tell me what it was?
You're just magnifying the whole thing.
It was a little joke that Myra and I had, that's all.
Nothing more than that.
Well, why act so mysterious about it?
We weren't doing anything of the kind.
You said yourself that we let her in on the secret.
Now, now, see here, just because you're my favorite niece, there's no reason for you to check up on every little thing I'm thinking and every little joke I'm sharing with someone else.
Oh, I'm not checking up on you, Uncle Andy, but we've always done everything together, especially since we've been out here.
Well, uh...
A lot of things you do that I don't check into as much as I think they ought to be sometimes.
Now, dear, you just mind your own business, young lady, and, uh, let your uncle have his private life.
I'm sorry.
I had no intention of interfering with your private life.
Oh, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, no.
Don't get happy, dear.
I'm not happy!
You'll find out in due time what it is we're talking about.
When will I find out?
When it's over and done with.
and not before.
That innocent little remark is destined to lead to an awful lot of trouble.
trouble.
Is Alice right in her suspicions of Myra?
Is Myra out for Uncle Andy?
If there's one place on Earth where a man looks like a bull in a china shop, that's a beauty parlor.
But I was in just such a spot the other afternoon.
You see, I had a date with a lovely creature, and because she was going to be late, she told me to meet her there.
Should I be silly and embarrassed?
However, I did learn something.
Women pay far more attention to their complexions than we men ever realize.
And when I spoke to my date about the matter, she said, no woman can afford to neglect her skin.
With a man's typically blunt curiosity, I asked her what she used on her complexion.
And she replied, if you must know, I always cleanse with Daggett and Ramsdell Perfect Cold Cream.
And, judging from how fresh and soft and absolutely irresistible her complexion is, I guess there must be something to this idea of cleansing your face with Daggett and Ramsdell Cold Cream every day.
Why not try that 25-cent jar?
Remember the name Daggett and Ramsdell.
The name you can trust.
Is Uncle Andy interested in Mara?
Or is he man-like, flattered by her attention?
Alice draws her own conclusion when she comes home unexpectedly
in tomorrow's exciting transcribed career of Alice Blair.
Are you faced with no more swimming for a while?
No driving your car with the top down?
No sitting out in the cool breezes to avoid the heat?
These are the sad consequences of having a summer head cold.
The summer variety of cold usually hits you in a very uncomfortable spot.
The nose.
Nothing is as mean or persistent as a stuffed-up nose.
You can't stop a cold from running its course.
But you don't have to put up with all the discomfort.
You can do something about it.
Just apply Mistall drops.
They're great for relieving the discomfort of a summer head cold.
Mistall drops coat the nasal passages with a gentle, soothing oil.
Swelling is temporarily relieved.
You can breathe easier.
Get a bottle of Mistal Drops today.
And ask your doctor about Mistal Drops with ephedrine.
Remember, Mistal Drops with ephedrine are green.
Mistal Drops without ephedrine are red.
But don't accept substitute.
Be sure you get genuine, soothing Mistal Drops.
Available at all good drugstores.
This is Columbia Station for the Nation's Capitol.
WJSB, Washington.
Good afternoon.
This is your Arrow News reporter with last-minute, hit-the-spot news, brought to you four times daily through the courtesy of Arrow Beer and Dale.
Arrow beer has that famous flavor that made it a big favorite in Washington, and that today makes Arrow the fastest growing beer in the city.
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President Roosevelt has just called on Congress to repeal the embargo provisions of the American Neutrality Law.
The President asked the legislators to substitute for the embargo a cash-and-carry system of trade with the warring nations.
Mr. Roosevelt urged Congress, which was convened in extraordinary joint fashion, to work with one single hard-headed thought, namely, keeping America out of this war.
President Roosevelt's address, together with other activities at the special session of the United States Congress, was covered fully by the Columbia Broadcasting System and station WJSB, ending just a short time ago.
It will therefore not be necessary at this time to repeat details already broadcast.
Meanwhile, the White House has disclosed that President Roosevelt plans to leave Washington Friday for a weekend at Hyde Park to observe the 85th anniversary of his mother's birth.
Mrs. Sarah Delano Roosevelt celebrated her 85th birthday today.
Six youthful assassins shot and killed Premier Armand Colin Escu of Romania this afternoon.
The Premier was a vigorous foe of the pro-Nazi Iron Guard organization.
The assassination occurred while the Premier was driving by automobile to the Royal Palace.
The Premier was 46 years old.
He also held at the time several other cabinet portfolios, including the Ministry of War.
During his regime, the government has suppressed the Nazi-minded Iron Guard organization, charging it with terrorism in Romania.
Two of the assassins of Premier Kalinescu committed suicide by shooting the knife when surrounded in a midtown store, guards cutting off their escape.
The Romanian legation in Berlin reports that an army marshal, General Ernest Balice, has been appointed as Romania's new premier.
This indicates a strong militant government in the little Balkan kingdom, which has suddenly become a pivotal state in Europe.
According to the legation, the cabinet has issued a statement stressing that order prevails throughout the nation, despite the assassination of Premier Karanescu.
More details of the ill-fated diplomatic steps which led to the outbreak of the new European war were made public by the British government today.
A white paper was issued saying that Germany answered Great Britain's ultimatum of September 2nd for withdrawal of Nazi troops from Poland with a threat to answer any aggressive action on the part of England with the same weapons and in the same form.
There's a lot of speculation just now over what is happening at sea.
The British government will not comment on reports that the Bremen has been captured by British warships.
Nor is there any statement about battles at sea, nor an explanation of heavy firing heard off the Danish coast.
Radio broadcast from Warsaw today, according to reports from London, say the beleaguered metropolis still is Polish.
Colonel Lipinski, the Pole's official broadcaster, reports that the Poles in Warsaw are carrying on their fight against the Germans, and have even scored minor victories in a few Warsaw subverts.
However, Lipinski announces that three flights of forty German planes did great damage yesterday.
He reports that Polish anti-aircraft fire brought down seven German crafts.
But he adds that those which were not shot down destroyed what was left of the Royal Castle, the Art Academy's National Museum, and the Central Institute for Physical Training.
Jan Paderewski, now in Paris, says Poland's sacrifice has not been in vain.
The world-famous Polish pianist and wartime premier of Poland believes his country's resistance has given the Allies time to make the preparations which will lead them to victory.
Meanwhile, Europe's western battlefront is quiet today.
But it may be only the lull before the storm.
Troops are on the march in both France and Germany, moving up to Bulwark Front Line.
France has now completed general mobilizations, with six million men under arms.
And British troop movements in France continue with a feverish pace.
Listen in again for the Arrow News Reporter, brought to you by the Globe Brewing Company, Baltimore, at 5.30 this afternoon.
Remember, when you order beer, be sure to ask for Arrow.
The beer with the famous flavor.
Show King's Feeding, this is Columbia Station for the Nation's Capital.
WJSB, Washington.
Dr. Brent calls surgery.
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so you can get you-tip saw in the same familiar package today.
And now, road of life.
.
Today marks the opening of the sensational trial of the people of the state of Illinois versus John McEwan, an 11-year-old boy against whom the grand jury returned an indictment for murder as the first count, manslaughter as the second.
A momentous day for the impressionable youngster upon whom it will leave an indelible impression for the rest of his journey along the road of life.
The courtroom is filled to capacity with crill-seeking public.
Several onlookers eager for a glimpse of the boy whom they've been discussing and rooting about for over a week.
The boy whom the newspapers have branded as a criminal.
The jury has been selected.
Twelve men and women who are to hand down a decision after hearing the state's attorney pair the defendant's reputation to shreds.
After hearing the human appeal of Mr. Greger and his counsel, a penny for leniency.
And now, at the end of the courtroom, we see Butch, bewildered, pathetic, sitting with Mr. Gregory.
Judge Gray is about to address the clerk.
And as we listen in, we hear... Swear the jury, Mr. Clerk.
.
Where the jury was the. And the rise and raise your right hand.
You know and each of you will solemnly swear by the ever living God that you will
well and truly try the issues done here and that's a verdict render according to
the law and evidence for you.
We do indeed.
All right, Mr. Stacey Bailey.
Thank you, your honor.
May it please the court.
Ladies and gentlemen of the jury.
At this time, I would like to offer you my congratulations for having been selected to hear this, which may prove to be a very interesting and unusual case.
After having been questioned by myself and your counsel for the defense, we feel that you men and women are of the type who are qualified to hear and judge this cause, which is now going to trial before you.
is an important duty, it is obvious.
A young boy is on trial before you, and you are to determine fairly and impartially, from the evidence which is given from the witness stand, the guilt or innocence of the defendant.
Now, when you hit the jury box, you're not expected to leave all your life's experiences outside the courtroom.
You're expected to use the same good sense and judgment that you use in all those experiences.
Listen carefully to all the evidence, and based on those experiences and the knowledge that you obtain from them during your lifetime, you will be able to decide whether or not this boy is guilty of the crime with which he has been charged.
At this time, I feel it is my duty to warn you that merely because this boy is but eleven years of age, you are not to consider that fact or let it govern your decision.
After you've heard all the evidence, the court will instruct you that any infant over ten years of age may be found guilty of any crime or misdemeanor if the evidence so wants.
I should also at this time like to warn you that the fact that a child is on trial should not affect or arouse your sympathy should the evidence indicate that he is guilty.
The defense may and probably will no doubt Attempt to play upon your sympathies and to win your pleas.
I'm going to object to the State's Attorney trying to influence the jury with whatever the case and the defense might be at this time.
The objection is sustained.
Thank you.
Mr. State's Attorney, kindly confine yourself from outlining the case to the jury and remain within the province of an open statement.
I'm sorry, Your Honor.
I meant no offense.
Ladies and gentlemen of the jury, the question to be weighed is one that must be decided upon consideration of strict right only.
If a crime recognized as such by our statute has been committed, if that crime be fixed upon the prisoner at the bar, then it is immaterial what his age is.
And what ulterior consideration might prompt you to wish that this cup might pass from his lips?
Your sworn duty, your obligation as citizens concerned with the preservation of the social order as friends of the law, and interested in its preservation, all speak with one voice.
And that voice is awfully distinct.
Do your duty, and let the consequences fall upon those who have recklessly, brutally, and criminally violated the most fundamental laws of society.
Who has steeped his hands in the blood of his fellow being, and who denies doing so He's a wicked homicide!
Your Honor, I don't know why the State's Attorney insists on making his speech at this time.
I believe that he should be warned to confine himself to the opening statement which Your Honor permitted him to make at this time.
Mr. State's Attorney, proceed with your outline.
Very well, Your Honor.
Ladies and gentlemen, This is the prosecution of John McEwan, the defendant, for the crime of murder and the crime of manslaughter.
This accusation against the prisoner we expect to sustain by the following evidence.
That on the 24th day of August last, John McEwan armed himself with a loaded pistol and with the intent to kill did fire that pistol at one Margaret Allen, striking her in the right upper chest, and that as a result of that gunshot wound, Margaret Allen died.
We intend to show that earlier in the day, this defendant had an argument with Margaret Allen.
We intend to show that he sulked around that entire day.
That as day drew to an end, the passion to take the life of Margaret Allen grew within the mind and breast of this defendant.
And that on the date aforementioned, he turned upon the deceased and inflicted wounds from which Miss Allen died on the fourth day.
This, ladies and gentlemen, is the simplest possible statement of the case.
I have averted the mention of circumstances which will necessarily appear in evidence.
If we shall prove these facts by the testimonies we shall bring forward, we will have made out our case.
And your duty will be to award that crime the penalties prescribed by law.
Order!
Order! Order in the court!
Surgery calling Dr. Brent.
.
.
you And so we leave the courtroom of Judge Gray, if the state's attorney finishes his opening statements, which has been of little or no significance to the young boy who sits ardently staring at him, then let his three friends in the front row, Kim, Greta, and Dr. Thompson, whose curious expressions give way to reassuring looks, if they feel butchered eyes turn their direction.
What will Mr. Gregory have to say when he addresses the cross in jury?
Be sure to listen tomorrow!
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♪♪ What can Mr. Gregory say when he addresses the jury?
Is there any way that the attorney can possibly prove to the court that a third person was present at the time of the fatal shooting of Margaret Allen?
Be sure to tune in again at the same time tomorrow.
Listen to Word of Life!
Attention, please, for an important announcement of a change in time for Road of Life.
If your community has not been observing Daylight Saving Time, Road of Life will come to you one hour later, beginning next Monday, September 25th.
However, if your community has been observing Daylight Saving Time, Road of Life will come to you at the same time as today.
This is Stuart Smith, speaking for the missus of Tiptoe, and wishing you good afternoons.
You want long layers of silk stocking, don't you?
Well, the makers of famous whole-poor stockings say, wash every night in ivory flake.
Plywoods for extra wear from every pair.
Wash your stockings every night in pure ivory slate.
Have a sunny and each day's end on past the dawn and pale hours.
The world sits high and let us cry.
If you love someone, this day is ours.
♪♪ Fisco presents a thrilling love story entitled,
This Day is Ours.
♪♪ So here's a tip for all you ladies who expect to enter cake
baking contests this fall.
Now listen closely because I'm going to tell you how to walk off with practically every blue ribbon in place.
And here's how.
You just get new Sheer Mix Crisco and use it with your regular cake recipes.
While your cake will be so much higher and lighter and tenderer than any cake you ever made before with any other
shortening you can buy, the judge will probably suspect you of trickery.
But, lady, it won't be trickery.
It'll be the result of the greatest shortening discovery in 29 years.
Your eyes and ears sure mix crystal is now vastly different from any other household shortening you know of.
Why, it'll even act differently in your mixing bowl.
All your ingredients will mix more thoroughly, more completely, and you'll have an entirely new type cake
batter that'll give you cakes that are lighter and tenderer than any cake you ever made before.
And, oh boy, what a grand eating cake it'll be.
Why, before Parks and Gamble introduced you to Sure Mix Crystal, hundreds of cakes were made in the crystal kitchens.
Each cake was measured.
The Sure Mix Crystal cakes baked up higher, as much as 15% higher, depending on the type of cake.
And, lady, that's the kind of cake you can get with new Sure Mix Crystal.
Higher, lighter, tenderer cake.
Far better eating cake than you've ever made with any other household shortening you know of.
Now, when you go to get new Sure Mix Crystal, just ask for Crystal, because this new, vitally improved shortening has
been packed in the same familiar crystal can with the same familiar crystal label.
There's been no change on the outside, but what a change there is in the new Sure Mix Crystal inside.
So, why don't you plan right now to enjoy the three wonderful cake-making advantages new Sure Mix Crystal now
brings you.
Yes, and change to new sure makes Crisco today.
And now, this day is ours.
Bye.
Late last night in Mrs. Simpson's boarding house, her lovely face lit by a shaft of moonlight Eleanor was tense and drawn.
Her eyes were heavy and weary from lack of sleep.
And when Kurt said goodnight, she said... Kurt, I... I've been thinking of you lately, and the things you've said to me.
If I thought I'd ever be a hero and celebrate our marriage and life, I'd rather be dead than married.
I'm a type, Kurt.
I'm okay because I'm afraid.
It's early the following evening.
Kurt has been out looking for work all day while Eleanor's been sewing and mending her meager wardrobe in preparation for her coming marriage.
Now, alone in the front parlor after dinner, they sit in silence, both wrapped in deep thought.
Finally, Eleanor looks at the shaggy-headed man she's promised to marry and says, Kurt, I feel terrible about last night.
Me, I do.
I shouldn't have gone all to pieces and said what I did.
There's nothing wrong in that, Dutchess.
I'm glad you told me how you feel, because, well, I'm the guy you're gonna marry, and I'm the guy who ought to know.
Oh, Kurt, I'm afraid I'm an awful sissy.
Well, that's okay with me.
I don't like hard-boiled women or anything.
Yeah, I shouldn't have let little Susie write me up that way.
I couldn't help it, Kurt.
She sat there and did me exactly how I thought about marrying you, without a job or any real hope for the future.
She looked right through me like a crystal beaser.
Well, she explained she felt the same way just before she married Jimmy.
That's what frightened me, Kurt.
I love Kurt, yes.
Look, come here.
Relax, will you?
Relax.
There, that's better.
Now, what are you worried about, huh?
You've got me, and I've got you.
Right?
Yes.
If we don't have anything else, we have that much, don't we?
Yeah.
You know, I'm much of a philosopher, Dutchess, but this much I do know.
Home, family, all life has to begin just like we are.
Man and woman.
Mates.
Adam and Eve didn't have anything.
Nobody all right, did they?
I don't know my Bible very well, but I can't remember saying anything about Eve getting bitter, cynical, fed up with married life.
I don't know if I even have any money or pretty clothes.
Of course, maybe I'm not a good guy like Annamarie.
Oh, yes, you are.
At least, you already are.
Yeah, and we can't miss.
And you won't ever be like Margaret.
You're not that type.
I don't think Margaret was either before she married Jimmy.
I thought so at first, but I didn't know because... That's why I was so scared.
Maybe this marriage will have me really hoping that he'll do something to me.
Well, look, I won't let her do anything to you, Natchez.
I promise you that.
Kurt, do you think we'll be glad to tell anybody this one's worth a job?
Oh, we don't want to wait a whole year to get married, do we, Natchez?
No, I guess not, Kurt.
I don't think so.
Of course not.
Who's this, huh?
Oh, hello, Kurt.
Hello, Ellen.
Hello, Jimmy.
Is Green here?
No, no, she isn't, Jimmy.
I thought she was out playing off that hooker tournament that you had last night.
She retired with a golf-heeled flash and accepted the whole hooker world.
That's a clown.
I hate to bother you with this, but was there any murder when you talked to her?
You've seen the way she's been acting.
Yes, I've been out all day looking for a job and when I came home she was all dressed up, fit to kill.
I don't know where she got the money for a new dress, but she's got one.
She's going out dancing.
Don't let her go, pal.
Put your foot down.
Oh, I did.
She's going just to see.
I see.
I say, Duchess, I'd like to talk with you alone.
We'll step out for a minute.
Do you mind?
No.
No, go ahead.
Okay.
Okay, come on, John.
Come here, John. Let's hear you.
She going out with another man?
Oh, I don't know, but I do know what it would mean if she goes out tonight.
This is the first time she's done it, and when she does, I lose her.
No, you won't, Jim.
I know I will.
She's sick of staying in that hole we live in.
Sick of not having pretty clothes.
Not going out because I can't afford it.
Oh, Kurt, I... I love her so much.
I don't want to lose her.
I was going to ask Grandma to come and talk to her, but she isn't here.
Tune in next week for the exciting conclusion.
Good night, folks, and God bless each and every single one of you.
♪♪ ♪♪
I don't know.
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