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Nov. 29, 1995 - Bill Cooper
55:25
Kennedy #4
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Lights out of the tower.
The tower of the dark.
Lights out of the curtain.
and I hope you do this, okay?
See you.
I'm William Cooper, and this is the Hour of the Time.
So Tonight, ladies and gentlemen, we will continue with part four of our continuing series on the life, the presidency, and the assassination of John Fitzgerald Kennedy, President of the United States.
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John Fitzgerald Kennedy accepts the Democratic nomination for the office of President of the United States of America.
And I can assure all of you here, who have the courage and confidence in me, that I will be worthy of your trust.
We will carry the fight to the people in the fall.
And we shall win!
October 1960.
Campaigning in New York City.
Abraham Lincoln said in the election of 1860 that this nation cannot exist half slave and half free.
I don't think in the long run the world can exist half slave and half free.
And whether it moves in the direction of slavery, whether it moves in the direction of the communists, or whether it moves in the direction of freedom, will depend in the final analysis upon us, upon our figure.
Upon our energy.
Upon our determination.
And on that basis, on our commitment to build a strong country and a free world, I come to New York City on the steps of this old city hall and ask your support.
November 1960.
John F. Kennedy is elected President.
I ask your help in this effort.
And I can assure you that every degree of mind and spirit that I possess will be devoted to the long-range interests of the United States and to the cause of freedom around the world.
So now my wife and I prepare for a new administration and for a new baby.
Thank you.
January 1961.
Mr. Kennedy is sworn in as the 36th President of the United States.
You, John Fitzgerald Kennedy, do solemnly swear.
I, John Fitzgerald Kennedy, do solemnly swear.
That you will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States.
That I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States.
And will, to the best of your ability.
And will, to the best of my ability.
Preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States.
Preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States.
So help you God.
So help me God.
Let the word go forth.
From this time and place.
To friend and full of life.
That the torch has been passed.
To a new generation of Americans.
Born in this century.
Tempered by war.
Disciplined by a hard.
And bitter peace.
Proud of our ancient heritage.
And unwilling to witness.
All from it.
and the small undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.
Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price Thank you.
Fare any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty.
This much we pledge and more.
Thank you.
To those old allies, whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, We pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.
To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.
We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view, but we shall always hope to find them Strongly supporting their own freedom.
Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge, but a request, that both sides begin anew the quest for peace.
Remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof.
Let us never negotiate out of fear.
But let us never fear to negotiate.
And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country.
Thank you.
My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.
Later in January 1961, the address to Congress on the State of the Union, I Our greatest challenge is still the world that lies beyond the Cold War.
But the first great obstacle is still our relations with the Soviet Union and Communist China.
We must never be lulled into believing that either power has yielded its ambition for world domination, ambitions which they forcefully restated only a short time ago.
On the contrary, our task is to convince them that aggression and subversion will not be profitable routes to pursue these ends.
Open and peaceful competition For prestige, for markers, for scientific achievements, even for men's minds, is something else again.
For if freedom and communism were to compete for man's allegiance in a world of peace, I would look to the future with ever-increasing confidence.
On the presidential coat of arms, the American eagle holds in his right talent the olive branch.
Well, on his left he holds a bundle of arrows.
We intend to give equal attention to both.
We must increase our support of the United Nations as an instrument to end the Cold War instead of an arena in which to fight it.
In recognition of its increasing importance and the doubling of its membership, we are enlarging and strengthening our own mission to the UN.
We shall help ensure that it is properly financed.
We shall work to see that the integrity of the office of the secretary general is maintained.
Life in 1961 will not be easy.
Wishing it, predicting it, even asking for it, will not make it so.
There will be further setbacks before the tide is turned, but turn it we must.
The hopes of all mankind rest upon us, not simply upon those of us in this chamber.
But upon the peasants in Laos, the fishermen in Nigeria, the exiles from Cuba, the spirit that moves every man and nation who shares our hope for freedom and the future, and in the final analysis, they rest most of all upon the pride and perseverance of our fellow citizens of the great Republic.
In the words of a great President, whose birthday we honor today, closing his final State of the Union message sixteen years ago, We pray that we may be worthy of the unlimited opportunities that God has given us.
Thank you.
February 1961.
He won.
President Kennedy addresses a prayer breakfast in the nation's capital.
Let us go forth to lead this land that we love.
Joining in the prayer of General George Washington in 1783,
That God would have you in His holy protection, that He would incline the hearts of the citizens to entertain a brotherly love and affection one for another, and finally, that He would most graciously be pleased to dispose us all to do justice, to love mercy, and to demean ourselves with the characteristics of the divine author of our blessed religion, without an humble imitation of whose example we can never hope to be a happy nation.
The guiding principle and prayer of this nation has been, is now, and shall ever be, in God we trust.
Thank you.
May 27th.
May 27th, 1961.
So I go to Khrushchev in Vienna.
I will be heard.
I see value in talking to those of Superalloy, but I also think of value At a time when both sides possess weapons of mutual destruction and annihilation, I think it's also valuable that there should be understanding and communication and a firm realization of what we believe.
So I go to Mr. Khrushchev in the end.
And I carry with me a message which is written on one of our statues by a distinguished and vigorous New Englander, William Lloyd Garrison.
I am an earnest.
I will not equivocate.
I will not excuse.
I will not retreat a single inch, and I will be heard.
July 1961.
one.
President Kennedy reports to the nation on Berlin.
It would be a mistake for others to look upon Berlin because of its location as a tempting target.
The United States is there.
The United Kingdom and France are there, the Pledge of NATO is there, and the people of Berlin are there.
It is as secure in that sense as the rest of us, for we cannot separate its safety from our own.
The solemn bond we each of us gave to West Berlin in time of peace will not be broken in time of danger.
If we do not meet our commitments to Berlin, where will we later stand?
If we are not true to our word there, all that we have achieved in collective security which relies on these words will mean nothing.
And if there is one path above all others to war, it is the path of weakness and disunity.
To sum it all up, we seek peace, but we shall not surrender.
That is the central meaning of this crisis and the meaning of this government policy.
With your help and the help of other free men, This crisis can be surmounted.
Freedom can prevail, and peace can endure.
September 1961.
An address before the United Nations in New York.
We meet here in an hour of grief and challenge.
Dag Hammarskjöld is dead.
So let us here resolve that Dag Hammarskjöld did not live Or die in vain?
Let us call a truce to terror.
However difficult it may be to fill Mr. Hammershaw's place, it can better be filled by one man rather than by three.
Even the three horses of the troika did not have three drivers, all going in different directions.
To permit each great power to decide its own case Would entrench the Cold War in the headquarters of peace.
Whatever advantages such a plan may hold out to my own country, as one of the great powers, we reject it.
Every man, woman, and child lives under a nuclear sword of diametrics, hanging by the slenderest of threads, capable of being cut at any moment by action, or miscalculation, or by madness.
So weapons of war must be abolished before they abolish us.
November 2nd, 1915.
The President discusses nuclear tests.
In terms of total military strength, the United States would not trade places with any nation on Earth.
We have taken major steps in the past months to maintain our lead And we do not propose to lose it.
Secondly, the United States does not find it necessary to explode 50 megaton nuclear devices to confirm that we have many times more nuclear power than any other nation on Earth, and that these capabilities are so deployed so as to and that these capabilities are so deployed so as to survive any sneak attack and thus enable us to devastate any nation which initiates a nuclear attack on the United States or its allies.
It is essential to the defense of the free world that we maintain this relative position.
In view of the Soviet action, it will be the policy of the United States to proceed in developing nuclear weapons to maintain this superior capability for the defense of the free world against any aggressor.
No nuclear test in the atmosphere will be undertaken as the Soviet Union has done for so-called psychological or political reasons. .
But should such tasks be deemed necessary to maintain our responsibilities for free world security in the light of our evaluation of Soviet tests, they will be undertaken only to the degree that the orderly and essential scientific development of new weapons has reached a point
Where effective progress is not possible without such tests, and only within limits that restrict the fallout from such tests to an absolute minimum.
In the meantime, as a matter of prudence, we shall make necessary preparation for such tests so as to be ready in case it becomes necessary to conduct them.
In spite of the evidence which shows very clearly that the Soviet Union was preparing its own tests While pretending to negotiate their cessation at Geneva, the United States maintained its determination to achieve a world free from the fear of nuclear tests and nuclear war.
We will continue to be ready to sign the Nuclear Test Treaty, which provides for adequate inspection and control.
The facts necessary for such a treaty are all evident.
The arguments on both sides have all been made.
A draft is on the table, And our negotiators are ready to meet.
November 11th, 1961.
At the tomb of the unknown soldier, Arlington National Cemetery, Arlington, Virginia.
There is no way to maintain the frontiers of freedom without force and commitment and risk.
There is no swift and easy path to peace in our generation.
No man will witness The tragedy of the last war.
No man who can imagine the unimaginable possibilities of the next war can advocate war out of fear of burden or frustration or impatience.
But let no nation confuse our perseverance and patience with fear of war or unwillingness to meet our responsibilities.
We cannot save ourselves By abandoning those who are associated with us, or rejecting our responsibilities.
In the end, the only way to maintain the peace is to be prepared in the final extreme to fight for our country.
And the meanest.
April, 1962.
The Steele situation is discussed at a presidential press conference.
The simultaneous and identical actions of United States Steel and other leading steel corporations.
Increasing steel prices by some six dollars a ton constitute a wholly unjustifiable and irresponsible defiance of the public interest.
In this serious hour in our nation's history, when we are confronted with grave crises in Berlin and Southeast Asia, when we are devoting our energies to economic recovery and
When we are asking reservists to leave their homes and families for months on end, and servicemen to risk their lives, and four were killed in the last two days in Vietnam, and asking union members to hold down their wage request, at a time when restraint and sacrifice are being asked of every citizen, the American people will find it hard as I do to accept a situation
In which a tiny handful of steel executives, whose pursuit of private power and profit exceeds their sense of public responsibility, can show such utter contempt for the interests of 185 million Americans.
If this rise in the cost of steel is imitated by the rest of the industry instead of rescinded, it would increase the cost of homes, autos, appliances, And most other items for every American family.
It would increase the cost of machinery and tools to every American businessman and farmer.
It would seriously handicap our efforts to prevent an inflationary spiral from eating up the pensions of our older citizens and our new gains in purchasing power.
June 1962.
President Kennedy speaks at the Yale graduation.
It might be said now that I have the best of both worlds.
a Harvard education and a Yale degree.
I am particularly glad to become a Yale man because as I think about my troubles, I find that a lot of them have come from other Yale men.
It is true and of high importance That the prosperity of this country depends on the assurance that all major elements within it will live up to their responsibilities.
If business were to neglect its obligations to the public, if labor were to be blind to all public responsibility, above all, if government were to abandon its obvious and statutory duty of watchful concern for our economic health, if any of these things should happen, Then confidence might well be weakened.
And the danger of stagnation would increase.
This is the true issue of confidence.
The French are glad to die for love.
They delight in fighting to earth.
But I prefer a man who lives and gives.
A kiss on the hand Maybe quite continental But diamonds are a girl's best friend A kiss maybe grand But won't pay the rental on your humble flat Or help you at the auto-mat
Men grow cold as girls grow old, and we all lose our jobs in the end.
But squint or pear-shaped, these locks don't lose their shape.
And I'm the girl's best friend.
Tiffany.
Cartier.
Black star, black star.
Tell to me Harry Winston.
Tell me all about it.
Then may come a time when a wife needs a lawyer But diamonds are a girl's best friend Then may come a time when a hard-boiled employer Think you're all so nice But get that ice or else no dice He's your guy when stocks are high
But you will when they start to descend You think that those lies will go back to despise you?
I was all a girl's best friend I've heard of the fairs that are Three weeks of times The diamonds are a girl's best friend Thank you.
And I think the fairs that you like to use with Sonic are better fit.
If Little said, get Jake back yet.
Time rolls on.
I knew she's gone.
And you can't straighten up when you bend.
But if I could please, you stand straight at Jesus, Jesus Dino Dino All the girls best Best friends
October 19th Another crisis.
Cuba and the missiles.
This government, as promised, has maintained the closest surveillance of the Soviet military build-up on the island of Cuba.
Within the past week, unmistakable evidence has established the fact that a series of offensive missile sites is now in preparation on that imprisoned island.
The purpose of these bases can be none other than to provide a nuclear strike capability against the Western Hemisphere.
The characteristics of these new missile sites indicate two distinct types of installations.
Several of them include medium-range ballistic missiles capable of carrying a nuclear warhead for a distance of more than 1,000 nautical miles.
Each of these missiles, in short, is capable of striking Washington, D.C.
The Panama Canal, Cape Canaveral, Mexico City, or any other city in the southeastern part of the United States, in Central America or in the Caribbean area.
Additional sites not yet completed appear to be designed for intermediate-range ballistic missiles, capable of traveling more than twice as far, and thus capable of striking most of the major cities in the Western Hemisphere.
This urgent transformation of Cuba into an important strategic base by the presence of these large, long-range, and clearly offensive weapons of sudden mass destruction constitutes an explicit threat to the peace and security of all the Americas.
Soviet government publicly stated on September 11th that, and I quote, the elements and military equipment sent to Cuba are designed exclusively for defensive purposes.
I'm quoting.
If there is, and I quote the Soviet government, there is no need for the Soviet government to shift its weapons for a retaliatory blow to any other country.
For instance, Cuba, unquote.
And that, and I quote the government, "...the Soviet Union has so powerful rockets to carry these nuclear warheads that there is no need to search for sites for them beyond the boundaries of the Soviet Union." That statement was false.
Only last Thursday, as evidence of this rapid offensive buildup was already in my hand, The Soviet Foreign Minister Gromyko told me in my office that he was instructed to make it clear once again, as he said his government had already done, that Soviet assistance to Cuba, and I quote, pursued solely the purpose of contributing to the defense capabilities of Cuba, unquote.
That, and I quote him, training by Soviet specialists of Cuban nationals in handling defensive armaments was by no means offensive.
And if it were otherwise, Mr. Benico went on, the Soviet government would never become involved in rendering such assistance.
Unquote.
That statement also was false.
The 1930s taught us a clear lesson.
Aggressive conduct, if allowed to go unchecked and unchallenged, ultimately leads to war.
This nation is opposed to war.
We are also true to our word.
Our unswerving objective, therefore, must be to prevent the use of these missiles against this or any other country and to secure their withdrawal or elimination from the Western Hemisphere.
Acting, therefore, in the defense of our own security and of the entire Western Hemisphere and under the authority entrusted to me by the Constitution as endorsed by the resolution of the Congress, I have directed that the following initial steps be taken immediately.
To halt this offensive buildup, a strict quarantine on all offensive military equipment under shipment to Cuba is being initiated.
All ships of any kind bound to Cuba from whatever nation or port where they're found to contain cargoes of offensive weapons be turned back.
This quarantine will be extended, if needed, to other types of cargo and carriers.
It shall be the policy of this nation to regard any nuclear missile launch from Cuba against any nation in the Western Hemisphere as an attack by the Soviet Union on the United States, requiring a full retaliatory response upon the Soviet Union.
I call upon Chairman Khrushchev to halt and eliminate this clandestine, reckless, and provocative threat to world peace.
Let no one doubt that this is a difficult and dangerous effort on which we have set out.
No one can foresee precisely what course it will take, or what costs or casualties will be incurred.
The cost of freedom is always high.
But Americans have always hated it.
And one path we shall never choose, and that is the path of surrender, or submission.
November 15, 1962.
Equal jobs, opportunities of firm stance.
There are too many areas of our country where there is an equal opportunity, where people are inadequately paid, where they work too long, where their rights are not guaranteed.
And as long as that's true, there's a need for the American labor movement.
So that I ask you today to join in an old cause and a new one, and that is to make sure that in the ranks of labor, labor itself practices what it preaches.
If it's true of labor, it must be true of all of us.
It must be true of the national government.
We must make sure that in our employment practices, in the national government, in all grades, that we practice what we preach.
That we make it possible not only to meet equal opportunity, but also to encourage it.
Not to merely treat all those who apply to us equally, but to make sure that we invite and encourage and stimulate equal opportunity.
That requires some work.
February 7th, 1963.
Another prayer breakfast and another message.
You and I are charged with obligations to serve the great republic in years of great crisis.
The problems we face are complex, the pressures are immense, and both the perils and the opportunities are greater than any nation ever faced.
In such a time, the limits of mere human endeavor become more apparent than ever.
We cannot depend solely on our material wealth, on our military might, or on an intellectual skill or physical courage to see us safely through the seas that we must sail in the months and years to come.
Along with all of these, we need faith.
We need the faith which our first settlers crossed the sea to carve out a state in the wilderness, a mission, they said, in the Pilgrims Compact, the Mayflower Compact, undertaken for the glory of God.
We need the faith with which our founding fathers proudly proclaimed the independence of this country to what seemed at that time an almost hopeless struggle, pledging their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor with a firm reliance on the protection of divine providence. and their sacred honor with a firm reliance on the Later that same day, President Kennedy again discusses Cuba and a still greater crisis.
We cannot base the issue of war and peace on a rumor or report, which is not substantiated, or which some member of Congress refuses to tell us where he heard it.
This issue involves, very definitely, war and peace, and when you talk about the presence of offensive weapons there, if they are there, I think the Soviet Union is aware, and Cuba is aware, We would be back where we were in October, but in a far more concentrated way.
Now, if you're talking about that, and you're talking about the kinds of actions which would come from that, it seems to me we ought to know what we're talking about.
Now, it may be that there are, hidden away, some missiles.
Somebody can prove that they're in the finite sense that they're not there, or they might be brought in.
But they're going to have to be erected.
And we continue complete surveillance.
They have to be moved.
They have to be put on the pads.
They have to be prepared to fire.
And quite obviously, if the Soviet Union did that, it would indicate that they were prepared to take the chance of another great encounter between us with all the dangers.
Now, they had those missiles on the pad, and they withdrew them.
The United States is not part of us in the area of Cuba, but I do think we should keep our heads and attempt to use the best information we have.
We've got, I think as Secretary McNamara demonstrated, we're taking the greatest pains to try to be accurate, but we have to deal with The facts is we know them and not merely rumors and speculation.
Now, as I say, these things may all come about and we may find ourselves again with the Soviet Union toe to toe.
But we ought to know what we have in our hands before we bring the United States and ask our allies to come with us to the brink again.
May 5th, 1963.
The American Labor Movement.
I am astonished, as President of the United States, with some understanding of the problems that this country faces in the fifties To see how difficult it is for us to pass assistance to education so that your children and the children of fellow Americans can go to college in 1970?
I'm astonished that it's so difficult for us to provide transit so our workers and our people can go to work.
I'm astonished that it's so difficult for us to provide in the 1960s assistance for our youth who are out of work, who are pouring into our labor market.
The fact of the matter is that the problems are not so dangerous As they were in the 1960s, but they're still with us.
I don't think that any American can be satisfied to find in McDowell County in West Virginia, 25% of the people of that county out of work, not for six weeks, or twelve weeks, but for a year, two, three, or four years.
So I'm very conscious, as President of this country, that this is a rich and prosperous and growing country.
But I do think that we have an obligation to those who have not shared in that prosperity, those who may find fault, For the American labor movement today in the United States, as they find fault with so many things in this country, need only look abroad, in Latin America, in Europe, in all parts of the world, and see labor unions controlled either by the Communists or by the government, or no labor unions.
And when they find either one of those three conditions, they find inevitably poverty or totalitarianism.
And therefore I think it's a fair judgment to make that a free, active, May 8, 1963.
Birmingham.
Trade Union Movement stands for a free, active, progressive country.
And that's the kind of country...
And that's the kind of country I'm proud to be president of.
Thank you.
May 8th, 1963.
Birmingham.
I'm gratified to note the progress in the efforts by white and Negro citizens to end an ugly situation in Birmingham, Alabama.
I've made it clear since assuming the presidency that I would use all available means to protect human rights and uphold the law of the land. .
Through mediation and persuasion, and where that effort has failed, through lawsuits and court actions, we have attempted to meet our responsibilities in this most difficult field where federal court orders have been circumvented Ignored or violated.
We have committed all the power of the federal government to ensure respect and obedience of court decisions and the law of the land.
In the city of Birmingham, the Department of Justice some time ago instituted an investigation into voting discrimination.
It supported, in the Supreme Court, an attack on the city's segregation ordinances.
We have, in addition, been watching the present controversy To detect any violations of the federal civil rights or other statutes.
In the absence of such violations or any other federal jurisdiction, our efforts have been focused on getting both sides together to settle in a peaceful fashion.
The very real abuses too long inflicted on the Negro citizens of that community.
Assistant Attorney General Burt Marshall, representing the Attorney General and myself on the scene, has made every possible effort to haul a spectacle which was seriously damaging the reputation of both Birmingham and the country.
Today, as the result of responsible efforts on the part of both white and Negro leaders, over the last 72 hours, the business community of Birmingham has responded in a constructive and commendable fashion and plagues of substantial steps would begin to meet the justifiable the business community of Birmingham has responded in a constructive and commendable fashion and plagues - Wait.
Negro leaders have announced suspension of their demonstrations.
And when the newly elected mayor, who has indicated his desire to resolve these problems, takes office, the city of Birmingham has committed itself wholeheartedly to continuing progress in this area.
While much remains to be settled before the situation can be termed satisfactory, we can hope that tensions will ease, and that this case history Which has so far only narrowly avoided widespread violence and fatalities, will remind every state, every community, and every citizen how urgent it is that all bars to equal opportunity and treatment be removed as properly as possible.
I urge the local leaders of Birmingham, both white and Negro, to continue their constructive and cooperative efforts.
November 22nd, 1963.
President Kennedy's final address, Fort Worth, Texas.
We would like to live as we once lived, but history will not permit it.
The communist balance of power is still strong.
The balance of power is still on the side of freedom.
We are still the keystone of larger freedom, and I think we will continue to do as we have done in our past, our duty.
I'm confident, as I look to the future, That our chances for security, our chances for peace are better than they've been in the past.
And the reason is because we're stronger.
And with that strength is a determination to not only maintain the peace, but also the vital interests of the United States.
To that great cause, Texas and the United States are committed.
it.
Thank you.
On November 22nd, 1963, while en route to the Dallas Trade Center, John Fitzgerald Kennedy was shot and killed by an assassin's bullet.
Perhaps no other words more adequately state the credo of our 35th President than those which were to conclude that speech.
We, in this country, in this generation, are by destiny rather than choice the watchmen on the walls of world freedom.
We ask, therefore, that we may be worthy of our power and responsibility, that we may exercise our strength with wisdom and restraint, and that we may achieve in our time and for all time the ancient vision of peace on earth, goodwill toward men.
That must always be our goal, and the righteousness of our cause must always underlie our strength.
For as was written long ago, Except the Lord keep the city, the watchman waketh but in vain.
You can close the New York Stock Exchange.
Shut down the pool in Indonesia.
In Florence, Italy, a woman will weep from the duomo clutching a picture of your victim and cursing your name.
Your wife will weep.
His wife will weep.
The world will weep.
Grief, grief beyond imagination.
Bear the death of innocence and hope.
The bitter burdens which you bear.
The bitter truths you carry in your heart.
You can share them with the world.
You have the power of Pandora's Box.
Please open it.
I believe you need to hear your family.
We're your family.
I admire our respect for you.
Make us proud of you.
We'll be spending our days with the family.
Listen to us.
We've been waiting for you.
Make them listen, boys.
We're a family.
And we love you.
We love you.
Thank you.
Thank you.
and that's good.
Bye-bye, baby.
Remember your love, baby, when they give you the eye.
And just think So that I care, I will write and declare that I'm a loser, but I stay on the square. but I stay on the square.
I feel lonely, but even though I'm lonely, there'll be no other guy. there'll be no other guy.
well Though I've become a woman, I know that I'll keep With my baby, bye-bye.
Bye, with my baby, bye-bye.
I've been so busy.
But when that rain falls through me, then my show goes on and on and on.
So you be gone for a while.
I know that I'll be fine.
With my baby, my son.
My, my baby, remember.
Remember you're my baby.
When they give you the eye.
Although I love that you're there.
Hope you're like happy friends.
That's how I want to lose.
You are still on the square.
I'll be to be with you.
But there's a rainbow to be.
Then my shadow will fly.
And oh, you'll be gone far far.
I know that it's fine.
With my baby.
Fine and fine and fine.
With my wonderful baby.
Fine and fine.
You have been listening to the Hour of the Time.
I'm William Cooper.
Our sponsor is Swiss America Trading.
They specialize in non-confiscatable, non-reportable hard assets.
Real money.
Tonight's episode was number four in our continuing series on the life, the presidency, and the assassination of President John Fitzgerald Kennedy.
Ladies and gentlemen, it is imperative that we not forget the terrible tragedy that happened in Dallas, Texas on November 22, 1963, for that one incident succeeded in destroying the very political will of the people of this nation, and it was a major step in the direction
of world government.
Please don't miss tomorrow night's episode number five.
Good night, and God bless each and every single one of you.
Good night.
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